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Societies around the world have buried their dead at home. Anthropologists want to understand why the practice started, and why it has largely disappeared

Field Museum—There are countless different cultures and societies around the world, spanning thousands of years. One thing that they all have in common is that no matter what, death is a part of everybody’s life. Examining how different societies commemorate their dead can give archaeologists and anthropologists insights into how those societies work and what matters to them. In a new paper published in the journal American Antiquity, a team of researchers explored the practice of burying the dead in or near their family’s houses.

“In the deep past, settlements were places where both the living and the dead coexisted and felt at home,” says Sabina Cveček, an archaeologist and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Global Postdoctoral Fellow at the Field Museum in Chicago.

Residential burials, in which people are buried inside of or very close to their houses, are no longer common, especially in the West. But over the past few centuries, cultural anthropologists have documented several societies all around the world that have residential burials. Why some societies began burying their dead at home, and why so many of them later stopped, has remained a mystery. “Until now, nobody had tried to find a way to predict whether or not a society would practice residential burial,” says Cveček, the new paper’s lead author.

“One theory about why some societies started to practice residential burials has to do with where people lived, and how long they lived there,” says Cveček. “Some researchers theorized that once people started settling down, they might have buried their dead by their houses to mark their territory.”

To investigate this theory, Cveček examined a database of cultural records, or ethnographies, dating back several centuries. She built a dataset of 60 different societies from around the world and found that 12% of the ones in her sample practiced residential burials. That number seemed low to Cveček and her colleagues.

“I went over the data with Carol Ember, an anthropologist at Human Relations Area Files at Yale, and we agreed, we weren’t seeing that many residential burials in these records. We wanted to know, what’s going on?” says Cveček. Cveček, Ember, and their colleague Tim Earle, an archaeologist at Northwestern University, reached out to fellow archaeologists at the Field Museum, who were familiar with the seemingly more frequent occurrence of residential burials in ancient sites.

The researchers consulted another database and built another dataset based on archaeological records. Unlike the ethnographies, which were written by anthropologists about societies that they observed in real life in the past few centuries, the archaeological data included information about societies from thousands of years ago. “Ethnographies are about as old as the practice of cultural anthropology, so they only date back a couple hundred years, but archaeology can tell us about societies from way longer ago,” says Cveček.

The research team examined burial records from 49 different archaeological sites from around the world. They found a lot more evidence of residential burials than they had in the ethnographies of more recent societies. “It was incredible to see, about 33% of the communities we looked at had at least some family members buried within or around their homes,” says Cveček.

The team wanted to know why residential burials were so much more common in the earlier societies than in the more recent ones. While some anthropologists and archaeologists have hypothesized that residential burials were associated with people living in more permanent residences, the data didn’t support this idea.

“We found that there wasn’t a strong link between how transient or permanent a society was, and how likely they would be to practice residential burial,” says Cveček. But the databases did yield a potential reason why the more recent ethnographies contained so few descriptions of residential burials in comparison to the older archaeological findings.

“In the ethnographies I read, in many cases, anthropologists would say that the society being described used to practice residential burials, but that they stopped when major organized religions and colonization arrived in those places. For instance, they’d say that a society used to bury their dead at home, but now they use Christian cemeteries outside the settlement, or that a society used to bury their dead at home, but with the spread of Hinduism, they adopted cremation,” says Cveček. “It seems like colonization really impacted burial practices on a global scale for the past four centuries and beyond, and that’s part of why residential burials are much less common in the ethnographic record.”

Gary Feinman, a co-author of the study and the MacArthur Curator of Mesoamerican and Central American Anthropology at the Field Museum’s Negaunee Integrative Research Center, notes that colonization doesn’t explain all of the changes in burial practices that the team observed, but that change over time is common in cultural practices overall. “A key finding of this paper is that even a practice as sensitive and important to most people as how and where we inter our dead can shift in specific cultural contexts over time. Human cultural behaviors are dynamic, not static, and for some of the cases studied here, the changes in burial practices even shifted well before the Colonial era,” says Feinman.

Overall, the findings offer anthropologists a deeper understanding of humanity. “The choices people make about burying their loved ones provide insights for archaeologists into how their societies were organized,” says William A. Parkinson, Curator & Associate Director of Anthropology at the Field Museum and the paper’s senior author.

While questions remain about what makes a society more likely to practice residential burials, Cveček says that the underlying story of the practice can help us forge connections to our fellow humans around the world.  “I think the most beautiful message from this study is that there are so many different practices of mourning the dead. But residential burial, keeping the dead close to you at home, was a practice present around the globe throughout human history,” says Cveček.

This study was contributed to by Sabina Cveček (Field Museum), Timothy Earle (Northwestern University), Carol Ember (Yale University), Gary Feinman (Field Museum), and William A. Parkinson (Field Museum).

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The slab-stone roof of a subterranean tomb on residential Terrace 925 at El Palmillo, Santiago Matatlán, Oaxaca, Mexico (ca. 700–850 CE). The image foreground is the surface of a domestic patio with small remnants of white plaster, while the tomb was situated under a room of the house (positioned on the terrace). Note the small carved stone, which was part of the patio banquette in front of the tomb. When in use, the tomb was entered from the patio.  Credit: Photo credit: Linda M. Nicholas, Field Museum.

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The Lepenski Vir (6300–6000 BC) architectural phase, characterized by trapezoidal buildings in which numerous infant burials were placed close to the house walls.  Credit: Sabina Cveček

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Article Source: Field Museum news release.

Diet reveals what life was like 2,700 years ago in a local community: Gender inequality, social status, and migration

University of Córdoba—An international study* led by the Universities of Córdoba and Pisa used isotopic analysis to reconstruct the dietary traces left in the human remains found in an Italian necropolis, revealing what daily life was like in that community 2,700 years ago. Despite the passage of time, certain patterns of behavior recur: diet, human mobility, gender differences, and the role of funerary symbolism to signify social status.

The study focused on the Novilara necropolis, one of the largest burial grounds of the Picene culture (a pre-Roman culture in central Italy that was contemporaneous with the Tartessian societies on the Iberian Peninsula, among others), and combined bioarchaeological and multi-isotopic analyses.

Specifically, the research team analyzed the stable isotopes of carbon, nitrogen, and sulfur, “chemical footprints” of diets, recorded in bones, teeth, hair, and nails that can be preserved for thousands of years. “As they form, bones and teeth absorb the isotopic composition of the food and water consumed. As a result, analyzing them can provide information about diet, mobility, and the environment in which people lived,” explained Zita Laffranchi, a researcher in the Prehistory Department at the University of Córdoba.

While isotopes provide information about diet, food offers clues about social behavior. In this regard, the study revealed a diet that differed by sex (men had greater access to animal protein compared to women), and a society in which between 1.4% and 6.4% of the people came from other areas, suggesting mobility and contact with other populations, including some that were even distant.

Their diet, primarily based on cereals and meat rather than fish — despite the proximity of the Adriatic Sea, just 6 kilometers away — suggests that the prestige reflected in some tombs wasn’t always accompanied by noticeable differences in the living conditions of those who were buried.

“The study shows that social inequality cannot be interpreted solely based on the objects placed in graves,” Laffranchi explained. Individuals buried with valuable objects, such as amber ornaments or weapons, showed no isotopic evidence of eating better than those buried more modestly. This suggests that the social status conveyed by the grave was a symbolic construct that did not necessarily reflect the deceased’s position or living conditions. Instead, it likely stemmed, at least in part, from the decisions and traditions of the community’s survivors.

The study, published in the Journal of Archaeological Science, provides new evidence about the lifestyles of pre-Roman Iron Age societies and helps us understand the extent to which social differences, gender, and mobility were reflected in daily life. “The study demonstrates the potential of bioarchaeological approaches to understand how people experienced identity, mobility, and social differences in the past,” said Marco Milella, a researcher at the University of Pisa.

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Zita Laffranchi, researcher of the Universyity of Cordoba. Credit: Zita Laffranchi, researcher of the Universyity of Cordoba

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Article Source: University of Córdoba news release.

*Laffranchi, Z., Beck De Lotto, M.A., Delpino, C., Lösch, S., Milella, M. (2026). Multi-isotopic insights into diet, mobility, and status in the Picene necropolis of Novilara, Italy (8th–7th centuries BCE). Journal of Archaeological Science 192, 106633. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2026.106633

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How Digital Archives Reshape Archaeological Research

Archaeology has always run on careful documentation. Field notes, excavation drawings, pottery records, skeletal measurements – the records that make a site understandable often outlast the site itself. What’s changed in recent decades is where those records live and who can actually reach them.

Digital archives haven’t just moved paper records online. The real shift is in what researchers can now do that simply wasn’t practical before.

From Storage to Research Infrastructure

The transition from physical to digital archives is easily seen as a story about preservation. Storage is a part of that, but the bigger shift is what becomes feasible when the records are searchable and interconnected and connected to each other.

One researcher who studies Bronze Age settlement patterns in the Aegean once spent months writing to archives, waiting for copies, and painstakingly comparing site records that were never meant to be compared. Today, systems like tDAR, ADS and OpenContext include thousands of excavation datasets which can be accessed and searched in ways that facilitate true cross-site research.

What Interoperability Actually Means

When datasets share the same vocabulary and metadata standards, records from different excavations can be searched together. A researcher interested in ceramic finds across a specific period and region can pull relevant datasets from multiple sites and compare them directly, rather than piecing that comparison together from incompatible paper records.

That’s a significant change. It turns what used to be a multi-year project into something that can serve as a starting point for a study rather than consuming the whole thing.

The Literature Problem and How Summarization Helps

Digital archives don’t only contain raw data. They hold published reports, grey literature, conference papers, and unpublished excavation summaries – more text than any individual researcher can read through completely.

Literature review has always been one of the most time-consuming parts of any research project, and the growth of accessible digital material has made that even more true. A researcher beginning a study on Roman-period farming, for example, might face hundreds of relevant reports and papers from archives across multiple countries. Reading every one in full before starting any analysis would push the timeline back by months.

This is where text summarization has become a genuinely useful part of archaeological workflows. Researchers working through large bodies of grey literature increasingly turn to Getsolved’s summarizer tool during the initial source review stage to condense lengthy reports into the key findings, dates, site details, and methods that determine whether a source is actually relevant to their question. That kind of rapid triage doesn’t replace careful reading of the most important sources – it identifies which sources deserve that careful reading in the first place. Across a literature review of any real scale, the time saved is significant and lets researchers focus their attention where the material is most likely to inform the work.

Archaeological Data Management at Scale

As more excavation data moves into digital form, archaeological data management has become its own area of expertise. The questions aren’t just about where to store things, but how to structure them so they stay usable over time and across different research contexts.

A few of the ongoing challenges:

  • Standardization: Different excavation teams have used different recording systems and classification methods. Combining records from multiple projects means mapping between those systems, which takes real effort.
  • Time span: Archaeological records cover long stretches of history. A database that makes records from a 1960s dig comparable to those from a 2020 excavation has to account for major differences in how things were recorded and documented.
  • Context preservation: Raw data without context is often impossible to interpret. The information that explains how a record was created – who recorded it, under what conditions, using what approach – matters just as much as the record itself.
  • Long-term access: Digital formats go out of date. Keeping archives readable decades from now requires active upkeep and format updates, not just initial digitization.

These aren’t problems any single database solves permanently. They’re ongoing challenges that require sustained attention.

How Digital Access Changes Fieldwork

The relationship between archives and fieldwork runs both ways. Archives shape where excavations happen and what questions they’re built to answer. But fieldwork also generates the records that archives preserve.

Digital tools have changed the fieldwork side a lot. Photogrammetry, drone survey, ground-penetrating radar, and 3D scanning now produce detailed spatial data that would have been impossible to collect a generation ago. That data flows into archives in formats that support far more analysis than any hand-drawn field sketch could.

One result is that documentation from a modern excavation is richer and more reusable than anything older methods could produce. Another is that a single excavation now generates a much larger volume of data, which comes with its own management responsibilities.

Remote Access and Collaborative Research

Probably the most practical change digital archives have enabled is real international collaboration. A team studying a specific pottery tradition can now compare their finds with documented assemblages from sites across multiple countries without anyone needing to travel to physical archives. Researchers at smaller institutions can access primary records that were previously only available to those with resources to visit major collections in person.

That wider access has real implications for who can participate in archaeological research and how the field develops.

Here’s how digital access has changed key aspects of the research process compared to traditional methods:

Aspect Traditional Approach With Digital Archives
Literature review Manual requests, physical copies, weeks of waiting Searchable databases, instant access, rapid triage
Cross-site comparison Incompatible paper records, manual reconstruction Shared standards, direct dataset queries
International collaboration Travel to physical archives required Remote access from anywhere
Field documentation Hand drawings, written notes, limited detail 3D scans, drone data, photogrammetry
Data reuse Records often inaccessible after publication Datasets available for future research

What Remains Hard

Digital archives have expanded what’s possible in archaeological research, but they haven’t solved everything. A large share of existing excavation records – especially from older projects – are still in physical form or in digital formats that don’t connect well with current systems. Bringing those records into usable shape is slow, resource-heavy work.

There are also interpretive questions that archives alone can’t answer. A dataset can tell you what was found and where. It can’t tell you what it meant to the people who made or used those objects. That interpretive work still depends on researchers who understand the period, the region, and the broader context.

Conclusion

Digital archives have shifted the practical reality of archaeological research in ways that are still unfolding. The scale of comparative work that’s now achievable, the speed of literature review, the accessibility of records from sites around the world – these changes have meaningfully expanded what researchers and small teams can accomplish.

The core challenge hasn’t changed: making sense of fragmentary evidence left by people who had no idea they were leaving a record. What’s changed is how much of that evidence any given researcher can actually work with. That’s a real advantage, and the field is still figuring out how to use it fully.

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Temples on the Edge

The island country of Malta, about 113 miles south of Sicily in the central Mediterranean Sea, is popularly known as a tourist hotspot, attracting both short-term travelers and an expanding expatriate community because of its warm climate and numerous recreational areas. It also boasts a long and complex history and prehistory, including seven iconic prehistoric sanctuaries built between 3800 BC and 2500 BC. They are numbered among the oldest freestanding stone structures on Earth. Older than both Stonehenge and the Egyptian Pyramids, these UNESCO World Heritage Sites showcase an extraordinary architectural feat achieved by a Neolithic civilization working entirely without metal tools. 

But behind the story of these priceless treasures is another story—one that speaks of endangerment, destruction and cultural loss.

Popular Archaeology interviewed Dawn Adrienne Saliba, Ph.D., an archaeologist based in Malta. Along with her academic work, she is known as an activist, championing the cause for protecting and preserving the current remains of Malta’s prehistoric heritage, and those yet to be unearthed.

What follows is the substance of that interview, followed by a pictorial.

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What is your background and education as it relates to what you are currently doing?  You have extensively studied the Hal Saflieni Hypogeum on Malta.  How do you interpret the significance, purpose and use of this ancient site?  What other archaeological matters are you involved with in Malta?

My background is very multi-disciplinary, yet it all revolves around a central theme: theatre. I have a Ph.D. from SUNY Binghamton where I utilized a cultural-historicist approach to Early Modern Drama, but I also have an MFA in musical theatre writing obtained at New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts—and most of my adult life was spent writing, directing, and performing for the stage. However, I  recently completed an MPhil in Archaeology from the University of Malta, which concentrates on evidence of liminality and proto-theatricality from Malta’s Late Neolithic civilization.

It happened like this: In 2013, as I was finishing up the Ph.D., I took a trip to Malta just to meet family and explore the region. When I visited the Hypogeum of Ħal Saflieni (as a tourist), my heart stopped as I beheld one chamber which seemed clearly purposefully-shaped as a theatre. After the tour, I researched the academic literature to see what had been written about it in terms of its performative dimensions, and no one had really tackled the subject:  so I vowed to move to Malta and study it myself!

Nearly a decade later, my study is complete—it was an incredible journey. Essentially, the study shows how Ħal Saflieni is one of the world’s earliest extant purposefully-built theatre spaces. It precedes the Theatre of Dionysius (often cited as the world’s earliest theatre) by millennia, and the Hypogeum deserves its own  place in the annals of theatre history.

Heritage Malta granted me permission to conduct phenomenological studies within the space, through a process I call “performance fieldwork.” Inspired by David Lewis-Williams’ work in Paleolithic caves, I utilized a multi-evidential stranding methodology that synthesized empirical observations of the area’s architectonic dimensions (spatial measurements, participant-access points, sightlines, soundwave distribution, etc.) with phenomenological study. Drawing on my theatrical background and working with a team of academic colleagues also experienced in performance (music, dance, acting, and recitation), we performed in various sections of the Hypogeum, also recording our observations and experiences as participants and observers. This enabled us to draw conclusions as to how the Hypogeum’s architecture likely affected past performative movements and audience reception.

However, what consumes most of my work today is, unfortunately, advocating against the destruction of several archaeological sites here in Malta, some of which are quite important.

My advocacy started one month after I moved to the country in 2017, when I found out that a site that had held the foundations of one of Malta’s earliest Roman buildings was going to be destroyed for a car showroom. Aghast, I founded the collective, MALTA-ARCH along with some like-minded colleagues and passionate activists and fought for the area’s protection. We only succeeded in saving a fraction of it; although they abandoned the showroom idea, they created a raised building that preserves some of the Roman remains below. But, tragically, many other nearby remains were destroyed to build a supermarket right next to another supermarket in a small town that, at the time, possessed 17 other supermarkets.

And that’s how it goes in Malta.

Sadly, since then the situation has just gotten progressively worse. Today, there are *three development proposals within the buffer zone of the UNESCO heritage site, Ġgantija Temple—one of Malta’s most iconic cultural treasures, as well as one of the most important Neolithic sites in the world! Ġgantija is situated on a plateau near two other areas: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum. Recent developments near these sites have already destroyed important archaeological landscapes, and more are in the pipeline.

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Above and below: Views of the Hal Saflieni hypogeum. Above Public Domain

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Credit: Hamelin de Guettelet, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What is the significance of the Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna megalithic complexes?  What do they say about the ancient culture that once thrived on Gozo?

As I stated, Ġgantija is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world; it’s been protected by UNESCO since1980. As UNESCO writes, the site is important because of its “originality, complexity and striking massive proportions [and the] considerable technical skill required in their construction.”

Ġgantija was built on a massive scale, with enormous megaliths nearly 10ft (3m) tall and walls extending up to 23ft (7m). It is of stunning beauty and reveals some of the world’s earliest free-standing monumental stone architecture, famously predating Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids by at least a millennium (the earliest temple was built somewhere between  3800 –  3600 BCE). Its massive megaliths testify to the extraordinary complex society of Neolithic Malta, revealing a community that was able to mobilize architects, artisans, and laborers in the creation of a communal and, quite likely, sacred ritual space that was linked to a larger network of communities across the islands of both Gozo and Malta that shared a similar culture.

Similar to other temples on Malta’s main island, Ġgantija was situated within a larger monumental landscape that was utilized for over a thousand years. Near Ġgantija are two other coeval structures: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum, both of which have also yielded revelatory information.

The Xagħra Circle hypogeum, especially, was a game-changer in providing new information regarding this prehistoric society. Although most of its main monuments were destroyed in the 19th century, many of the burials were excavated in the 1990s, providing us with the first comprehensive scientific examination of such a Neolithic area in Malta. This study revealed previously unknown elements of funerary ritual, including the disarticulation and sorting of bones, the staining of bones with red ochre, and the movement of bones across the site.

The least famous and protected of the megalithic complexes, Santa Verna, is nonetheless just as important. GPR surveys and excavations from the 2014 FRAGSUS study reveal it once had been a 5-apse structure (likely temple) with unique features, including a hidden pit-like structure made of polygonal stone tiles and a mosaic cobblestone path. But the real value is in the landscape around it. Lead Archaeologist Caroline Malone emphasizes that Santa Verna’s archaeology extends far beyond the megaliths; untouched paleosols are still extant, preserving ancient soils, bones, seeds, pottery, lithics, and environmental material. The site’s landscape (which we’re fighting to protect) is still relatively undeveloped and it also provides a means for the visitor to have valuable phenomenological experiences that give windows into the prehistoric past.

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Above and below: Ggantija. Above, credit Bs0u10e01, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What are the specific issues related to Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna in terms of conservation and preservation?

The entire plateau, where all three sites are located, is being threatened. Worse—structures within Ġgantija’s protected buffer zone are being approved or considered for development: Ġgantija Heights, a 22-apartment development directly east of the temple that the Gozo Regional Council warned would cause “permanent harm” and another 27-apartment complex with an underground parking garage just west of the temple and steps away from the Xagħra Circle.

Even worse, there is a development being planned over a recently discovered extension of the Circle, which has not received any significant protection, despite its classification as a “Class A site.” Indeed, the only protection the human remains were given was simply a tarp thrown over them held in place by some rocks six years ago—no signs or fences were ever installed. Now, the tarp is weathered and torn and the human remains may have disappeared. Absolutely disgraceful.

Then there is the ongoing issue of Ta’ Lablab, a few minutes’ walk from Santa Verna. This area had a beautiful cave system situated right near a Ġgantija-Phase burial pit that had contained human remains, including a line of seven skulls, mostly children’s, interred in a unique way, shedding new light on funerary ritual. However, this pit was partially destroyed by a bulldozer and the entire site would have been destroyed had it not been for the efforts of a local resident who alerted the police, press, and took the matter to court. We also launched extensive awareness-raising events and objection campaigns about this area, resulting in the temporary salvation of 1/3 of the site—however, not the area with the burial pit of caves. At the moment, the caves are already partially demolished and developers are still trying to acquire permission to develop upon the remaining third.

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Above and below: Santa Verna. Courtesy Dawn A. Saliba

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Ta’ Lablab Burial Pit. Carmen Bajada

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Close up of Ġgantija-Phase Human Bones: Carmen Bajada

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Above and below: Ta’ Lablab Caves. Dawn A. Saliba

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Xaghra Circle. Kappa Vision

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Qacca Burials, above 2021, below 2026. Dawn A. Saliba

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What are the implications for the rest of the cultural treasures/resources on Malta and Gozo as a result of the Santa Verna and Ggantija stories?

Nothing here is fully protected. Forces of corruption, cronyism, ignorance, and greed are already destroying some of our most environmentally and archaeologically precious areas.

What would you suggest as a solution or set of solutions for addressing culturally significant sites across Malta and Gozo?

The current Maltese government is intent on dismantling our cultural-heritage protective mechanisms, so, sadly, no help can be found there, though massive protests and court cases led by NGOs do sometimes succeed. But for every one site that gets rescued, it seems a dozen more are destroyed.

There is almost no hope with this current government—in the case of Ta’ Lablab we have almost exhausted every outlet: the courtroom, objection-letter campaigns, Planning Authority presentations, the Environment and Protection Review Tribunal, the national Ombudsman, Parliamentary petitions—all agencies have been bent to serve the will of an authoritative leader who governs unilaterally—despite massive violations of existing cultural heritage protection laws and massive, incessant protests by NGOs and private citizens.

The government simply does not care.

And when a nation-state goes rogue, violating its own laws and conventions, where is there accountability?

What is needed now is efficacious international pressure: a coordinated network of archaeologists, heritage lawyers, UNESCO and ICOMOS officials, European cultural-heritage bodies, investigative journalists, and civil-society organizations capable of documenting violations, publicizing them internationally, and forcing not just Malta, but all regions to answer for violations of cultural-heritage treaties and agreements they have signed, including the Valletta Convention. UNESCO, especially, needs to step in.

The archaeology community can help, because international scholars can do what local citizens often cannot: lend authority, visibility, and pressure to demand that Malta’s prehistoric landscapes be treated not as disposable real estate, but as something that belongs to the history of the entire world.

What are your future plans/goals for your work and mission as they relate to the cultural treasures of Malta and Gozo?

I would very much like to not have to spend all of my time advocating for the protection of sites that should never have been threatened in the first place.

I believe there are potentially future exciting and important implications to my phenomenological performance experimentation in other archaeological sites here in Malta and elsewhere. Archaeologists sometimes miss the human dimension as the pendulum has shifted towards exclusively publishing empirical data. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it isn’t the complete picture—and incorporating phenomenological performance experimentation is just one more multidisciplinary approach that can also illuminate the past.

However, since the likelihood is that these fights aren’t going to end any time soon, my main objective is to use the arts as a means of empowering protest and community-building. In the past five years, we have held four protests that bring together not only politicians and NGO representatives, but also poets, musicians, dancers, film, and visual artists. I am a firm believer in the power of the arts to instigate personal and societal change. When common (or uncommon, as the case may be) citizens use destruction as a means towards creation, it is an act of empowerment—and even if we cannot save our precious sites, we can at least document their erasure and bring to life something new.

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Dawn A. Saliba, as she looks on at Ggantija in the background.

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The Megalithic Temples of Malta: A Pictorial

Still undiscovered and unexplored sites like these ancient Neolithic megalithic structures still lie buried beneath the protective shroud of earth. Malta and Gozo (the second-largest island in the Maltese archipelago) are treasure houses of ancient culture that must be protected before it is too late. The following images reflect only a small portion of what can be seen today of these megalithic wonders on the islands.

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Above, and 5 images below: views of Ggantija temple complex

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Above and below: The temple complex of Ħaġar Qim, interior views.

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Above and below: Detail views of the Mnajdra temple complex.

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Above and below: Tarxien. Photos courtesy Anastasia Adeler

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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Before the Pyramids: Malta’s Prehistoric Landscape and the People Who Keep It

Anastasia Adeler is a writer and contributor to Popular Archaeology Magazine on travel and museums. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

We arrived in late April, and every morning Noel came for us.

That detail turns out to matter more than it should. When you travel with an archaeological expedition, as I did again this time, accompanying Dan McLerran, editor-in-chief of Popular Archaeology, with whom I had traveled once before, and with Tatiana along as my companion and photographer, the official itinerary is usually the least interesting thing about the trip. What you keep afterward is everything that happens between the scheduled stops, and most of all the people who translate a place for you into a feeling more than a fact.

Noel was our driver for the whole time we were there, and I would not call him an old man, because at perhaps his mature stage of life, he was far from old, and in any case one of those people who seem to exist slightly outside of age. He arrived each morning at the Westin Dragonara in St. Julian’s, where we were based, impeccably dressed in a suit, courteous and humble and entirely without hurry, and drove us out across the island in a spotless Mercedes van.

Noel, foreground. Photo credit Anastasia Adeler

As we drove he talked, about the families who had held which land and for how long, about where to find the good fish, about what had changed on the islands and what had stubbornly refused to, and through all of it ran his family, mentioned constantly and with a respect for it that you could feel without his ever having to spell it out. We invited him to join us, for lunch, for dinner, for whatever we were doing, and every time he declined with some small variation of the same answer, that he had already had some tea, or that he would stop here and have some tea, so that the tea became a kind of polite boundary he kept between his life and ours, and a sign of how completely he belonged to himself. He was well-bred in the old sense. You could smell the real man and the professional in him at once.

I thought about Noel a few days later while standing in front of stones that were old before the Egyptians built anything at all. Malta, as every brochure will tell you, is sun and sea and the Knights of St. John, baroque churches and English-language schools and tourist marinas, and all of that is true and none of it is the part that kept me awake. Because Malta is also the site of some of the oldest freestanding stone structures anywhere on earth—seven prehistoric sanctuaries raised between roughly 3800 and 2500 BC—which is to say before Stonehenge and well before the pyramids—by a people so complete and so distinct that they surface in the record almost fully formed and then disappear from it around 2500 BC for reasons no one has settled. Noel had lived among these stones his entire life and was not especially impressed by their age. He had simply always known they were there, as familiar to him as his own street.

An island that undersells itself

Most people who fly into Malta come for the coast and the warmth, for medieval Valletta, for the traces of a crusading order that once ran the central Mediterranean from this small archipelago of two inhabited islands. These are real things, and the island’s history since the sixteenth century is dramatic enough on its own, the Great Siege and Napoleon’s brief and unwelcome occupation and the long British colonial period that ended only with independence in 1964, and the strange hybrid identity all of it left behind. The Maltese language is itself a kind of archaeological object, Arabic in its bones and overlaid with Italian and Sicilian and a thick recent layer of English, spoken in a cadence that resembles nothing else in the sea it sits in, which is why the island has become one of the places Europeans now come to learn English.

The older story, the one that begins long before the Knights, sits off to the side of all this. The megalithic temples appear on the official maps and in the heritage brochures and are perfectly accessible, and they are also not what most visitors come for, so they pass close by without stopping or stop briefly and move along. This would be unremarkable if the things they were passing were not, in the judgment of the people who study such things for a living, among the most significant prehistoric sites in the world.

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The megalithic temple sanctuary of Ħaġar Qim. Nitramserolf, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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And the deep past here has lately gotten deeper. Until very recently the first Maltese were thought to be the Neolithic farmers who arrived around 7,500 years ago and went on to raise the temples, but in April 2025 a team led by the archaeologist Eleanor Scerri, of the Max Planck Institute for Geoanthropology and the University of Malta, published findings from a cave called Latnija in the north of the island that pushed the human story back a full thousand years, to Mesolithic hunter-gatherers who reached Malta around 8,500 years ago by crossing some hundred kilometers of open sea from Sicily, beyond the sight of land, presumably in dugout canoes, the longest such crossing yet known anywhere in the Mediterranean. We were meant to spend time with Scerri, and that is its own small story, told further down, and the discovery deserves a fuller account than I can give it here. It will receive this in a separate story. What matters for the moment is the gist of the thing: even the temple-builders, old as they are, turn out not to have been the first.

The crossing

We reached Gozo by ferry from the northern tip of Malta, a half-hour crossing that runs every thirty minutes and carries everything the island needs moved: cars and trucks and tourists and schoolchildren and the day’s deliveries. We went up to the open deck because the sky was clear and the water was that particular blue the central Mediterranean turns in late April, which I have given up trying to name. The limestone cliffs of Gozo came up out of the sea slowly, pale and irregular, and as the ferry swung in toward harbor the island composed itself into something at once very old and entirely ordinary, a baroque dome floating above a town the color of bone.

We passed the Blue Lagoon, whose color is so improbable that it makes you briefly distrust your own eyes, the turquoise going down into cobalt as if someone had decided the sea should look the way it looks in other people’s holiday photographs and then overshot. There are places where the Mediterranean turns out to be exactly the thing it is in the imagination, and the channel between these islands is one of them.

Dawn, our archaeologist host, met us on the other side.

Ġgantija, which means giantess

The name is Maltese, and it is the right name, because for a very long time the local explanation for these walls was that giants had raised them, that being the only theory adequate to the size of the blocks. The two temples of the Ġgantija complex sit on a plateau above the town of Xagħra, and even half-ruined they stop you where you stand. The outer walls reach several meters, individual blocks run up to fifty tons, and all of it was quarried and shaped and moved and stood upright by people working without metal tools and, if the official chronology holds, without the wheel.

The temples have been known to locals since antiquity, which is part of what is wrong with them. Excavation began in the eighteenth century, before archaeology had learned to be careful, and so much of what was there got disturbed in the digging, stones shifted to suggest a completeness that may never have existed and smaller rubble heaped on top to give the walls more height and dignity for the visitors. What stands at Ġgantija today is, as Dawn put it cheerfully while waving at the scaffolding currently holding up one of the outer walls, a collaboration between the original builders and several thousand years of other people’s opinions about them.

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She said this while reaching out to lay a hand flat against the stone, running her palm over a surface pitted by millennia of sea wind, in a gesture somewhere between inspection and affection.

Dawn Adrienne Saliba is a researcher at the University of Malta, whose published work concerns acoustics and ritual at the prehistoric temples, and she is also among the more vivid people I have met anywhere in some time. She wears her curly hair loose, talks with her hands and her whole upper body, laughs constantly, and when she is standing inside a five-thousand-year-old ruin telling you why she is sure the apse chambers were built for sound, she gives off a faith that is at once scholarly and entirely personal. On the day we saw Ġgantija she was wearing a faded Knicks T-shirt, and the arrangement of ancient stones and UNESCO scaffolding and an archaeologist in a basketball shirt explaining Neolithic ritual acoustics struck me as a very Maltese sort of composition, the old and the offhand crowded into a single frame.

The dating of the temples is where the genuinely interesting problem lives. Ġgantija is given as roughly 3600 BC, which puts it among the oldest freestanding structures on the planet and more than a thousand years ahead of the pyramids, and that figure rests heavily on what was found near the stones rather than on the stones themselves, so that objects of a given period turn up at a site and the site is assigned to their period. The limitation is plain enough, since it tells you when people were using a place and not when the place was made, and at Ġgantija, where the digging was early and rough and the reconstruction has muddied the original layout, the date is an estimate resting on an estimate. None of this is a cover-up, whatever the more excitable corners of the internet would prefer; it is just what any science looks like at the edge of its evidence, and the honest people in the field say so without being asked twice.

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What the museum knows, and the man outside

The interpretation center beside the Xagħra Circle, the Gozitan hypogeum where the remains of hundreds of Neolithic people were excavated and studied, holds objects that repay slowing down for. None of them looks like much at first glance. There is a skull on a plinth that forensic specialists studied in order to reconstruct how the woman it had belonged to looked while she was alive, and there are ceramic bowls cracked and pieced back together that still carry the trace of whatever was eaten or offered out of them six thousand years ago, and there are faceshell necklaces laid out on conical stands beside a large triton shell and a cow’s toe bone worked until it became a human face. The stylized limestone figurines have had their features worn nearly to nothing while their bodies stayed disproportionately full, and the seated clay figures are so small and so round and so oddly pleased with themselves that they seem to be commenting on something the language for which has been lost. One panel shows a wooden reconstruction of Neolithic furniture built out from the Sleeping Lady, the most famous figurine in all of Maltese prehistory, who lies on her side on what looks like a low couch with her robes folded around her in a sleep deep enough to seem ceremonial, and the label notes that she is the best evidence we have for furniture in the Neolithic, which is a small and unexpectedly moving thing to learn, that we know someone once lay down with that much care for the arrangement only because someone else thought it worth recording in clay.

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It was outside this museum, while I was alone at the little souvenir stand buying bracelets as a gift for Tatiana and one for myself, that the trip handed me something I am still turning over. Tatiana had strained her back, and there was a delay while Dan and Noel went looking for medicine for her, and in the middle of it an old Maltese man was standing nearby, in a suit and glasses, smoking, ageless in the way Noel was ageless and strikingly handsome. He had spoken with Tatiana and knew about the back, and then he and I fell into conversation, and it drifted away from the back and toward life, the way conversations with certain strangers will. I was already sitting in the van when he came to the open door, leaned in, and said that eventually it stops, that the pain stops. He was not talking about the back anymore. He did not spell out what he meant, and we drove away, but I understood him, because a man does not lean into a stranger’s van to talk about a sore back, and I took the meaning he had intended for us. I did not need it said any plainer.

The hole in the ground

What I was not ready for, on the day of our visit to Gozo, was the construction site.

Dawn took us to it, and I am sorry now that I did not write down the exact address. What I can describe is a raw cut into pale limestone, two pits opened in the bedrock of the kind that come before foundations, with a finished apartment building standing directly alongside and the blue of the sea visible past it, and wildflowers already coming up through the disturbed soil at the edges, and a sheet of heavy canvas thrown over one of the openings, whether for safety or for appearances I could not tell.

Dawn stood at the lip of it and described what had been there before the machines came and what might still lie under the level the machines had reached, and her voice while she did this was steady in the way a voice goes steady once it has explained the same thing often enough to have worn through anger into something colder and more durable.

This, she said, was not unusual. This was the pattern.

The Maltese islands are saturated with archaeological potential, the density of prehistoric sites both dug and undug being remarkable for an archipelago this small, and development presses against the edges of the protected zones nonstop and now and then straight through them, because the legal protections exist on paper while the enforcement is a separate and weaker matter. Dawn has staged concerts inside temple precincts and put on theatrical performances and gathered residents and written articles and filed objections and built coalitions, all of it alongside her actual research, so that she is effectively running two careers at once, one of them proving what these places were and the other trying to keep them from being destroyed before the first one is finished. Standing at the edge of that pit and looking at a building whose foundations had gone into ground no one had surveyed, I could see the whole thing settled into a very Maltese kind of tragedy, a place that survives six thousand years only to be undone by a planning permit.*

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The room beneath the room

The Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum is the only known prehistoric underground temple in the world. It lies beneath a residential neighborhood in Paola on the main island, and it came to light in 1902 when workers cutting rock for a new cistern broke through the ceiling of a chamber they had no idea was under them, after which the discovery was kept quiet for several years before anyone investigated it properly. What they eventually found was a complex of three levels carved out of living rock, with chambers and niches and curved apses reaching about ten meters below the surface, and the remains of somewhere between seven and eight thousand people deposited there across several centuries, the Sleeping Lady among the things recovered.

Access is tightly controlled now, the number of visitors per session capped and the interior climate monitored and photography forbidden, so what I can give you is only the feeling of going down into it, a slow controlled descent through limestone that cools as you drop, a gradual loss of the ordinary logic of surfaces and daylight, and a steadily growing awareness that the walls around you were shaped by hands following a plan we have only partly recovered.

We went down twice.

The first time was the standard visit, a fixed route and explanatory panels and controlled lighting, informative and at moments genuinely affecting, because the scale of the communal burial and the thought that someone organized all of it, the carving and the placing of the dead and the arrangement of the objects, with a coherence that predates writing and metal and nearly everything we use to measure how complex a civilization was, is not a thing the mind takes in quickly.

The second visit was Dawn’s.

Dawn’s version

She had arranged a private session, and the difference lay less in what we saw than in what we heard. Her published research is specifically about how sound behaves inside the Hypogeum, how the carved chambers resonate at some frequencies and swallow others, how a voice placed in one position would have produced an effect that could be predicted and repeated, and she has done the formal acoustic testing there, with instruments and with human voices, and that work is documented and serious.

What she adds in person is the part the journals render more cautiously, which is the imaginative leap from the measurement into the scene. Standing in one of the chambers she described how a chant would have traveled through the stone and how a procession might have wound through the sequence of passages and what the gathered people would have felt as the sound stopped being something heard and became something physical, pressing on the chest, blurring the line between where the body ended and the chamber began. She described it with the precision of someone who has measured it and the conviction of someone who has also, plainly, felt it, and I could not always tell which of the two was speaking, the instrument or the believer, the woman who had run the tests or the woman for whom the place had long ago stopped being a hypothesis.

Some of what she said sat squarely on the acoustic data. Some of it had drifted out past the data into the particular faith of a person who has loved something so thoroughly and for so many years that the membrane between what can be shown and what must surely be true has gone a little permeable, and at times it was, to be honest with you, very funny, and I would not say so to her face, because the funniness and the seriousness were the same thing seen from two angles. She was the best possible guide to a place like this, since she had lived with its questions so long and turned them over from so many directions that standing near her you could feel the entire weight of what is still unknown, which is rarer than expertise and a good deal harder to come by.

Tarxien, a short walk away

A few hundred meters from the Hypogeum, in the ordinary streets of the town that gives them their name, stand the temples of Tarxien, and the two sites belong together for more than their nearness, since both were brought to light by the same man, Themistocles Zammit, the Maltese physician who turned to archaeology and excavated the Hypogeum in the first years of the twentieth century and then opened Tarxien in 1915 after local farmers kept striking large stones with their ploughs. The complex is four linked temples raised across the same long stretch of centuries as the others, and what sets it apart is the decoration, the great blocks worked with running spirals and, on one famous slab, a procession of carved animals, rams and a sow with her litter and what reads as a bull, the closest thing the temple-builders left to a picture of the world they lived in.

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The thing everyone remembers is the statue, or what is left of it. Near the entrance stands the lower half of a colossal figure, a broad pleated skirt and two heavy calves above small feet and nothing at all above the waist, the upper body lost so long ago that you are left with the foundation of a giant and asked to supply the rest, which when whole would have stood two or three meters tall. The Maltese call her, with the directness the island applies to all these figures, the fat lady, and like the smaller figurines she is built around an abundance the people who made her clearly read as holy. There is evidence too of what was done in these rooms, a hearth and a stone niche where a flint knife and the bones of animals were found together, which is about as close as the silent record comes to telling you outright that things were killed here and offered.

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What you remember most at Tarxien, though, is the houses. The temple precinct sits hemmed in on every side by the modern town, ordinary dwellings with their washing out and their televisions audible, their walls running up to the edge of some of the oldest decorated stone in the Mediterranean, and the contrast is so complete that it stops feeling like contrast and starts feeling like the ordinary condition of Malta, where six thousand years are not kept at any respectful distance from each other but are stacked in the same few meters of rock. Centuries after the temple-builders had vanished, Bronze Age people who had nothing to do with them used this ground to burn and bury their dead, a second and unrelated population laying its ashes down on top of the first, and then they too disappeared, and then the town grew up over the whole of it, so that the washing now dries above ground holding the later ashes and the older spirals together beneath it.

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Ħaġar Qim and the wind off the sea

The temples of Ħaġar Qim and Mnajdra stand on the southern coast about three hundred meters from the water, in a landscape so open to the horizon that the wind off the sea never quite lets up. They live under large protective shelters now, the coral limestone they are built from being soft and the salt air having been patient with it, and the effect is strange, ancient stone sheltered under modern construction, a solution to one problem that quietly raises a different question about what preservation is for and whom it serves.

Here, as at Ġgantija, antiquity and restoration lie layered visibly on top of one another. The doorways cut from single blocks of stone are among the hardest features to account for, an engineering decision that cost enormous effort and serves no structural purpose anyone has since identified, and there are theories, and Dawn had views. The solstice alignments are documented, the way the light enters a particular opening on the shortest day and falls on a particular stone, and this is read by some as deliberate astronomy and by others as a coincidence thrown off by circular rooms that happen to point in various directions, and the argument between them is real and not settled. Standing inside the complex with the protective shelter overhead and the sea audible through the gaps in it, I could see why both sides keep their defenders, because the place feels intended in ways that slip out from under any attempt to say so precisely.

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Mdina, my favorite

Late one day we went to Mdina, and it remains the place on this trip I loved most. If Valletta is loud and crowded and pressed for time, which it is, and which we mostly were while we were in it, Mdina is its opposite, calmer and more polished, a walled hill town of churches and beautiful streets where horse-drawn carriages still go by and the whole thing arranges itself into the Mediterranean exactly as you imagine the Mediterranean before you have ever been to it. The history is enormous and worn smooth. We were there for several hours, which is itself a kind of luxury given how restricted we were on time everywhere else, and we walked it slowly, Dan and Tatiana and I, with Dawn not along for this one.

We had lunch at the Fontanella Tea Garden, one of the oldest places in the city, sitting outside on the terrace, and the impression while we sat there was that we had somehow slipped over into Tuscany, that Malta had quietly handed us off to a different country for an afternoon. The wine was a good local one. The pumpkin soup was extraordinary, and I am not in the habit of remembering soup. There were salads and small dishes to begin, all of them wonderful, and the place is famous as well for its desserts.

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A slow lunch at the edge, and the cities we only glimpsed

There was one other meal like that, on the Dingli cliffs, where the limestone drops straight into deep water, at a restaurant whose plainness took confidence rather than neglect, simple linens and direct sun and food that tasted like exactly what it was, the octopus having been in the sea recently and the oil pressed from olives that had not traveled far and the wine cold because the afternoon had earned it. The three of us, Dan and Tatiana and I, sat there a good while longer than we needed to, the sea flat below us, and we did not once discuss archaeology. The Blue Lagoon, which we saw on another part of the same coast, belonged to the driving and to Noel, but this lunch was ours, and it was one of the two times on the whole island we were allowed to slow down enough to actually taste where we were.

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The rest of Malta we mostly glimpsed. The Three Cities, the old fortified harbor towns across the water from Valletta, we did quickly, looking down from the bastions over the marina and the yachts, an impression rather than a visit. Valletta itself, which we came to on the third and last day, we took at speed, walking streets that narrowed and dropped toward the water, looking at façades, looking for somewhere to eat, until we turned a corner and came on a small restaurant where a waitress was setting the outside tables with the focused pleasure of someone who enjoys the preparing as much as the thing prepared. I spoke to her, and she told us to wait a little, and when she looked up her face opened so completely into welcome that I wrote in my journal that evening that I had wanted simply to hug her and go home. These cities are wonderful and we were restricted on time, and the contradiction between those two facts is most of what I carry away from them.

Every evening we came back to St. Julian’s, to the same hotel, and sat in the lobby and went back over how the day had gone, which became a ritual of its own, the fixed point we returned to no matter how far out across the islands the day had taken us.

A brief appearance, and a much older Malta

Eleanor Scerri, whose discovery at the Latnija Cave had reset the island’s whole chronology a year before we came, was scheduled to spend real time with us, though in the end circumstances forced her to materialize near the cave for only a few minutes before some prior obligation pulled her off in a direction we could not follow, so that there was a wave and an introduction and the first half of a sentence about the site’s importance and then she was gone, which was the most efficient possible delivery of a character, a person with somewhere else to be, a different shape of devotion from Dawn’s and no less real for being briefer. We did explore the area around the cave, and it was Dawn who was with us there, on the cliffs near Latnija, the sea enormous and pale-blue behind us and Comino floating off in the distance.

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What Latnija means is best left for the fuller account in another article, but the short version is worth carrying out of here: the temple-builders, who themselves predate the pyramids, were not the first people on Malta after all. A thousand years before them, hunter-gatherers crossed a hundred kilometers of open sea in what were likely hollowed-out logs, beyond the sight of any land, to reach this rock, and came back, and came back again. The island keeps turning out to be older than the last person to measure it believed.

What the island is deciding

From almost any cliff on the southern coast you can see, by turning inland, both what Malta has been and what it is in the middle of becoming, the old rubble walls still dividing the farmland into small holdings while the apartment blocks climb toward them, and the church domes rising over every village out of all proportion to the populations they serve, which is a large part of their grandeur, standing now beside new construction that makes no reference to anything that came before it.

None of this is peculiar to Malta, since every island and every old city is somewhere inside the same negotiation between what it inherited and what it can sell, and what makes the Maltese version feel sharper than most is the age and the density of what is at stake, because the prehistoric sites are not lonely monuments out at the edge of the inhabited world but belong to the ordinary life of the place, sitting above villages and reachable by farm lanes and ringed by fields and rubble walls that hold fragments of the same vanished culture. Preserving any of it is therefore not a matter of fencing off a single ruin but requires a constant and politically awkward refusal to decide that the past is worth less than a parking space, which Dawn understands, and so does the Gozitan resident we met who has spent years documenting the building going up near Ġgantija, and so in his own way does Noel, who when I asked him what had changed most in Malta over his lifetime answered, after a moment, that it was the building, and then after another moment, that there was too much of it.

The stones that outlasted their builders

Malta’s temples survived because they were made of something that outlasted the people who intended them. The builders of Ġgantija and the Hypogeum and Ħaġar Qim are gone so completely that we do not know what they called themselves or what they spoke or what exactly happened around 2500 BC when they dropped out of the record with a thoroughness no one has neatly accounted for, and what is left is only the work, the aligned stones and the carved chambers and the acoustic geometries and the dead laid down among their necklaces and figurines and bowls. They were not building for posterity in any way they could have named, and yet they built to last, which says something about them even now that we cannot hear them say it.

The question Malta is answering at present, slowly and unevenly and under real economic and political pressure, is whether it values the same things its first builders did, and the evidence on that runs in both directions at once, the excavations continuing and the development continuing and Dawn staging another concert and filing another objection and taking another small group down into the Hypogeum to hear what the stone still does with a voice.

I keep going back, though, to the old man outside the museum on Gozo, leaning into the van in his suit and his glasses, telling me that eventually the pain stops, and meaning by it something he never named and did not have to, because I understood him. He had the same quality the island has, of saying something enormous in passing and then letting you drive away before you can ask what it was built on. Malta is full of that. The stones do it, and the people do it, and you leave with the last line withheld, which may be the only honest way to leave a place this old.

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In the remarkable sea-side setting surrounding Latnija Cave: author Anastasia, far left, Dan, middle, Tatiana, far right.

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Unless otherwise noted, all images credit Anastasia Adeler.

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Alba Longa: the City that Gave Birth to Rome

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

All travelers to Rome    before going on to Florence, the cradle of the Renaissance, and thence to Venice and its streets of water:the 21st century version of The Grand Tour—it would be wise to fit into the Italian sojourn an extra day or two to enjoy an overnight stay in a hilltop village that is enchanting and friendly beyond words.

Crowning a steep bank of a crater lake, a half hour by car to the southeast of Rome, Castel Gandolfo is a shy, elongated town of but a few streets that seem to begin from nowhere but all end in the charming main square, the Piazza della Liberta. 

Famed in our time as the summer residence of the Popes, this peach-colored Papal retreat was known thirty centuries ago as Alba Longa, which claimed as its founder, Ascanius, son of the Trojan hero/refugee, Aeneas.  Wreathed in legend from early on, this mountain settlement was destined to be the mother city of Rome.

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Castel Gandolfo and associated town/structures spreads in elongated fashion across the ridge overlooking Lake Alba, in the footprint of the ancient Alba Longa.  Marek Mróz, CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Castel Gandolfo. Heribert Pohl, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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From Virgil and his epic poem, The Aeneid, we learn of the town’s origins and the reason for its peculiar name – Alba Longa. Latin for:  The Long White (city).  An oracle, the poet tells us, prophesied that Aeneas’ son would establish “a royal city of lasting fame, near the edge of a gentle flood.” and name it for the snow white sow and its thirty sucklings that he would come upon at his arrival there.  Ascanius added the second word “Longa”, since the new city stretched in a lengthy narrow strip along the southwestern rim of the lake, to which he gave the name, Lacus Albanus (Lake Albano).  All this took place in the twelfth century before Christ.

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The boy Ascanius weeps and Venus hovers nearby as the physician Iapyx treats the wound of Aeneas (wall painting from Pompeii, 1st century AD). Marie-Lan Nguyen, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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For the next four hundred years, Alba Longa served as the religious and political capital of the Latin Confederation, a loosely knit alliance of the region’s forty seven small city-states, linked by a common language, a primitive Latin.  It was at the end of this span of time, according to a legend, that a descendant of Ascanius, a Vestal Virgin named Rhea Silvia, having been “visited” by the war god Mars, bore twin sons, Romulus and Remus.  The former, Romulus, two decades later founded a modest colony of thatched huts on a hill called “Palatine”, near the banks of the Tiber river.  Called Rome in honor of its founder and first king, this humble hamlet would, across the next thousand years or so, expand into a far-flung empire to which the whole world would pay homage.  (Remus had intended to partner with his brother in building a new colony, but on the Aventine Hill instead. This resulted in a fierce quarrel and a breakup of their partnership.)

The third king, Tullus Hostilius, who –  Roman lore informs us    reigned from 672-640 BC, waged a horrific war against the mother-city Alba Longa over rights to the fertile land that lay between the two states.  The Roman troops demolished the Alban forces and devastated Alba Longa, sparing only the sacred temples.  (One could consider this conflict to have been a civil war, since the descendants of the Albans were battling the then current Albans in their hilltop domain.)

Today many Classical scholars believe Alba Longa to have been nothing more than a myth, tying all Romans to a Trojan ancestry.  Nonetheless, there are also those contemporary scholars who firmly believe in the actuality, the reality of ancient Alba Longa.  Among the more prominent ones are Alexandre Grandazzi, Jacques Poucet, Stefania Quilici-Giglii, and Anna Pasquilini.

Grandazzi, a French prof and specialist of Archeology and Roman History, after years of extensive research, is convinced that Alba Longa was not mere fiction but rather an absolutely real city, citing ancient authors as well as archaeological and topographical evidence to support his claim.

Poucet examined closely the traditions that stemmed from an ancient, pre-Roman town and came to the conclusion that, like most legends, these also evolved from a kernel of truth, from a core of reality that over the ages was exaggerated and hyperbolized out of proportion by both the written word and by tradition. (I.e. word of mouth).  Professor Poucet is the author of the highly acclaimed book, Les Origines de Rome.

Quilici Gigli, professor of Ancient Topography and Classical Studies at the University of Naples, did in situ research of the area around Lake Albano and came away insisting on the actual and factual existence of Alba Longa, and that it was indeed most likely the capital of Latin colonies throughout the old region of Latium (today’s Lazio).

Pasquilini put forth archeological evidence and cited the many other colleagues that cling to the belief in the real existence of Alba Longa, despite the admitted mythological aura surrounding it.

Then there is the Italian archaeologist Rodofo Lanciani (1845-1929), who discussed the sight where the city once stood.  He also maintained that the town extended out in a long narrow strip “along the southwest ridge of Lake Albano.”  As proof, he mentioned fossil graveyards in the region, along with the unearthing of many ancient, pre-Roman hut-shaped columbaria, containing funereal urns of  ashes, on a road near the lake which was once a volcanic crater.  The hut-shaped tombs, which he felt were probably likenesses of the type of housing in Alba Longa, Lanciani dated to four centuries before the legendary founding of Rome in 753 B.C.

Lanciani was persuaded by this, that Alba Longa had surely been a prominent thriving community and most likely the religious and political capital of the neighboring small city-states, and also the birthplace of Rhea’s twins who rebelled against their native town and took a multitude of fellow Albans with them to populate the new village they were planning, settling them on the Coelian Hill across the valley from the Palatine. Thus he considered the Albani immigrants to be the first true Romans

In addition to these modern Classicists, there were numerous Latin writers in antiquity who alluded to Alba Longa as a real place.  Cato the Elder (234-149 B.C) in his history of Rome, “Origines,” suggested that Alba was a metropolis and mother city of the one founded by a native son, Romulus, whose lineage Cato traces all the way back to Aeneas, who established the city of Lavinium, named for and in honor of his wife, Lavinia, and to his son Ascanius, who built the city of Alba Longa in the twelfth century before the Christian era.

The great orator and writer, Cicero (105-43 B.C.), left us a written but unspoken defense of Titus Annius Milo, a prominent Roman politician and demagogue who served as a tribune for the plebians in 57 B.C.  Milo was convicted of conspiracy in the assassination of Publius Clodius and driven into exile in the Gallic seaport of Massilia (today’s Marseille).  Cicero accuses Clodius of destroying the shrines and sacred groves of the ancient city of Alba Longa.  In his lengthy essay, De Republica, Cicero also refers to Alba as a strong and powerful city “for those times.”

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The historian Livy (59 B.C. to A.D. 17), in his magnum opus “The History of Rome”, describes Alba as the “Mater Urbs” of Rome and tells of its location in the shadow of Mount Albanus:         

His Ascanius fuerit certe natum Aenea…abundante Lavinii multitudine florentem iam erant opulentem urbem matri reliquit,novam ipse aliam sub Albano Monte condidit quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Alba Longa appellata.  Inter Laviniam et Albam coloniam deductam triginita ferme interfuere anni.

(This Ascaniuis was for sure the son of Aeneas.  He left to his mother (Lavinia) the city of Lavinium which was a wealthy city with an overflowing population, and built another in the Alban Hills. It stretched out along the hillside and was called Alba Longa.  Between the founding of Lavinium and that of Alba was a span of thirty years.)

Legends say that when Aeneas and his fellow refugees fled Troy and arrived by sea in Italy, a white sow leaped from the ship into the water and upon reaching land rumbled up the mountain and gave birth to thirty white sucklings, thus resulting in the naming of the mountain as Mons Albanus.  For this reason, Ascanius came up with the name of Alba Longs, the Long White (City).

Also mentioning this city was the prolific biographer Plutarch.  In his “Life of Romulus” he refers several times to “Alba”, a city he treats as a historical reality.

The poet Ovid writes about “illustrious Alba” and lists the Alban kings, starting, of course, with Ascanius.  In his book Fasti, Ovid (43 B.C. – A.D. 17) tells the tale of a certain Alban this way:

Sed Proculus veniebat Iulius Alba, luna fulgebat nec facius usus erat..

“But Julius Proculus was coming from Alba.  With the moon shining so bright a torch was of no use.”

Ovid also points out that the region of Latium (Lazio) and the city of Alba were given their names by Ascanius, “founder and first king of the city above the lake.”

The historian Dionysius (60-7 B.C) of Halicarnassus (modern day Bodrum in Turkey) made his way to Rome and spent the rest of his life there working on his book, “Roman Antiquities.”  In the first volume he pens this line:

“After leaving Lavinium, Ascanius built a larger city, girded by lofty walls.  This city he named, Alba”.

And the Roman author Dio Cassius (A.D. 165-235), in discussing the origins of Rome, also brings up the subject of Alba Longa and chronicles the royal families that ruled over it.  He goes on to say that the Vestal Virgin, Rhea Silvia, came from there.

According to legend Romulus reigned over Rome for thirty-seven years, from 753 to 716 B.C.  At his death he was apotheosized by his subjects and the Senate, and was thereafter worshiped as the god Quirinus.  A temple was built and dedicated to him.

He was succeeded by the beloved pacifist Numa Pompilius whose long reign, 715 to 673 B.C., was devoted to the cause of peace and to the cults of Rome’s deities.  He created the reverent sisterhood of the Vestal Virgins who conducted the sacred rites of Vesta, goddess of the hearth and home.  His successor was the fiery king, Tullus Hostilius who wasted no time in living up to his name by waging war against the ctiy-state of Alba Longa (if later chroniclers are to be trusted).  His powerful army leveled the capital of the Latin Confederation, sparing only its sacred temples.  This conflict, one might say, was a civil war, with the Alban descendants of Rome’s army battling with the then current Alban people still living up in the hills, again over possession of the fertile campagna that lay between them.  In the aftermath of the war Alba Longa faded into history (or into mythology, in the opinion of many modern scholars),  Yet numerous Latin writers, as we have seen, sought to perpetuate the belief that the hilltop city indeed once existed.

The centuries, almost three millennia in fact, came and went, B.C. gave way to A.D., yet some of Rome’s later historians continued to write about the fabled city by the crater lake, especially when the tyrannical Emperor Domitian (A.D. 81-96), son of Emperor Vespasian and brother of the Emperor Titus, built over the venerable site a controversial sprawling (115 acres) sumptuous country vacation estate, to which he gave the name Villa Albana, overlooking the lake.

The highly respected writer Pliny the Younger saw the villa not as a peaceful retreat but as the headquarters of despotism, debauchery, and corruption, of reckless extravagance, of self-indulgence, of the shameful raiding of the state treasury while the lower classes of his subjects suffered    ill fed, ill housed, ill treated, ill governed.  Pliny further characterized the luxurious villa of the paranoid ruthless ruler as a symbol of pure evil.  Here Domitian made up his list of political enemies, scheduled them for execution, and then harassed their families. Here he even framed a Vestal Virgin, the chief priestess Cornelia, the mother-superior if you will, for violating her vows, and sentenced her to be buried alive.  Pliny the Younger maintained that she was completely innocent.  The same writer had his own titles for the property he disdained, calling it “The House of Terror,” and the “Arx Albana” (The Alban Fortress).

Pliny expresses disgust at the tyrant’s slothful behavior, at neglecting the affairs of state, at his whiling away hours each day practicing his archery, at his sadistic joy of snatching flies and stabbing them with a sharply honed stylus, at being illa immanissima belus (that monstrous beast), at Domitian’s suppression and banishment of philosophers, viewing them as hostile intellectuals and a threat to his absolute authority. 

The satirist Juvenal (60 B.C. to A.D. 138) rants about Domitian’s persecution of Jews and Christians, of his frightening schizophrenia and fits of rage, of his sycophantic coterie of scared-to-death senators whom he considered his cabinet, often housing them at Villa Albana.

Statue of Domitian. Steerpike, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

The Roman historian Tacitus also weighs in on Domitian and his lofty village in the hills, on the site of the old, devastated town founded by Ascanius, also calling the property the “Alban Citadel” i.e. a stronghold whence Domitian plotted against his senatorial opporents, the aristocracy, and all others whom he perceived to be conspiring against him.  An incurable paranoiac, he spent a considerable amount of time at Alba, where he felt more protected from his throng of foes than at the Imperial residence on the Palatine.

The biographer Suetonius also shows disdain for the beleaguered Domitian for seeing danger lurking everywhere, even up in Villa Albana.  In Suetonius’ much acclaimed book, “The Lives of the Twelve Caesars,” the biographer says that it was there where the seething, insecure emperor hit on the novel idea of scorching his political enemies’ bodies to make them divulge “the whereabouts of other rebels still in hiding.”  Domitian was not only cruel but short-tempered and depraved, the writer says.

The epigrammist Martial, however, parts company with Rome’s writing colony, composing very flattering verses about Domitian and his villa in Alba, often comparing him to the gods.  He spoke reverently about the ruler as an avid patron of the arts, as a virtuous leader who governed in a kind and generous way, as the propagator of humanitarian deeds, as the vigorous defender of the Roman people.  In private conversations Martial’s fellow authors spoke of his compliments for Domitian as self-serving and absurdly exaggerated.  Martial also drew ridicule for his excessive praise for the villa up in Alba, calling it a majestic estate fit for the Roman divinities.  He also expresses admiration for the elegant yachts on which the emperor would cruise up and down Lake Albano to while away the languid summer afternoons.

Professor and Classicist at Oxford, Robin Darwall Smith agrees with Martial and suggests that Domitian gets a “bad press” from most ancient writers, unfairly so, and sets about rehabilitating his political image.

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The tyrant would be appalled at what now occupies the site of his beloved “Albanum”, as he also called his hilltop hangout.  In the twelfth century A.D., the whole area came into the ownership of the powerful Gandolfi family from Genoa.  Otho Gandolfi, who then held the rank of senator in Rome, built a castle on the ruins of Villa Albana, along with small stone dwellings for the peasants who worked his surrounding fields, olive groves, and vineyards.  The new town, which once again stretched in a narrow strip on the same site where Alba Longa once stood, took on the name of Castel Gandolfo, by which it is still known.  The vast property afterwards passed into the hands of the wealthy and influential Savelli family and it was eventually sold to the Holy See.  Pope Urban VIII in 1604, adopted the land as a Papal summer residence and had the architect Carlo Maderno design a palace to be raised over the remains of the castle.

A common spectacle in those High Renaissance times was a convoy of horse-drawn carriages swaying up the pine and poplar-lined mountain road, bringing red-robed Cardinals to conferences with their white-robed Pontiff.

Maderno’s Papal Villa was laid out on a beautiful tract of 120 acres, its lush gardens crossed by broad lanes lined with Ilex trees and curving graveled walks. He added a soothing sound track via the crystal murmur of many fountains.  The palace itself was built around an immense rectangular courtyard which was to serve as an outdoor hall for audiences with the pope.

Huge throngs of pilgrims began to make the trek from Rome in order to see and be blessed by the Holy Father.  This gave birth to a whole new local industry of inns, restaurants, and religious article shops.  Suddenly, an active community once again stood on the location of old Alba Longa i.e. the southwestern hillside of Lake Albano.  Aerial photographs show the town to be, mirabile dictu, a narrow community ala the original ancient “long white” city.

A church was now needed where the local faithful could worship.  Also needed, was a town square where the inhabitants and visitors could gather for social life. Gian Lorenzo Bernini, whose architectural gems are to be seen all over Rome, tended to both needs, laying out a gracious, cobblestoned piazza, anchored on the north end, by the Papal Palace.  Toward the other end he built the imposing Baroque church of San Tomasso, and punctuated the whole scene with a fine, central,  perpetually flowing fountain.

During World War II, under orders from Pope Pius XII, the Papal Villa was put to use as a shelter for more than 15,000 Jews fleeing the Holocaust.  On the night of February 10, 1944 the serenity of Castel Gandolfo was disrupted by blasts of bursting bombs from American planes.  The bombardment was meant to be dropped on the nearby Nazi marshalling yards, where supplies kept pouring through for Hitler’s armies assaulting their way through southern Italy.  Today all is serene again where the long, white city once stood.

How delightful it is to linger here awhile – to stroll the sunny Piazza della Liberta, to browse in the myriad little shops, to sit at outdoor tables under colorful umbrellas, to study the pastel tones of the sandstone buildings, to observe the handsome Swiss Guards in their red, yellow, and blue-striped uniforms, guarding the entrance to the Pontifical home.  Then gaze from numerous vantage points    down at legendary Lake Albano, 500 feet below, its still waters reflecting the dark green of the surrounding hills and the warm blue of the sky.  Small wonder is it that Ascaniius, the Roman Emperor, and the Popes of the last five centuries have all loved the area, its soft air and cooling breezes.   Nota bene  do not forget to visit the Papal gardens which offer spectacular views of the ruins of Domitian’s lair.

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The pontifical palace in Catsel Gandolfo, with two domes of the Vatican Observatory on top. H. Raab, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Sunrise view of Castel Gandolfo overlooking Lago di Albano. Sudika, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Pontifical Gardens, Castel Gandolfo. Sonse, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Cover Image, Top: Scene from early Roman myth. ArchaiOptix, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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A Tale of Loyalty Carved in Stone: The Dog Stephanos and the Tears of Rhodope

Bülent Ortakcı is a freelance and ghostwriter based in Turkey. As an independent writer with a deep passion for history and archaeology, he focuses on creating compelling articles rooted in thorough research and inspired by the rich heritage of Anatolia and surrounding regions.

His writings often explore lesser-known archaeological sites, the legacy of ancient civilizations, comparative religious beliefs, and folklore involving supernatural or paranormal phenomena.

In the rugged heights of the Taurus Mountains, where the ancient city of Termessos clings to the cliffs of Mount Güllük—a city so defiant it once turned back Alexander the Great—history is usually told through monumental theatres and heroic resistance. Yet, among the grand tombs of warriors and kings, there lies a much smaller, humbler limestone sarcophagus. It tells a story far more profound than conquest; it is a story of a broken heart, proving that the bond between human and animal is a language far older than empires.

This is the eternal resting place of Stephanos—a dog whose name means “Crown” or “Gift”—and the memory of the woman who refused to let his soul fade into the dust of Pisidia: Aurelia Rhodope.

 

“Buried Like a Human”

When archaeologists first unearthed this small-scale sarcophagus, they assumed it belonged to a beloved infant or a child of the nobility. However, as the 11-line Greek epigram on its side was deciphered, a startling and touching truth emerged. This was a grave commissioned by a wealthy, likely solitary woman for her canine companion.

In the 3rd century CE, an era where animals were largely viewed through the lens of utility—as hunters, guards, or shepherds—Rhodope defied every social norm. As explicitly stated in the inscription, she buried Stephanos “just like a human.” This was not merely a disposal of remains; it was a sacred rite of passage, a final act of dignity for a being she considered an equal.

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Rock-cut tombs in Termessos. Ingo Mehling, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Sarcophagus in the Termessos necropolis. Dosseman, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Lament on the Stone

Rhodope’s grief did not end with the commission of a tomb; she had the following lines carved onto the stone using hexameter, the most prestigious poetic meter of the ancient world:

“Those who played with him called him ‘Lovely Stephanos,’ The joy of Rhodope. But death took him suddenly; Now this tomb hides him, the one who vanished away. I am the dog Stephanos; Rhodope built this tomb for me. She wept for him and buried him just like a human.”

Stephanos’s departure left a void that Rhodope chose to fill with art. At the end of the poem, following a poignant ancient tradition, Stephanos “speaks” from within the grave to greet passersby: “I am the dog Stephanos; Rhodope built this tomb for me.”

 

Two Tombs, One Eternal Bond

The story becomes even more haunting when we look at Rhodope’s own fate. In the necropolis of Termessos, her own sarcophagus stands with a solitary inscription: “Aurelia Rhodope built this tomb for herself alone.” This line suggests a woman who lived her final years without a spouse or children, leaving Stephanos as perhaps her most significant emotional tether.

While Rhodope’s own tomb still overlooks the vast canyons of Termessos, Stephanos’s sarcophagus now finds its home in the Hall of Sarcophagi at the Antalya Museum. This small stone chest serves as a “lesson in humanity” from 1,800 years ago; it shows how, even in the hardened, martial world of the Roman frontier, there was room for pure mercy and unconditional love.

From the wind-swept paths of Termessos to the silent corridors of the Antalya Museum, this story whispers that archaeology is not just about stones and wars. Though the tears shed by Rhodope 1,800 years ago have long since dried, that small tomb remains—a sentinel of a loyalty that time could not erode. If you ever find yourself before that small sarcophagus, look closely at the verses; you will see not just the name of a dog, but the purest and most ancient reflection of the human soul.

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Teotihuacán, a City of Life

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

Who built Teotihuacán, whose name in the Nahuatl language means “the place where the gods are created”? Although researchers have spent the past hundred years conducting fieldwork to uncover the city’s history, much remains to be discovered and understood. The Mixe and Zapotec cultures seem to be among the earliest to appear in the archaeological record, around 200 BC. The Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs named the city Teotihuacán in their creation myths, for their gods were born there and created their spiritual universe centuries before the founding of their capital, Tenochtitlán, in 1325. Veronica Ortega posits that the Aztec Codex Xolotl contains a pictogram depicting the triple combination of sun-temple-ruler signs, which translates as “Tehuacán” (INAH, 2018). Indeed, the Tehuacán-Cucatlán Valley is home to Mexico’s oldest ethnolinguistic culture, that of the founders and inhabitants of Teotihuacán, birthplace of the Fifth Sun of the Aztec god Nam Olin, depicted on the Sun Stone (AA V.27/143, 6/2024).

In most Mesoamerican cultures, the Sun is revered as the highest deified symbol of permanence, in contrast to the Moon, which symbolizes impermanence for its phases; however, both were understood to be inseparable and complementary. In the Tehuacán Valley, Teotihuacán was a hub of diverse languages, including Otomi, Totonac, and Zapotec, spoken on its streets. Otomi was the predominant language before the arrival of Nahuatl speakers and later ethnic groups from Chupicuaro, Oaxaca, and the Maya region. There are scant written records, aside from those of the Maya, Mixtec, and Zapotec peoples, and few details are available about their lives and governing policies. Field research over the years, however, reveals how the city-state was governed and how its citizens lived and died. We also learned that the early governing political groups, which included nobles and priests, who ascribed the city’s birth and fate to the gods, were headed by the Sun.

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Pyramid of the Sun.  @MariordoRoberto, CC BY-SA  4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Teotihuacán’s rise followed the destruction of Cuicuilco, on the southern shore of Lake Tlapacoya in the southeastern valley of Mexico’s central plateau, which was burned around 200 BC by ash flows from the eruption of the Xitle volcano. It is estimated that three-quarters of Cuicuilco’s population, along with those of neighboring towns, fled to the Tehuacán Valley after the disaster. This volcanic event and subsequent human migrations were compounded in 90-80 BC by the massive eruption of Popocatepetl. People from towns and villages again migrated up the Tehuacán Valley to Teotihuacán, fifty miles away, thereby profoundly impacting the city’s growth. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma notes that centuries of experience, migration, and advanced knowledge in areas such as calendars, religion, astronomy, agriculture, social organization, and warfare enabled the ruling elite of the growing city to develop an eight-square-mile town housing thousands of people (1990). Teotihuacán lies northeast of the vast Lake Texcoco, at elevations ranging from 7,300 to 9,300 feet. It is also the shortest route between the Gulf Coast and the lacustrine complex of central Mexico’s central plateau. The city of Teotihuacán is nestled between three hills: Cerro Gordo (north), Cerro Palachique (south), and Cerro Chiconaula (west). On its eastern border lies a chain of long, low hills. The area’s primary water source was supplied by three rivers: the Huixulco, the San Lorenzo, and the San Juan, which today flows through the village of San José Teotihuacán before reaching Lake Texcoco. These were widely used by the inhabitants, who built an elaborate canal system to harness the rivers’ assets. They also exploited a hundred springs and a complex irrigation system along the east-west San Juan River, which bisects the north-south “Avenue of the Dead,” a name coined by the Aztecs, whose original name is unknown. It is a misnomer because the residences of the city elite, which were built on either side of the northern part of the avenue, were thought by later migrants to be burial grounds; for this reason, they were not sacked for fear of the dead’s wrath. Furthermore, the city’s monuments celebrate the Sun, the Moon, and life; there is no reason the main thoroughfare would have been associated with death, given the city’s dual concept of architecture and symbolism, which strongly emphasized spiritual life over death.

Volcanic rocks from the mountains in the city’s vicinity supplied stones for monuments and housing complexes, including obsidian from Cerro Soletepec for tools and knives, spearheads, and blades for everyday tasks and rituals, as well as weapons such as war clubs (macuahuitl) lined with obsidian. Hills around the city were covered with pines, oaks, cedars, and other tree species. The location’s pivotal feature was the abundance of water from marshlands and springs, used for agriculture. Average rainfall in the region was just above 500mm, the bare minimum for the main staple, maize. At the city’s latitude, production of the primary food depended on the timely arrival of rain and its persistence throughout the growing season. Vegetation was burned, and the ashes were used to fertilize the soil, while the land was planted in the spring and harvested in the fall.

The city’s foremost monument, the Pyramid of the Sun—referred to as Tonatiuh Itzacual in Nahuatl—faces west, aligning with sunset and the light passing into the underworld, from which it will rise again at sunrise. The Pyramid of the Sun was built over a 330-foot-long tunnel, where geological evidence suggests a subterranean river once flowed. A man-made cave was found there, believed to be the mythical gate to the underworld, a common belief in other cultures of the time that linked the world above with the world below. Mythological factors were integral to the city’s architectural and spiritual identity during the Patlachique (BC 100-0), Tzacualli (AD 0-150), and Miccaotli (AD 150-250) phases. During the last two periods, Teotihuacán’s cultural characteristics were established. Like many cultures of that era, the city in its earliest days was aligned with the four cardinal directions, reflecting the four quadrants of the Mesoamerican spiritual universe. From the Plaza of the Moon, the broad north-south Avenue of the Dead—over a mile long and 130 feet wide—crossed the east-west canal, which directed the San Juan River waters on the Ciudadela north side. The construction of the Pyramid of the Moon, Metzli Itzcoatl in Nahuatl, began during the Tzacualli period and was completed in stages by the mid-Miccaotli. However, we do not know the original names of the pyramid or of other structures now lost to history. At the end of the Miccaotli or beginning of the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), the city may have expanded to about 12 square miles. In the late fifth century, its population may have exceeded 90,000, making it the largest city in ancient Mesoamerica. Its main appeal to newcomers was the rivers and the hundreds of springs, which provided a reliable water source. Over time, population growth may have contributed to lower spring levels and water flows, especially during droughts. In the late thirteenth century, when the Aztecs first set foot in the ruined city, they believed that the closely spaced, large hills on both upper sides of the “Avenue of the Dead” were burial mounds. These were later identified as two- or three-level pyramidal structures used by the nobility for administration or residence, long buried under centuries of sand.  Over the years, for fear of the dead’s wrath, looters refrained from probing into these mounds.

*During the Tzacualli phase (1-150), Teotihuacán was divided into four “quadrants” or neighborhoods by the great east-west Avenue and the north-south “Avenue of the Dead.” The hub was the Ciudadela, and the huge marketplace, or Great Compound, across the Avenue of the Dead on the west side, was an important center for commerce and administration (Moctezuma 1990, 83). The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, with the Temple of Quetzalcoatl, was built in the large quadrangle of the Citadel, facing west, as does the Pyramid of the Sun. The foundation and first section of the Pyramid of the Moon, which faces south, marks the cyclical return of nature and likely dates to that period. Like other significant structures, the Pyramid of the Moon is oriented toward fertility, while Cerro Gordo Mountain lies to the north. The pyramid was built in three parts: a four-tiered central platform, followed by a middle three-tiered platform, both erected during the Tzacualli period. A five-tiered platform was added to the intermediate riser-style structure, which was likely built during the mid-Tlamimilolpa period (250-450). Rulers’ input into the pyramid’s design over a century and a half of construction may also explain the multiple delays and structural changes that occurred during that period. The seven-tiered pyramid stands 141 feet tall and has an asymmetrical base measuring 482 feet east-west and 427 feet north-south. The monument emphasizes its religious dedication to the Moon associated with the Great Goddess, whose ten-foot-high statue formerly stood near the main stairway of the pyramid. The Aztecs called her Chalchiuhtlicue, the wife of the powerful rain god Tlaloc, with whom she ruled the paradisiacal water kingdom, the Tlalocán. She was associated with childbirth and bringing fertility to crops. Situated at the northern end of the “Avenue of the Dead,” the pyramid features broad staircases and intermediate upper platforms that served as venues for ceremonies on dedicated occasions and for ritual sacrifices involving non-local sub-adult and adult males, as well as small animals. Notably, no female remains have been identified to date. For major religious structures, each construction phase involved human and animal sacrifices before the next level was built.

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Pyramid of the Moon @georgefery.com

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Burials were found in five of the seven levels of the pyramid. Rectangular stone receptacles contained human remains, together with the bones of birds and snakes, painted ceramics, and small clay figurines. In Burial 4-Level 5, human skulls were found with the first cervical vertebra in anatomical position, suggesting decapitation as part of the ritual celebration marking the completion of Level 5. The Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in Teotihuacán. At the foot of the main stairway, the Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in the city for its main altar, which features internal divisions composed of rectangular and diagonal bodies in a shape referred to as the “Teotihuacán Cross.” As archaeologist Sugiyama observes, the central part of the city’s urban grid is divided by the “Avenue of the Dead,” which runs straight south from the Plaza of the Moon, with the Pyramid of the Sun and the massive Ciudadela on its east side (2013).

The Pyramid of the Sun, however, faces west over the city, enhancing its spiritual and mythological significance. Its outer, or first, level was probably begun during the Tzacualli period and completed during the late Tlamimilolpa. At that time, the pyramid measured 224 feet in height and, like the Pyramid of the Moon, was asymmetrical, with a base of 761 feet by 721 feet; its height maintained a constant angle of 32.5 degrees. In the corners of each level, archaeologist Batres (1906) found a sacrificed young boy in a seated position. A small temple and a tall statue of Tonatiuh, the Sun God, clad in gold sheets, once stood at the summit of the pyramid’s platform. The statue may have been renamed by the Aztecs as the fire god Huehuetotl, and the Spaniards most likely destroyed it. It was found, stripped of its precious metal, in a covered pit atop the pyramid.

In 1971, archaeologist Ernesto Taboada discovered a depression at the level of the Pyramid of the Sun’s main stairway. This discovery revealed an ancient, partially destroyed primary stairway that led to a tunnel, perhaps an ancient waterway. The tunnel ran beneath the structure, ending in four man-made chambers arranged in a cloverleaf, symbolic of the four cardinal directions. Doris Heyden suggests that “…the pyramid was built over this natural cave, which the priests claimed as the mythic place of human emergence into this world” (1997). 

The Pyramid of the Sun was oriented to align with the sunrise (east) and sunset (west), the day-night cycle associated with the birth and death of all life forms, emblematically affirming the eternal return. Both the Sun and the Moon pyramids, however, were built with alignment to celestial and topographical features, underscoring their allegorical aspects of immanence and impermanence. As Guillemin pertinently underlined, these ceremonial centers aimed to appease natural and supernatural forces through donations from agriculture, the basic source of food, and the blood of ritually sacrificed humans and animals. For this reason, the Moon cult is inseparable from the Sun, for without the Sun, there would be no Moon (1968-34). These ceremonial precincts were carefully designed to awe and compel people with the sheer weight of divine power. The monumental structures, with their intricate designs and rich symbolism, reflect a profound understanding of astronomy, agriculture, and life cycles. Toward the end of the Tlamimilolpa period, in 450, the city expanded by constructing new buildings over older ones; those that would not be destroyed were ceremonially “killed.” Monumental architecture, featuring towering pyramids and an intricate urban grid, showcased the advanced engineering and astronomical knowledge of architects, stonemasons, and priests. The construction of pyramids and major structures is characterized by the talud-tablero architectural style, which features alternating sloping aprons (talud) and vertical rectangular panels (tablero) bearing allegorical figures and symbols. Teotihuacan’s rapidly growing population spread into newly built districts, connected by large and narrow paved alleys. Most of the initial residents were Nahuatl-speaking Chichimec migrants from the arid north who arrived between the fourth and second centuries BC. Later, other settlers arrived, including Tarascans, Totonacs, and others. By the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), Teotihuacán traders and the city’s political influence, together with its proxies, exerted far-reaching hegemony as evidenced by sites in the Maya lowlands, such as Tikal, 600 miles away in Guatemala. The historical record reveals endemic political and military conflicts between the powerful Maya southern kingdom of Calakmul in Campeche and its allies, such as Caracol. In 378, the Teotihuacán warlord Sihyaj K’ahk (“born of fire” in Maya language) defeated Yax Mutal, the powerful Maya kingdom that would later be called Tikal. As a Teotihuacán proxy, Tikal fought Calakmul for years over control of the important trade routes in the Usumacinta-Pasión River watershed.

Scholars emphasize Teotihuacán’s multi-cultural society, evidenced by the discovery of objects and instruments associated with distinct cultures. Caravans carrying products and materials also brought people to the city to work in ethnically affiliated communities, where daily food and work were assured. Human remains indicate that many Teotihuacanos experienced nutritional stress in infancy (White, Price, Longstaffe, 2007), which often persisted in adulthood. Between 450 and 600, Teotihuacán reached its splendor and prosperity, with more than 2,000 structures beyond pyramids and temples, including residences, workshops, medical facilities, and nurseries. The city’s residential and working districts, established during earlier periods, included Tetitla, Yayahuala, Atetelco, Tepantitla, Zacahuala, La Ventilla, and Teopancazco, among others. Most were stone-built two-story, 200-square-foot buildings connected by walls.  Residential areas typically had one or two access points, with rooms facing small courtyards that provided natural light and ventilation. The stoned alleyways collected rainwater, which was then channeled through an underground duct system. Narrow corridors linked rooms and were occasionally connected to small inner temples or places of worship, such as at Tepantitla. In affluent residences, walls and floors were plastered and ornamented with painted, colorful designs of flowers, deities, or mythic animals. In modest homes, both walls and floors were also plastered, but not so lavishly decorated. The blocks of houses were connected by walkways, while some narrow streets became waterways during the rainy season. Each ethnic residential area had a place of worship dedicated to its culture’s deities, as well as workplaces and living quarters. A district was a complex feat of architectural engineering, as was the vast network of canals and underground ducts connected to large water reservoirs for collective use in residential compounds.

Teotihuacán must already have been an impressive sight by the early fifth century, with imposing ritual areas along the “Avenue of the Dead,” a powerful priesthood, and a military caste that controlled most aspects of life. Archaeologist Beatriz del Mazo Fernandes’ analysis of neighborhoods focuses on residents’ daily lives and their impact on the city’s socio-economic outcomes, drawing on professional expertise and production (2011). From the beginning, the town included people from the Mexican central plateau, the Puebla-Tlaxcala, the Tehuacán valleys, and the Gulf Coast. During the Late Tlamimilolpa period, three neighborhoods were peopled by foreigners who came to work or for spiritual reasons, as well as traders from western Mexico (Gomez, 1998). The Zapotecs primarily inhabited the Tepantitla district, trading exotic goods, including mica and other minerals. Their expertise is evident in the vibrant murals painted on stucco in the Teopancazco district. Marriage alliances with Gulf Coast communities brought artisan women and their knowledge in making fine-woven apparel and large, delicately ornamented shawls. Teotihuacán pursued a multi-ethnic policy to meet internal needs while building trade and political ties with Mesoamerican elites.

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Atetelco Residence @georgefery.com

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Between the towering pyramids and sprawling plazas lay smaller temples and altars, which served as focal points for periodic communal rituals, fostering a deep connection among enclaves of diverse ethnic minorities that made up the city’s spiritual and social fabric. Painted murals are prominent features that help us understand community life. Matos Moctezuma underlined that “Teotihuacán art is joyful, elegant, and, at the same time, intensely religious” (1990:88). There were various techniques for painting murals, among which was “alfresco” in which paint is applied to a wall of fine wet plaster, allowing paint to set more deeply. The large, finely painted walls suggest schools where artists and expert teams collaborated under the guidance of priests and scholars. Teotihuacán.III, Xolalpan period (350-550), saw the city at its zenith, when temples and palaces were lavishly decorated with elaborate paintings. The presence of jaguar and puma murals in the Zacahuala Palace, along with priests scattering seeds at Tetitla, characterizes this phase. Later in the city’s final period, the murals in the courtyard of the Painted Patio at Atetelco and the Patio of the Jaguars, located behind the Quetzalcoatl Palace, were completed. As Doris Heyden points out, since the city was painted inside and out —from remarkable works of art in homes and temples to the red and white outside walls —Teotihuacán should be called “the colorful city” (1997).

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Zacahuala Mural @georgefery.com

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The most remarkable painting is the celebration of life and water seen on the magnificent Tlalocán mural at Tepantitla. At the bottom-right corner of the panel, a frog-like figure disgorges a long stream of water that flows to an area identified as parcels of land surrounded by canals (chinampas). The water continues to the left, then curves down toward the bottom before rising into a kind of pyramid of waves, identified as the rain god Tlaloc’s paradise, the Tlalocán, where small human figures swim, play, and sing, volutes indicating speech or sound emanating from their mouths. The people depicted in the mural are of low social rank, perhaps peasants, celebrating harvest or another event, as each of the little figures is barefoot and wears only a loincloth (máxtlatl), with no adornments. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma observes, “…there is little doubt that the mural depicts people enjoying themselves near cultivated fields. With its farming theme, featuring flowering plants and butterflies, this mural highlights the centrality of water in Teotihuacán’s recurring concerns and religious constructs. (1990:179-181). Remarkable paintings are also found at Teopancazco, in the city’s multiethnic southeast district near the Ciudadela. Its delicate murals underscore its occupants’ affiliation with elite social groups who lived and worked there. Teopancazco was divided into residential spaces for artisans and specialists. On its large plaza was a temple dedicated to the gods of the oceans. Archaeologist Linda Menzilla notes that this district was closely associated with the seas, as evidenced by the colorful, detailed designs of nobles’ and priests’ attire and accoutrements (2019). Teopancazco became wealthy by importing cotton-made blankets, as thousands of members of the city’s elite wore them, in contrast to ordinary people who wore garments made of ixtle, a plant fiber from agave and yucca.

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The Tlalocan @georgefery.com

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Over time, the city’s institutions expanded, as did political control over a growing, multiethnic, and at times antagonistic population. This led to sporadic social conflicts and increasing civil unrest, exacerbated by food shortages, especially during prolonged droughts. Over the years, the military’s influence over government policies grew increasingly dominant, exacerbating political antagonism.

It is during the Miccaotli Phase, 150-250, that Teotihuacán was partitioned into four “quadrants” or precincts by the great north-south “Avenue of the Dead” and the east-west avenue. On the eastern side of the avenue, parallel with the Pyramid of the Sun, is Ciudadela, seat of civil and military government, whose vast quadrangle harbors the Feathered Serpent pyramid, built during the early Tlamimilolpa phase, 250-450 (Sugiyama 1998). The pyramid’s six levels are the earliest representations of the god Quetzalcoatl. On its west side, across the Avenue of the Dead, is the Great Compound, aka “the marketplace” and the seat of traders. On the pyramid’s eastern, or sunrise side, its seven-step levels are adorned with colossal stone heads dedicated to the Feathered Serpent, the earliest representation of the god Quetzalcoatl, whom the Aztecs would later adopt. This massive temple is notable for its vibrantly painted murals and sculptures depicting the god’s face, serpents, sea snails, and shells (Moctezuma, 1990). The most important finds are human burials and their offerings. The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built facing west (toward sunset), bordering today’s dry San Juan River, bisecting the avenue. It is the city’s third-largest structure, after the Sun and Moon, and was constructed between 200 and 250 during the Early Tlamimilolpa phase and is notable for its vibrantly painted murals. Below the pyramid, a three-hundred-foot tunnel was found, dug beneath the water table, underscoring the pyramid’s connection to the sacred underground realm associated with the origin of water and life. However, a pyramidal terraced structure was built in front of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid after the military faction fell. 

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Feathered Serpent Pyramid @DiegoDelso, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Human remains were found in the Feathered Serpent Pyramid complex. As Matos Moctezuma notes, burials of soldiers and their offerings were found symmetrically arranged at the foot of the pyramid’s outer wall, in ditches dug into the lava stone (tepetate), dated 150-200. The position of the bodies, joined as if bound together, is evidence that they were sacrificial victims (Moctezuma, INAH, 1990). Ninety-three burials have been unearthed to date, and all exhibit similar characteristics. The seventy-two men were dressed in military attire, sitting upright, facing outward, from the outside wall of the structure with their arms behind their backs and crossed at their wrists, suggesting that they were bound at the time of death. Their position and symmetrical placement might appear to protect the state (Spence and Pereira 2007). At the center of the pyramid were high-status individuals who, unlike the warriors, had not lived in the city long before their deaths. The victims inside were probably selected from their home regions to attest to the Tetihuacán influence and its powerful ideology. Studies of other remains within the complex indicate that the individuals were both male and female, aged 16 to 45 years old. Some may have held high rank, evidenced by skull deformations, and several individuals had mutilated teeth incrusted with greenstone and turquoise. This observation is consistent with the hypothesis that the Feathered Serpent Pyramid’s sacrifices were made to mark the inauguration of a Teotihuacán ruler, reaffirming both ideological power and military capacity to protect it (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan, 2007). It also underscored the military’s vital role in the early stages of state development.

During the late Xolalpan period (450-550), civil unrest culminated in repeated insurrections and the city’s collapse, leaving fewer than 20,000 inhabitants at the end of the period. At that time, Teotihuacán’s religious and residential precincts were burned, for the evidence of destruction is compelling; the city never recovered. Buildings along the “Avenue of the Dead” were sacked in a violence that extended to most structures and residences of the elite. Religious images were removed or defaced; however, minor damage was reported in working districts. So, what triggered the city’s demise? Consecutive droughts that led to famine could have precipitated incursions by groups, thereby intensifying internal unrest (V.C. Smith, 2020). Archaeological evidence indicates an increase in the proportion of juvenile skeletons exhibiting signs of malnutrition in the sixth century. The hypothesis of recurrent famines is among the more plausible explanations for Teotihuacán’s decline, exacerbated by extended drought. Archaeologist Moctezuma notes that farming was a crucial factor in the city’s economy, so control of water became increasingly significant in both political and economic terms. War, too, was a driving factor in state policies and should not be discounted. As in other societies of the time, military castes expanded to such an extent that they influenced policy and played a significant role in social and political interactions, provoking deep resentment among locals and vassals alike. (1990:88). By the mid-Metepec period (650-750), the population had plummeted to 5,000 or fewer inhabitants. In the final period, ongoing civil unrest and destruction caused Teotihuacán’s collapse; it was never rebuilt.

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Moon Plaza and Avenue @georgefery.com

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We know that the city’s four districts adhered to the traditional belief of a four-quadrant spiritual universe. However, as archaeologist Evans emphasizes, the north-south straight avenue “of the dead,” with a slight decline towards the south, was divided by the east-west San Juan River on the north side of the Citadel. The Pyramid of the Moon stands at the north end of the avenue facing south. The city’s master plan defined the avenue’s length and width, which was designed to address both practical and mythological purposes of space and time. So, what was its real purpose in the master plan? As in other ancient cultures, the Moon was associated with the powers of water, rain, and reproduction, that is, life, not death. The Pyramid of the Moon plaza opens onto the avenue, where each northern side features two to three tiers whose stone-built pyramidal residence walls lined the avenue on both sides. A design whose purpose was to channel the powerful tropical downpours of the June to September rainy season into the avenue, which then became a canal (Hobbs, 2024; Evans, 2006). Waters collected in the vast Pyramid of the Moon Plaza then flowed south on the “Avenue of Life,” now assumed to be its real name. The design of the Pyramid of the Sun likewise features a vast plaza, intended among other things to collect and direct water toward the avenue. The planned dual water-collection system efficiently directed large volumes of runoff along the avenue, increasing flow toward the south. Those waters then reached the perpendicular San Juan River, which cuts across the avenue north of the Citadel, where the waters joined the Huixulco and San Lorenzo Rivers and dispersed into crop lands with rites glorifying the Great Goddess. The fast-running waters of the rainy season once more renewed life, underscoring the significance of the Avenue of Life and the Moon’s powers, alongside those of the Sun, rulers of all life forms.

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The Avenue of Life @S. Huntington Hobbs IV

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References 

Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, 1990 – Teotihuacán the City of Gods

K. Berrin and E. Pasztory, 1993 – Teotihuacán, Art of the City of the Gods

Christian Duverger, 2007 El Primer Mestizaje

S. Huntington Hobbs IV, 2024 – The Rise and Collapse of Teotihuacan

Karl E. Meyer, 1958 – Teotihuacán

Octavio Paz, 1990 – Teotihuacán, Splendor of 30 Centuries

Linda Manzanilla, 2019 – La Vida Cotidiana en Teotihuacán

A. López Austin, 2016 – La Cosmovisión de la Tradición Mesoamericana

Tatiana Valdez Bubnova, 2019 – Los Oferentes de Teopancazco

L. Barba, A. Otiz, A. Pecci, 2019 – Las Innovaciones de Teopancazco

 

Cover Image, Top: Teotihuacán. emilioarteagavaz, Pixabay

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Ancient tooth protein reveals ‘all-female’ fossil site of extinct human relation

University of York—Scientists have extracted and analysed the first-ever ancient proteins from the fossils of Homo naledi, revealing a potential all female burial site.

The study, published in the journal Cell, raises the possibility that South Africa’s famous Rising Star Cave system could represent the first known example of a sex-specific burial site by a non-Homo sapiens.

Homo naledi, an extinct cousin of modern humans that lived between 335,000 and 241,000 years ago, has puzzled researchers since its initial discovery in 2013. The species possessed an unusual mixture of primitive, ape-like traits alongside human-like features.

But for over a decade, scientists have wondered why the adult fossils recovered from the cave’s Dinaledi Chamber looked so remarkably identical. The remains showed almost none of the physical variations that would be expected between males and females.

To solve this puzzle, researchers from the University of York, the University of Copenhagen, and more than 10 other international institutions, investigated proteins from the skeletal remains. 

Using a minimally destructive acid etching technique, the team extracted microscopic protein fragments, called peptides, from 23 teeth representing at least 20 different individuals.

Researchers analysed the tooth enamel for Amelogenin-Y, a protein uniquely coded by the male Y chromosome.  

The results revealed that the male marker was absent.  To ensure the validity of the results, a team at the University of York’s specialized chemistry facility analysed the amino acids to prove the proteins were genuinely ancient and not the result of modern contamination.

Dr Marc Dickinson, from the University of York’s Department of Chemistry, said: “The lack of male markers with the group is truly fascinating. It is incredibly exciting to gain a window not only into the biology of our ancestors, but also into how they lived. 

“These findings offer rare insights into a culture that has, until now, been difficult to access directly. Advances in ancient protein analysis are opening the door to a far richer and more nuanced understanding of ancient hominins.” 

The findings open up new questions about the culture and social structure of these ancient hominins. If the chamber was reserved exclusively for females, it may imply a level of complex, symbolic mortuary practice previously thought unique to Homo sapiens – modern humans.

The team noted, however, that there could be a biological explanation as well as a cultural one.  It is possible that the Homo naledi population was highly isolated, causing the male-specific Amelogenin-Y gene to mutate or be deleted. 

This would mean males were present, but their teeth simply lacked the typical genetic signature.

Palesa Madupe, who completed the work as part of her postdoctoral research at the University of Copenhagen, said: “Unlike those found in other remains like bone fragments, proteins in tooth enamel are preserved because dental enamel – the hardest tissue in the human body – shields proteins from environmental contamination even for millions of years. 

“This makes them ideal carriers of genetic information from deep time. Our study helps in the long-standing mystery of why Homo naledi lacked significant variation; it’s probably because they could have all belonged to one sex.”

As the largest extinct hominin population ever to undergo protein analysis, these ancient females – or genetically unique males – have prompted a rewrite of what scientists thought they knew about the dawn of human society.

Neandertals in North-Western Europe in focus

Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology—A new genetic study* provides the most detailed picture to date of late Neandertal diversity in North-Western Europe. By analysing ancient DNA from remains found in Belgium and France, an international team led by researchers from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig was able to reconstruct the genetic relationships of 27 Neandertals who lived shortly before Neandertals disappeared around 40,000 years ago.

The researchers analyzed the genomes of Neandertals from ten archaeological sites, focusing particularly on the Meuse Basin in Belgium, an area with a high concentration of late Neandertal sites (i.e., those Neandertals who lived towards the end of Neandertal existence) . The dataset includes a new, high-coverage genome from an individual from Goyet Cave who lived around 45,000 years ago. “Until now, we only had four high-quality Neandertal genomes and a limited number of lower-quality ones, so most questions about the regional diversity of Neandertals have been difficult to address,” says first author Alba Bossoms Mesa, a doctoral researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. “By generating genetic data from multiple individuals from the region of present-day Belgium and France, we can now examine late Neandertal populations in much greater detail.”

A connected but diverse population

Previous high-quality genomes had shown that some Neandertal groups, particularly those in the Altai region of Siberia, lived in small, genetically isolated communities, with evidence of mating among close-relatives. In contrast, in this new study the researchers found no evidence for recent mating between close relatives among these late Neandertals of North-Western Europe. Instead, these Neandertals were part of a larger and more well-connected regional population, quite different to what previously seen for Neandertals in Siberia. “Our results show that the picture emerging from one region cannot simply be applied to all Neandertals,” says senior author Benjamin M. Peter, a group leader at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. “The late Neandertals from North-Western Europe appear to have been part of a connected regional population, rather than small, isolated groups with frequent mating between close relatives.”

The study also reveals a more complex population history of Neandertals than previously recognised. “The genetic data show both connection and complexity,” says senior author Mateja Hajdinjak, a group leader at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. “Most late Neandertals from North-Western Europe are closely related at the population level, but some lineages point to much deeper and more diverse Neandertal history.”

The Neandertals in this study lived at a time when early modern humans were already present in parts of Europe. While genetic evidence indicates that Neandertals contributed genetic material to early modern humans, the researchers found no evidence of recent gene flow in the opposite direction. “Our results add to a striking asymmetry,” adds Bossoms Mesa. “We repeatedly find Neandertal ancestry in early modern humans, but so far, we have not found clear evidence of recent modern human ancestry in late Neandertals.”

Rethinking Neandertal extinction

The disappearance of Neandertals has often been linked to small population size, inbreeding, and the accumulation of harmful genetic variants. The new study tested this theory by comparing measures of genetic diversity and genetic load in Neandertal genomes from different time periods and regions. Although all Neandertals had very limited genetic diversity, the researchers found no evidence that the late Neandertals carried an increasing burden of harmful mutations, and when they compared the high quality genome of the Goyet Neandertal, her genome did not show lower diversity than earlier Neandertals.

These results do not rule out the possibility of demographic vulnerability, however, they challenge the idea that Neandertals disappeared mainly because their genomes steadily deteriorated. Instead, late Neandertals in Belgium and France appear to have been part of a connected, genetically diverse regional population during a period of profound ecological and demographic change.

“This study highlights the power of ancient DNA to reveal variation within Neandertals on a much finer scale than was previously possible,” says co-author Janet Kelso, a group leader at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. “Rather than viewing late Neandertals as a single declining population, we are beginning to recognise a more complex picture of regional diversity, connectivity, and population history.”

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Entrance to the Goyet Caves in Belgium.  Credit © Mateja Hajdinjak

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology news release.

Evolution of hominin body size

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—A study finds trends of increasing body size throughout hominin evolution. Changes in body size were critical components of hominin evolution, influencing brain size, locomotion, and range expansion. However, little consensus exists on how hominin body size evolved. Some hypotheses favor a general overall increase in body size, whereas species with small stature, such as Homo floresiensis, provide counterexamples. Jacob Gardner, Chris Venditti, and colleagues applied Bayesian modeling of evolutionary lineages among 386 specimens of 21 species of hominins. The authors modeled progression of body size over time. Within a single framework, the authors tested multiple hypothesized models of hominin body-size evolution. The modeling showed strong evidence for a marked increase in body size in late Homo species excluding Homo habilis, and moderate evidence for a general size increase over time across all hominin species of up to 0.99 kilograms per million years. Uncertainties in body-size evolution may have arisen due to variation in the methods of body-size estimation, incomplete skeletal samples, and ambiguity regarding species assignment of fossil specimens. According to the authors, the framework accounts for the nonindependent evolution of lineages, variation in body size within species, and other sources of uncertainty, providing clarity on transitions in Homo body-size evolution.

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Homo heidelbergensis. José Luis Filpo Cabana, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Competing models of hominin body size evolution,” by Jacob D. Gardner, Thomas A. Püschel, Suzy White, Manabu Sakamoto, and Chris Venditti. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 22-Jun-2026. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2521732123

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The Literature of Human Origins: Narratives from Excavation and Discovery

The study of human origins in literature connects excavation records with narrative traditions. Archaeological findings shape how early societies are described in written form. These accounts reveal shifting interpretations of identity, memory, and cultural development across time over centuries observed.

Archaeology and Early Narratives

Excavation sites provide fragments of early storytelling practices that merge material evidence with oral tradition and reveal how communities shaped meaning from landscape and artifact over generations These traces remain uneven and partial in record.

Interpretations of early human behavior often rely on translated manuscripts and curated archives where access to knowledge varies widely including collections described as free books that circulate through educational networks and research institutions over time.

Methodologies of Discovery Narratives

Scholars reconstruct ancient events through stratigraphy and linguistic comparison which together form layered narratives that explain human migration patterns and cultural exchange across continents Interpretation depends on context and available evidence in archaeological study practice.

Documentation techniques influence how excavation findings are recorded and later interpreted in academic discourse shaping broader understanding of prehistoric societies and their environments. Field notes and diagrams preserve essential contextual detail for analysis consistently reviewed.

Material and Ethical Dimensions of Interpretation

Excavation narratives often converge in interdisciplinary studies where history and anthropology meet to form cohesive interpretations of human development across regions and time with careful comparative analysis applied in practice.

The following perspectives help structure this discussion further, clearly defined:

Stratigraphic Reading of Sites

Stratigraphic interpretation of excavation layers forms a key method for understanding temporal sequences in human settlements. Each soil layer carries material traces that reflect occupation abandonment and environmental change. Careful documentation allows researchers to reconstruct events without imposing modern assumptions on ancient contexts. The method demands patience and precision as small fragments often shift broader interpretations. Over time stratigraphy becomes a silent record of human activity revealing continuity and disruption in settlement patterns across landscapes and climates in comparative study.

Material Culture Interpretation

Material artifacts provide insight into daily practices and symbolic systems of ancient communities. Objects such as tools pottery and ornaments are examined for function and meaning within their original contexts. Researchers compare stylistic features across regions to identify cultural exchange and independent development. Interpretation requires caution as modern perspectives can distort ancient intentions. Despite limitations material evidence remains one of the most reliable sources for reconstructing human behavior across long spans of time and changing environments in systematic archaeological synthesis.

Ethics of Interpretation and Preservation

Ethical considerations shape how excavation narratives are constructed and shared within academic and public contexts. Decisions about preservation access and representation influence which stories are emphasized and which remain fragmented. Researchers must balance scientific inquiry with respect for cultural heritage and descendant communities. The handling of sensitive materials requires transparency and accountability especially when findings intersect with contested histories Through careful ethical frameworks archaeological work maintains integrity while supporting a broader understanding of human origins and cultural continuity over time.

Contemporary Reflections on Origins Narratives

Modern scholarship continues to refine understanding of early human history by integrating scientific findings with narrative interpretation that bridges gaps between evidence and cultural memory. Collaborative research expands perspectives across multiple disciplines and regions globally.

These evolving interpretations highlight the fluid nature of historical reconstruction where new discoveries continuously reshape established narratives about human origins and development. Ongoing analysis ensures deeper clarity in understanding ancient human pathways over extended periods.

Cover Image Top: Archaeologist at work. James DeMers, Pixabay

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Ritual, Power, and the Weekend Arena

Gary M. Feinman is an archaeologist and the MacArthur curator of anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago.

In a March 2026 paper published in the journal Science Advances, which focused on variability in governance along the autocratic-democratic axis, my coauthors and I found that one of the strongest associations for the 40 case observations, which were part of our study, was between the nature of rituals and the concentration of power.

For this global sample, autocratically organized societies were characterized by spectacles that foment fear and awe, while participatory rituals predominated in more democratically organized contexts. For example, in the region where I study (Oaxaca, Mexico), when governance was typified by distributed power relations, the pre-Hispanic rubber ball game was played in a large court adjacent to a broad, flat open plaza, the Main Plaza at Monte Albán, a space that could accommodate many of the settlement’s inhabitants. Later, however, as political power became more concentrated, the size of ball courts was reduced, access to them became more restricted, and some were even built immediately adjacent to the houses or palaces of ruling families.

Social scientists have long recognized that communal rituals are a universal human experience that binds people together in various ways. Spectacles, often rich in disorienting noise, shock, and awe, tend to captivate observers through the powerful figures at the center of the spectacle, who inspire fear and wonderment, reinforcing authoritarian cults of personality. In contrast, participatory rituals like communal dancing, singing, or chanting tend to instill camaraderie among participants, solidarity, and trust among those involved. As a student of history and a sports fan, the mirrored reflections of the past provide an analytical perspective about the final Knicks game on June 13, a sports agenda that cannot be ignored.

During the 2026 National Basketball Association playoff between the New York Knicks and the San Antonio Spurs, Madison Square Garden, the storied home of the Knicks, once again became like a civic commons after a 53-year championship drought. The competitiveness of the Knicks during the playoffs elevated the space from merely being a site of entertainment to a participatory ritual arena. The crowd did not passively observe; it chanted, rose, groaned, anticipated, and collectively willed momentum into existence. One needed to only look at the faces in the stands—season ticket holders and first-timers, celebrities and subway riders alike—to notice that the sight was closer to what might be considered an integrative ritual: one in which meaning is not imposed from above but generated, often with spontaneity, among participants.

Basketball, by definition, is a team sport, but this is typified by the game that the Knicks currently play. It is not about consistent domination by a central figure. Even the most celebrated player, Jalen Brunson, depends on coordination, timing, and trust in his teammates. The drama unfolds collectively, and its outcome remains contingent on who makes a foul shot and who grabs a rebound. Participation matters—not just symbolically but materially. The arena amplifies the idea, however imperfectly enacted, that communal engagement shapes outcomes. And these outcomes transcended the arenas where the Knicks games were played, stimulating joy and collective actions, and bringing people together in the desire for a common outcome.

By contrast, the spectacle of an Ultimate Fighting Championship event, staged in a garish steel cage, on the grounds of the White House on June 14 operated on a fundamentally different ritual logic. It was not designed for mutual participation but for spectacle: with the concentration of attention onto a staged center, where one-on-one conflict and mayhem are distilled into physical dominance and symbolic submission. The audience’s role is not to join but to witness—to be awed, to see blood and hear pain, be unsettled, and ultimately to orient themselves toward the figures who command the stage and oversee the event.

The choice of venue was not incidental. The White House has long functioned as a site of state ritual. But traditionally, those rituals—press briefings, public ceremonies, even contentious protests beyond its gates—are tethered, at least aspirationally, to norms of decorum, accountability, and public engagement. Introducing a choreographed combat spectacle into that space shifts its symbolic significance. It recasts a locus of governance into an arena of performance, where the aesthetic of dominance and self-promotion, by a small network of cronies, overshadows any ethical prospect of leading to wider participation.

This is precisely the distinction our comparative work on governance and ritual helps illuminate. When power is broadly distributed, rituals tend to be inclusive, iterative, and co-constructed. They require participants to see one another as collaborators in a shared process, even when competition is involved. In contrast, when power is tightly concentrated, rituals often become spectacles—staged experiences that reinforce hierarchy, channel emotions toward a focal point, and reduce the audience to spectators instead of actors. The Knicks, for all the commercialism of modern sports, still lean toward the former model. Their playoff games invited identification not with an owner but with a collective—however abstract—called a team, a city, a fan base. Victory was widely shared across an entire metropolitan area, communally. The ritual binds laterally, person-to-person.

A UFC spectacle staged in the orbit of political power points in the other direction. It binds vertically. The emotional energy of the crowd is drawn upward and inward, toward a center that is insulated from participation. The unpredictability of sport is replaced by an orchestrated spectacle; even the violence, ostensibly raw, is framed and contained to produce maximum symbolic effect. None of this is to suggest that one form of ritual is wholly virtuous and the other entirely malign. Spectacle has always been part of human societies, and participatory rituals can exclude to the same extent as they can include. Madison Square Garden is not immune to hierarchy, nor is fandom evenly accessible. But the contrast remains as glaring as instructive because it reveals not just different entertainments, but different models of how people relate to power—and to one another.

At stake is more than this season’s recreational programming. Rituals, whether ancient ball games in Mesoamerica or modern sporting events in New York, are not peripheral to political life; they are constitutive of it. They shape how individuals experience belonging, authority, and agency. They encode assumptions about who acts and who is meant to watch. The event at the White House reinforces values such as “might makes right” and life is a “zero-sum game.”

Alternatively, in an era when democratic practices often feel attenuated, the spaces where participation is still enacted—even imperfectly—carry heightened significance, thereby fostering shared aims and emphasizing the potential win-win-win outcomes that interdependence and collaborative action can generate. The roar of a crowd that believes its collective voice matters stands in quiet contrast to spectacles that ask only for attention, passivity, and allegiance.

We would do well to recognize the difference.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

Cover Image, Top: Part of ancient Maya ballcourt, Chichen Itza. xiquinhosilva, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Human Origins Destroys Core Fascist Mythology

Yann Perreau is a writer, educator, contemporary art curator, and writing fellow for the Human Bridges project of the Independent Media Institute. He has published several books on art, climateanonymity, and more. His articles have appeared in many publications, including Libération, Art Press, and East of Borneo. He has served as a cultural attaché for both the French Embassy in London and the French Consulate in Los Angeles. He holds an MPhil in art history from Paris’s EHESS.

The deeper we explore humanity’s past, the harder it becomes to sustain some of the most powerful political myths of the modern world.

For more than a century, authoritarian ideologies have sought legitimacy in origin stories: pure people, ancestral homelands, primordial hierarchies, and civilizational destinies. Fascism, in particular, has always been obsessed with beginnings. Whether in Nazi fantasies of Aryan ancestry, myths of ethnic continuity, or contemporary narratives of demographic replacement and civilizational decline, the past is transformed into a source of authority. History becomes destiny. Origins become a source of legitimacy.

Yet archaeology, anthropology, genetics, and evolutionary science increasingly tell a different story. Research across these fields has challenged older assumptions about purity, hierarchy, and human nature. Deep history reveals migration rather than isolation, cooperation rather than perpetual conflict, and experimentation rather than inevitability.

Few 20th-century thinkers saw this more clearly than Georges Bataille, who observed that competing visions of the past often conceal varying perspectives of humanity.

Better known today for his writings on eroticism, sacrifice, and transgression, French philosopher Bataille was also one of the first major European intellectuals to recognize that prehistory could serve as an antidote to fascist mythology. During the 1930s and 1940s, when fascist movements were mobilizing myths of origin on an unprecedented scale, he turned to cave art, ritual, and the earliest traces of human life, immersing himself in the latest archaeological, anthropological, paleontological, and sociological research.

His writings on prehistory drew extensively on the discoveries and debates of his time, delving into philosophical, anthropological, and political interests at once. What distinguishes humans from other animals? How did symbolic thought emerge? What forms of community existed before states, nations, and organized religions? These questions acquired a particular urgency during the rise of Benito Mussolini in Italy and Adolf Hitler in Germany, when competing visions of humanity became a matter of life and death.

Studying cave art and the discoveries emerging from sites such as the Lascaux Cave in France, Bataille became fascinated by a simple fact. The artists who painted the walls left no names. They founded no dynasties. They erected no monuments to rulers or conquerors. But they created some of the most extraordinary images in human history.

For Bataille, the lack of names was not a footnote; it was the point.

The caves revealed forms of collective creation that preceded authorship, ownership, and sovereignty. Art appeared not as an expression of individual genius or political authority but as a shared symbolic activity through which a community understood itself and its place in the world.

Instead of fascism’s cult of leadership, Bataille discovered a humanity whose earliest masterpieces emerged from participation rather than domination, anonymity rather than glory, and collective creation rather than the cult of personality.

The political implications of these observations became increasingly difficult to ignore during the rise of the totalitarian regimes that would engulf much of Europe and Asia. In his 1933 essay “The Psychological Structure of Fascism,” Bataille analyzed the attraction to sovereignty, authority, and charismatic leadership. In 1936, he founded Acéphale, an anti-fascist intellectual group whose symbol was a headless human figure.

The image was deliberately provocative. Against the Führer, Il Duce, Stalin, and every cult of leadership, Bataille proposed a humanity without a head. The figure was less of a political statement than a symbolic reversal of the principles celebrated by totalitarian movements. Against sovereignty, he imagined forms of collective existence that could not be reduced to a single authority. Against hierarchy, he emphasized participation, reciprocity, and shared experiences.

Prehistory became important not because it provided an alternative mythology, but because it revealed a past that resisted mythological simplification. Bataille turned to caves such as Lascaux as they seemed to preserve traces of human existence before nations, before states, and before centralized authority. What he found there was not an original people or an ancestral race, but forms of collective life that escaped the categories through which modern politics often tends to understand itself.

Against Hobbes

In this sense, Bataille’s reading of prehistory amounted to a direct challenge to one of the founding myths of modern political thought. In Leviathan (1651), Thomas Hobbes famously described life before political authority as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Human beings, he argued, originally lived in a condition of universal conflict—a “war of all against all”—from which only a sovereign power could rescue them.

This image has shaped centuries of political theory. It continues to influence assumptions about human nature and social order. If conflict is primordial, hierarchy appears necessary. If competition is humanity’s defining characteristic, strong authority becomes easier to justify.

Yet few anthropologists, archaeologists, or evolutionary researchers today would recognize early human societies that were part of Hobbes’s description. Over the past century, discoveries from prehistory have gradually eroded the picture of humanity emerging from a primordial war of all against all. Instead, these findings have shed light on how the social bond preceded sovereignty.

Cooperation and Human Success

Research in the 21st century has begun to explain the reasoning behind this. Far from being a secondary achievement of civilization, cooperation was one of the conditions that made civilization possible. Human infants require years of care, and this knowledge needs to be transmitted across generations. Food sharing, communication, and reciprocity were not late cultural inventions. They were essential to survival.

Increasingly, researchers describe Homo sapiens as a uniquely hyper-cooperative species. In a landmark study published in the journal Nature in 2014, the authors argued that cooperative breeding and exceptional levels of social cooperation played a decisive role in the evolution of human cognition and culture. Shared childcare, collective learning, and social transmission enabled forms of cumulative culture unmatched elsewhere in the animal world.

Human beings did not become cooperative because civilization imposed cooperation upon them: civilization became possible because humans were already cooperative. American anthropologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy makes a similar point in Mothers and Others, stating that networks of care extending far beyond biological parents helped shape human evolution. Humans survived because they learned to depend upon one another.

Developmental and comparative psychologist Michael Tomasello reaches a similar conclusion. In A Natural History of Human Morality, he argues that what distinguishes human cognition is not superior individual intelligence but the capacity for shared intentionality—the ability to coordinate attention, goals, and actions with others. Human intelligence, in this view, is fundamentally social.

A similar intuition reappears today in discussions about artificial intelligence (AI). Blaise Agüera y Arcas, an AI researcher, has argued that intelligence is not simply an individual property but something that emerges through communication, learning, and exchange. Language may be less of an instrument of individual advantage than a technology of collective intelligence.

While Hobbes saw society emerging from conflict, many contemporary scholars suggest that society was shaped by cooperation.

The Archaeology of Possibility

The same shift has transformed our understanding of political development. In The Dawn of Everything, authors David Graeber and David Wengrow challenge the familiar narrative of how human societies progressed through a fixed sequence—bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states—becoming more hierarchical at every stage.

Drawing on decades of archaeological research, they describe societies that repeatedly experimented with different political arrangements. Some adopted hierarchical structures only temporarily before abandoning them. Others alternated between centralized and decentralized forms of organization according to seasonal rhythms. Large populations sometimes existed without kings, standing armies, or centralized bureaucracies. These accounts make human history look less like a march toward the state and more like a field of political experimentation.

The implications of this outlook extend well beyond archaeology. If hierarchy is not inevitable, authoritarianism can no longer present itself as the culmination of human development. If human beings repeatedly invented different ways of organizing collective life, then political alternatives are not utopian fantasies. They are historical realities. The past does not reveal our destiny, but another possibility of how to exist.

Deep History Against Race

The anti-fascist implications of prehistory became especially visible during the 20th century.

As Nazi scholars attempted to transform archaeology into a science of racial origins, other researchers moved in the opposite direction. In Man Makes Himself, archaeologist V. Gordon Childe emphasized that human progress is a result of innovation, exchange, and collective invention, instead of a biological destiny. Anthropologist Franz Boas’s The Mind of Primitive Man dismantled theories of racial hierarchy and demonstrated that cultural differences were historical rather than biological. Ethnologist Paul Rivet’s studies of migration and the peopling of the Americas highlighted human circulation, encounter, and mixture over purity and permanence in the region. Working in different disciplines, these researchers arrived at a similar conclusion: the deeper one investigates human history, the less sustainable are the ideas of fixed origins and permanent identities.

Advances in the 21st century in genetics have further strengthened this conclusion. Ancient DNA research has transformed our understanding of the past as dramatically as the discovery of cave art transformed our understanding of prehistoric culture a century ago. Across Eurasia and beyond, genetic studies have revealed repeated episodes of migration, admixture, and exchange that challenge older narratives of stable and isolated populations.

Far from revealing isolated groups preserving fixed identities over millennia, genetics shows continuous movement and transformation. Even Homo sapiens bear the marks of encounters with other human groups, including Neanderthals and Denisovans.

The further we travel into the past, the harder it becomes to sustain fantasies of racial purity.

Why Bataille’s Thinking Remains Important

Prehistory does not provide a political program. It does not tell us how contemporary societies should be organized, nor does it reveal a lost golden age. The important point is not that prehistoric humanity was peaceful, egalitarian, or morally superior. Human violence is ancient. So are domination and conflict.

The lesson is something else.

Deep history undermines some of the stories authoritarian ideologies tell us about humanity. Against the myths of racial purity, it reveals a mixture of races. Against myths of primordial hierarchy, it reveals experimentation with political structure. Against myths of sovereign necessity, it reveals human cooperation. Against myths of fixed identity, it reveals transformation.

Bataille understood that prehistory was not simply about origins. It was also about what happens when origin stories lose their authority. Now, with nationalism and authoritarian politics again looking for acknowledgment in ancestry, identity, and destiny, deep history offers a different perspective. The further back we go, the harder it is for fascism to find validity in historical narratives. Instead, what comes into view is a history of movement and exchange, cooperation and shared invention.

Prehistory doesn’t excuse domination. It doesn’t erase it, either. It places domination in perspective. And at a moment when authoritarianism is once again on the rise, the deep past reveals something both humbling and reassuring: our greatest strength has never been purity or domination, but our capacity to cooperate, connect, and depend on one another.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

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Mystery of 17th century shipwreck holding 400 gold coins finally solved after 30 years

Bournemouth University—The identity of a centuries-old shipwreck discovered off the south coast of England, holding 400 gold coins has finally been identified as the Dutch trading ship “Dom van Keulen” which left Morocco for the Netherlands in the autumn of 1633.

A new publication* identifies the mysterious wreck that, for almost 30 years, a team of divers and researchers from the British Museum, Bournemouth University (BU) and the South West Maritime Archaeology Group have worked to identify. The book, called ‘From Morocco to the Coast of England: The Story of the Dom van Keulen and its Remarkable Cargo’ reveals that the Dutch ship came across some adverse weather.

Independent Historian, Ian Friel who helped identify the ship has uncovered documents in the National Archive relating to its voyage from Morocco to the Netherlands during which the crew “met with much tempestuous weather”. The ship sprang a leak and sank close to the coastal town of Salcombe, Devon off the south coast of England. All the crew survived.

Dave Parham, Professor of Maritime Archaeology at BU, edited the book alongside Venetia Porter, former Senior Curator for Islamic and Contemporary Middle Eastern Art at the British Museum, who worked with the South West Maritime Archaeology Group to find out more about the cargo and its ship after it was discovered in 1995.

Dave Parham said: “Among its cargo were 150 bags of gum arabic, 64 bags of saltpetre, 320 goat skins and 9,000 Barbary ducats, gold Moroccan coins. It is thought that most of the cargo was salvaged at the time, but more than 400 coins remained on the seabed until they were discovered by the South West Maritime Archaeology Group in 1995.”

Dave continued: “This provides important context for the wealth and architecture of the Sa‘dian Sharifs, the trade in African gold, and tangible evidence of the flourishing 17th-century maritime trade linking Morocco, the Low Countries and Britain.”

The 400 coins which along with other material from the wreck are on display at the British Museum originated from the Barbary Coast, recognized today as Morocco. During the 16th and 17th centuries, Dutch merchants actively traded by exchanging manufactured goods for highly valued, pure West African gold. At this time the Dutch had a large maritime industry and had a global trading empire. Many of the foreign imported ducats were melted down to produce their own Dutch gold coins which became one of the world’s most widely accepted trade currencies.

Very little is known about the appearance or size of the Dom van Keulen and no known paintings of the ship exist. Professor Parham says that the wreck site is about 30 meters long. It lies at a depth of around 18 metres and includes cannons and anchors amongst other small items of cargo. 

Other items brought up from the wreckage and now in the ownership of the British Museum include a pewter bowl and spoon, gold jewelry, a sounding weight in the shape of a fish, a stamp seal, pottery and a gold finger nugget. Head of Research at the British Museum, Jeremy D Hill, said:

“The discovery of African gold from under the sea off the coast of Devon was an amazing discovery that raised so many questions about how it came to be there. Answering those questions has taken a team of experts, working collaboratively. The story can now be told of how a Dutch ship carrying North African gold was wrecked off the English coast, making this a discovery of international importance. It reminds us how much there is still to be found under our seas.”

The book offers a detailed account of the find and the recovery process of the shipwreck. It also provides a cultural history of the Sa’dian Sharifs, an Arab Sharifian dynasty that ruled Morocco at the time the ship’s crew would have been trading with them.

The wreck site is designated under the Protection of Wrecks Act 1973 and is closely managed by Historic England. Diving on the site is restricted to those that hold a license granted by the Secretary of State at DCMS. The wreck is monitored by the National Coastwatch Institution (NCI) Prawle Point station, which overlooks the site. Devon & Cornwall Police’s marine unit also undertake regular patrols in the vicinity as part of Operation Birdie, a national initiative to tackle illegal interference with historic wreck sites.

An Open Access version of the book can be found online with physical copies available for purchase from the British Museum online shop.

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A diver above the wreck site with cannons below on the sea bed.  Credit: Maritime Archaeology Sea Trust (MAST)

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More gold coins and recovered jewellery from the site.  Credit: British Museum

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Examples of the gold coins recovered from the wreck.  Credit: British Museum

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Other recovered artefacts including – pewter bowl and spoon, a ceramic sounding weight shaped as a pilchard, stamp seal and finger nugget. Credit: British Museum

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Article Source: Bournemouth University news release.

*10.48582/eh04-q803 

Microbes frozen in ancient rubbish heaps help reconstruct ancient Greenlanders’ farms, seal hunts, and toilets

Frontiers—Greenland has a long and checkered history of human settlement: several Paleo-Inuit cultures since approximately 2,500 BCE, descendants of Vikings between the tenth and fifteenth centuries, and early modern Danes since 1721. All left their traces on the landscape, for example in the form of ancient domestic rubbish heaps. Composed of waste like animal bones, excrement, mollusk shells, and human artefacts, these middens are a precious resource for archaeologists.

But what can microbiologists contribute to the study of these middens, for example revealing which diseases plagued historic populations, and which animals they kept but perhaps didn’t eat? And now that the Arctic is warming three to four times faster than the global average, could thawing middens be a source of resurgent infectious diseases?

“Here we show that the risk of release of ancient pathogens from ancient middens on Greenland is currently low,” said Dr Frank Møller Aarestrup, a professor at the National Food Institute of Denmark Technical University and corresponding author of the article in Frontiers in Microbiology. “Rather, we found that these middens in the cold Arctic acted like long-term natural experiments. Human- and animal-associated bacterial signals, including opportunistic bacteria and bacteria carrying antibiotic resistance genes, have remained detectable in them many centuries later as the legacy of human activity: for example, livestock farming by the ancient Norse.”

Studying the dustbins of history

In 2020 and 2021 in West and South Greenland, Aarestrup and colleagues collected samples from several middens frozen in time by permafrost and covering 4,500 years of human life in Greenland. These had been identified by the Greenland National Museum and Archives registry. At ancient Norse sites, for example at Kapisilit and Narsarsuaq, they also collected soil samples from historic winter enclosures and summer grazing grounds for livestock. The researchers used DNA sequencing to reconstruct entire bacterial communities. They compared their findings to those in 143 soil samples from areas of permafrost distant from any historical settlements.

The sequencing revealed between 9 and 202 bacterial species per midden, for a total of 1,207 species. Importantly, many of these species were previously undescribed and could only be assigned to broad taxonomic categories like families and orders. “This […] highlights how poorly described Arctic soils and archaeological deposits remain,” wrote the authors.

Middens had significantly richer bacterial communities than surrounding pristine soils, confirming that they preserved the biological legacy of human activity. Middens from the Paleo-Inuit had the most soil-like bacterial communities, indicating that the microbial imprint from humans and animals diminishes over time.

Groups of bacteria known to live on or within animal and human hosts predominated in most middens. These included harmless bacteria from human feces like Clostridium massilliamazonienseClostridium baratii which can cause botulism, and Paeniclostridium sordellii, which can cause life-threatening human diseases like toxic shock syndrome, sepsis, and gas gangrene.

Bacterial communities depended strongly on the type of waste material in each midden. For example, those from early colonial era Nuuk contained decomposing seal skins and were rich in the bacterium Clostridium perfringens, a major cause of food poisoning. Romboutsia species and Paraclostridium sordellii – which live in the gut of many animals – were abundant in middens filled with animal carcasses, while early Norse middens with decomposing bones were rich in unknown species of Proteobacteria and Clostridiaceae.

No reason to worry

The authors also found a great diversity of genes associated with antimicrobial resistance in bacterial genomes from middens. The presence of the same genes in ancient and contemporary soil layers signaled that microbes resistant to antimicrobials can linger in permafrost for centuries. However, the authors concluded from the spatial distribution of these pathogens that they don’t spread far from thawing middens. They thus appear to pose little risk to public health – at least for now.

“The microbiome in thawing permafrost appeared to be rapidly replaced by local contemporary environmental microbes once released into run-offs,” observed co-author Dr Saria Otani, an associate professor at the National Food Institute.

“However, it is not known whether the risk of release of pathogens will increase with increasing temperatures, or whether this might be greater in other Arctic regions. For this reason, it would be prudent to include microbiome characterization as a routine monitoring aspect during archaeological visits,” counseled last author Dr Anders Priemé, a professor at the University of Copenhagen.

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The authors during their fieldwork on Greenland. Credit Louise Hindborg Mortensen

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

*Microbial composition of archaeological middens: Tracing Human Footprints Through Centuries in Greenland’s Ancient Settlements, Frontiers in Microbiology, 17-Jun-2026.  10.3389/fmicb.2026.1809037 

Bar-Ilan University study suggests 2,700-year-old standing stone (massebah) may provide fresh evidence for King Hezekiah’s religious reforms

Bar-Ilan University—A new study* by Prof. Avraham Faust of Bar-Ilan University’s Department of General History presents intriguing new evidence that may shed light on one of the most debated questions in the study of Israelite religion: did King Hezekiah’s religious reforms actually occur, and did they transform religious practices throughout the Kingdom of Judah?

Published in the Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology, the study focuses on an unusual discovery at Tel ‘Eton in the Judean Lowlands, a large cultic standing stone, or massebah, measuring approximately 1.4 meters (4.6 feet) in height and weighing about 750 kilograms (1,650 pounds). Once prominently displayed inside in a large residence, the stone was later carefully laid on its side and incorporated into a specially constructed stone platform.

According to Faust, the treatment of the stone may reflect broader religious changes that took place in Judah in the late eighth century BCE, possibly during the reign of King Hezekiah.

A Long-Standing Historical Debate

The biblical accounts describe Hezekiah as implementing sweeping religious reforms, including the elimination of local places of worship and the centralization of religious activity in Jerusalem. For decades, scholars have debated whether these reforms occurred as described or whether the biblical texts reflect a later ideological perspective.

Most archaeological discussions of Hezekiah’s reforms have focused on public cultic sites and installations, including the temple at Arad, the dismantled altar at Beersheba, and a few other ritual settings discovered throughout Judah. While these sites have yielded important evidence, their interpretation remains contested.

Faust’s study introduces a different type of evidence — one that may reveal how religious change affected everyday life beyond official places of worship.

A Stone at the Heart of an Important Building

The standing stone was discovered during excavations at Tel ‘Eton, a site identified as an important Judean settlement during the First Temple period. It was found in a large residence known as “Building 101,” often referred to as the Governor’s Residency, which was excavated over the course of ten excavation seasons.

In the building’s earliest phase, the stone stood in the largest room, directly opposite the entrance. Its prominent location ensured that it would have been visible to anyone entering the structure or standing in the adjacent courtyard.

Because the stone served no obvious architectural or practical purpose, and because similar standing stones are widely known from ritual contexts throughout the ancient Near East, the excavators believe it functioned as a cultic object associated with religious activity.

“The location of the stone suggests that it played an important role in the lives of the building’s occupants,” Faust explains.

Canceled, But Not Desecrated

At a later stage, however, the stone’s role changed dramatically. Rather than continuing to display it, the residents laid the standing stone on its side and incorporated it into a stone platform built around it. Significantly, researchers found no evidence that the stone had been intentionally damaged. It was not smashed into pieces or otherwise desecrated.

According to Faust, this distinction may be important. “Those responsible for changing religious practices may have wished to eliminate the stone’s ritual function, and perhaps wanted the old ritual objects desecrated, but the people who carried out the change seem to have treated it with respect,” he says. “They removed it from use without destroying it, effectively neutralizing its cultic significance while preserving the object itself.”

Rare Evidence of Religious Change in the Domestic Sphere

The discovery is particularly noteworthy because evidence for religious reform is usually sought in temples, shrines, and public cultic installations. The number of such settings, however, is quite limited, and because the evidence is not always unequivocal, the debates continue.

The novelty of the new study lies not only in providing additional evidence for religious changes in the late eighth century BCE, apparently during the reign of Hezekiah, but also in drawing attention to domestic cult practices. According to Faust, such evidence is rarely identified archaeologically because ordinary households attract far less scholarly attention than temples. Moreover, when a cult was abandoned, portable ritual objects could simply be removed, leaving little or no archaeological trace.

Connected to Hezekiah’s Reforms?

The standing stone was incorporated into the platform sometime before the destruction of Tel ‘Eton by the Assyrian Empire at the end of the eighth century BCE, a date that broadly coincides with the reign of King Hezekiah.

While the study does not claim definitive proof that the stone was decommissioned as a direct result of Hezekiah’s reforms, Faust argues that the find aligns well with other archaeological evidence from the same period.

Taken together, these discoveries strengthen the possibility that significant religious changes were taking place throughout Judah, affecting both public worship and domestic religious practices.

A New Piece of the Puzzle

Faust emphasizes that understanding religious development in ancient Judah requires looking beyond temples and official cultic centers. Administrative buildings, residences, and other non-ritual spaces may preserve important evidence for how religious life evolved and changed over time.

The standing stone buried at Tel ‘Eton more than 2,700 years ago does not resolve the debate over Hezekiah’s reforms. Yet by documenting the careful decommissioning of a long-venerated cultic object, the discovery offers a rare window into a period of profound religious change and provides a valuable new piece of evidence in one of biblical archaeology’s most enduring debates.

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Location Map of Tel ‘Eton. Credit Tel ‘Eton expedition

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Composite Aerial Photo of Building 101.  Credit Sky View and Griffin Aerial Imaging, edited by Yair Sapir

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Aerial view of Room 101B after the completion of excavations with the big stones left in situ. Inset: the two surviving fragments of the standing stone, digitally rejoined to illustrate their original appearance and dimensions.  Credit Griffin Aerial Imaging; Inset prepared by Dvir Rotem

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Aerial view of Room 101B after the removal of a later stone layer. The large cultic standing stone (massebah) is highlighted by the circle.  Credit Sky View

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Article Source: Bar-Ilan University news release.

*Hezekiah’s Reform? A View from Tel ‘Eton on the Religious Development in Judah, 19-May-2026.

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Ancient fire record rewritten: Researchers push earliest evidence of human fire use back to over a million years

The Hebrew University of JerusalemA new study* has uncovered evidence that early human ancestors were using fire in South Africa’s Wonderwerk Cave between 1.07 and 1.79 million years ago, extending the chronology of one of the earliest known records of fire use associated with hominins. By applying a new method that detects traces of burning in fossil bones, researchers found signs of repeated fire use deep inside the cave, far beyond the reach of natural wildfires. The findings suggest that early humans were bringing naturally occurring fire into the cave and maintaining it there, providing new insights into how our ancestors first began to harness one of the most important tools in human history.

A new study has uncovered evidence that early human ancestors were using fire far earlier than previously confirmed, with traces of fire use dating to between 1.07 and 1.79 million years ago in South Africa’s Wonderwerk Cave.

The study was part of an ongoing collaboration between Dr. Liora Kolska Horwitz of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem’s National Natural History Collections (co-director of the Wonderwerk Cave project with Prof Michael Chazan, University of Toronto) and and an international team of researchers from Spain, Argentina, Canada, USA, South Africa, Portugal and Israel. Their research combines methods from archaeology, paleontology, geology and a range of scientific techniques to investigate one of the key developments in human evolution: the use of fire.

The current paper builds on the previous discovery of early fire at Wonderwerk Cave, located in the Kalahari Desert of South Africa, that was dated to ~1 million years ago (published by members of the team in 2012 in PNAS), that provided the oldest evidence for intentional use of fire worldwide.

Continuing research at Wonderwerk Cave has now pushed the date for early fire back further, with new evidence for traces of fire use in archaeological deposits dating between 1.07 and 1.79 million years ago, extending the chronology of one of the earliest known records of fire use associated with hominins. The findings, published in PLOS One, provide new insight into how our ancestors may have interacted with fire long before they learned to create it themselves.

Fire provided warmth, protection from predators, and light after sunset, and eventually enabled cooking. Yet determining exactly when humans first began using fire has remained one of archaeology’s most challenging questions.

“Evidence of fire from such ancient sites is often subtle and difficult to detect,” said the Dr. Kolska Horwitz. “Our study provides new tools for identifying traces of ancient burning and reveals that fire was repeatedly present deep inside Wonderwerk Cave.”

The study also introduces a new method based on the light-emitting properties of burned bone.

When illuminated with specific wavelengths of light, bones that have been exposed to intense heat emit a distinctive glow. By combining this non-destructive luminescence technique with established chemical analyses, researchers were able to identify burned animal bones with a high degree of confidence.

The method is non-invasive, portable, and can be applied to large collections of fossils without damaging them.

The new research applied this method to examine traces of burning on hundreds of tiny fossil bones left behind by owls that once roosted in the cave. Because these remains accumulated naturally on the cave floor, they provide an independent, non-anthropogenic record of ancient events.

The scientists now found clear signs of burning in an archaeological layer associated with artefacts from the initial Acheulean, likely associated with Homo erectus. Importantly, these burned remains were discovered approximately 30 meters inside the cave—far beyond the reach of natural wildfires, and in a layer lacking remains of guano which rules out spontaneous combustion.

The findings do not indicate that these early humans could create fire at will. Instead, the evidence points to the use of naturally occurring fires, such as those sparked by lightning or wildfires on the African savanna. The early humans introduced this fire into the cave on multiple occasions and maintained it there before it eventually died out. The team suggested that they may have used the owl pellets as fuel, resulting in burning of the tiny bones of rodents that were in the pellets.

Nevertheless, bringing fire into a cave and maintaining it represents a significant behavioral achievement.

“These discoveries show that early humans were not simply passive observers of natural fires,” Dr. Kolska Horwitz explained. “They were actively engaging with fire and incorporating it into their lives.”

Beyond extending the record of fire use, the study provides archaeologists with a new tool for investigating how and when humans first began using fire.

As researchers continue to apply this technique at archaeological sites around the world, it may help clarify the origins and development of one of the most consequential technologies in human history.

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Wonderwerk Cave Entrance. Credit  Wonderwerk Cave Project

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White (#5 on right) is the most burnt while yellow-beige (on left #1) is unburnt. Credit  Wonderwerk Cave Project

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Modern Barn Owl Pellet from Floor of Wonderwerk.  Credit. Wonderwerk Cave Project

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Article Source: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem news release.

*New evidence for Early Pleistocene use of fire at Wonderwerk Cave (South Africa), PLOS One, 1-Jun-2026. 10.1371/journal.pone.0347480 

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