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Archaeogenetics: Neanderthals and the bottleneck theory

Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg—The first Neanderthals emerged approximately 300,000 years ago. They settled in large parts of Europe and spread as far as southern Siberia. “We still don’t have a comprehensive understanding of Neanderthal population history, nor of the demographic processes that led to their extinction,” says Prof. Dr. Thorsten Uthmeier, Chair of Prehistoric Archaeology and the Archaeology of Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers at FAU. “Maps of archaeological sites suggest that an event occurred during the last glacial period that caused a rapid decline in the geographic distribution and genetic diversity of the early population. It was believed that only a small group survived and that all later Neanderthals descended from this group. In genetics, such processes are referred to as ‘bottlenecks’.”

DNA samples provide new insights

To test and refine the bottleneck theory, an international research team led by the University of Tübingen analyzed ten new mitochondrial DNA sequences (mtDNAs) from Neanderthal remains found at six archaeological sites in Belgium, France, Germany, and Serbia and compared them with 49 previously published mtDNAs. “The mtDNA samples do not come from the cell nucleus, but rather from the mitochondria – single-celled structures that regulate a cell’s energy metabolism and have their own DNA,” explains Uthmeier. Mitochondrial DNA is used in archaeological research because it is more stable, occurs in greater quantities, and is easier to analyze than nuclear DNA. One of the new mtDNA samples included in the study* comes from a Neanderthal fetus that was discovered in 1968 by FAU researchers in the Sesselfelsgrotte cave in the Altmühl Valley near Kelheim, Germany. The preparatory work at FAU was conducted as part of the project “SHARP – Testing hypotheses on the transition from Neanderthals to Homo sapiens at the Paleolithic site of Sesselfelsgrotte,” which began in 2023 and is funded by the National Geographic Society.

From the samples, researchers can identify lineages. “mtDNA mutates much less frequently than nuclear DNA, which plays a key role in determining our appearance and physical constitution, among other things,” says Thorsten Uthmeier. “However, the degree of diversification in the mtDNA samples provides an insight into how closely related the Neanderthal groups – from which the bone and tooth fossils originate – were to one another.” Innovative analytical methods, such as decoding genetic information by breaking DNA down into individual gene sequences, made it possible to include samples in the study that had previously proven impossible to analyze. By comparing the newly decoded mtDNA with existing mtDNA, researchers have now been able not only to establish kinship but also to estimate ages based solely on genetic data. The ability to determine the age of samples in this way is an important development, as conventional dating methods have proven unsuitable for dating a great many samples. The combination of these methods has made it possible to reconstruct temporal and spatial patterns in the distribution of late Neanderthals.

A refugium in France 65,000 years ago

The study’s findings suggest that the last bottleneck event – which is believed to have played a major role in the extinction of the Neanderthals – occurred around 65,000 years ago. According to Uthmeier, “as recently as 130,000 years ago, Neanderthals were widespread throughout Western Eurasia, predominantly in what is now northern Germany and Belgium. There were isolated groups in the Caucasus, and even one in the Altai Mountains in southern Siberia.” Over the course of just tens of thousands of years, both genetic diversity and the range of the species declined, and its core population shifted increasingly toward southwestern France. “We suspect that the climatic conditions 65,000−60,000 years ago, a very cold and dry period, triggered the retreat to this refugium and the extinction of the remaining Neanderthal lineages,” explains Uthmeier. Subsequently, the Neanderthals began to populate a much wider area again, with virtually all later Neanderthals descendants of the group originally based in southwestern France.

There is, however, one exception: During excavations in the heart of the refugium, in Mandrin Cave in the Rhône Valley, the skeleton of a Neanderthal was found and named Thorin. There is evidence that he lived past the bottleneck, but his mtDNA differs significantly from that of the other survivors and should actually have become extinct. “Until recently, it was thought that Thorin belonged to an isolated group that had remained in a very small area,” says Uthmeier. “However, the genetic analysis now conducted has shown that the fetus from the Sesselfelsgrotte in the Altmühl Valley, whose remains date from a similar period, was also related to this group. The Thorin line was apparently more widespread than previously thought. This finding really surprised us.”

The researchers were also able to provide data to answer the question of when and why Neanderthals ultimately became extinct. “The combination of DNA analysis and age dating has revealed that a sharp decline in population size began around 45,000 years ago,” says Thorsten Uthmeier. It is still unclear exactly what led to their extinction about 3,000 years later. In addition to significant differences in the size and density of social networks, it is possible that parts of the last Neanderthal population were absorbed by groups of Homo sapiens sapiens, who, having come from Africa, spread across increasingly larger areas of Europe. Uthmeier: “Modern humans and Neanderthals were capable of interbreeding, which is why we still carry a small percent of Neanderthal DNA in us today.”

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Article Source: Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg news release.

Ancient charcoal sheds new light on how early humans fueled their lives

The Hebrew University of JerusalemNew study shows that early humans living about 800,000 years ago depended on fire in smart, practical ways. Instead of searching for the “best” wood, they took advantage of what nature provided, mainly driftwood collected along the lakeshore. This reliable fuel supply helped them keep fires going for cooking and daily life, and may even explain why they kept coming back to the same spot. In other words, they weren’t just choosing a place to live, they were choosing a place where fire was easy to maintain.

Nearly 800,000 years ago, early humans gathered along the shores of a lush lake in what is now northern Israel. Here, they returned again and again, hunting large animals, cooking fish over controlled fires, and organizing their daily lives around hearths. Now, a new study* shows that even the wood fueling those fires, which is preserved as rare fragments of charcoal, can reveal how carefully these ancient communities understood and used their environment.

Published in Quaternary Science Reviews, the study offers a vivid reconstruction of life at the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov (GBY). By examining an exceptionally rich and rare collection of ancient charcoal, an international team of researchers from Israel, Spain, and Germany, including Prof. Naama Goren-Inbar (Hebrew University), Prof. Nira Alperson-Afil and Dr. Yoel Melamed (Bar-Ilan University), Prof. Ethel Allué (Universitat Rovira i Virgili and Institut Català de Paleoecologia), and Prof. Brigitte Urban (Leuphana University), has uncovered new evidence of how early hominins gathered and used firewood, revealing behavior far more sophisticated than previously assumed.

Charcoal rarely survives at such early prehistoric sites, making this unusually large assemblage a unique window into the daily practices of early fire users. While many ancient sites preserve only fragmentary or ambiguous traces of burning, GBY provides a remarkably detailed record of repeated fire use over tens of thousands of years.

GBY preserves a layered history of human occupation along the shores of paleo–Lake Hula, with more than 20 archaeological horizons documenting generations of Acheulian hunter-gatherers returning to the same location. Excavations led by Prof. Naama Goren-Inbar of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem have revealed a dynamic landscape of activity: stone tools crafted from flint, limestone, and basalt; the remains of hunted animals; and a wide array of plant foods, including fruits, nuts, and seeds gathered from the lakeshore.

One particularly striking layer captures a dramatic moment in time. Alongside stone tools and plant remains, researchers uncovered the skull and bones of a straight-tusked elephant, evidence of large-scale hunting and butchery. The spatial arrangement of the remains suggests that the animal was processed on-site.

At the heart of this ancient camp life was fire. First identified at GBY by Prof. Nira Alperson-Afil of Bar-Ilan University, fire was habitual. It structured how space was organized, anchoring activities such as tool production, food preparation, and social interaction.

The new study focuses on a single occupation layer dated to approximately 780,000 years ago. Researchers analyzed 266 charcoal fragments, using microscopic techniques to identify the internal structure of the wood and determine its botanical origin. The results revealed a surprisingly diverse mix of plant species, including ash, willow, grapevine, oleander, olive, oak, pistachio, and even pomegranate, which is the earliest known evidence of this fruit tree in the Levant.

Unexpectedly, the charcoal assemblage showed greater plant diversity than other botanical remains from the site, such as seeds, fruits, or unburned wood. This suggests that firewood collection captured a broader cross-section of the surrounding environment than other forms of plant use.

Together, these species paint a vivid picture of the ancient landscape: a mosaic of wet lakeshore vegetation and open Mediterranean woodland. But more importantly, they reveal how early humans interacted with that landscape.

Rather than selectively gathering specific types of wood, GBY hominins appear to have relied primarily on driftwood naturally accumulating along the lakeshore. Fallen branches and logs, carried by water and deposited along the shore, would have created a readily available fuel supply. The composition of the charcoal closely mirrors the wood available in this environment, suggesting a practical and efficient strategy, using what the landscape provides.

This insight points to a broader conclusion: access to firewood may have been a decisive factor in where these early humans chose to live. The lakeshore offered not only fresh water, edible plants, animals, and raw materials for tools, but also a constant supply of fuel, essential for maintaining fire.

Even more striking is how fire was used. Spatial analysis shows that dense clusters of charcoal overlap with concentrations of fish remains, primarily the distinctive teeth of large carp. This co-occurrence adds compelling evidence that fish were being cooked at the site nearly 800,000 years ago, likely using carefully controlled fire.

These findings reinforce the idea that GBY hominins possessed advanced cognitive abilities. They were capable of controlling fire, organizing space around it, and integrating it into complex subsistence strategies. Yet interestingly, while hunting and tool-making required elaborate planning, firewood collection itself appears to have been a more routine activity, based largely on availability rather than careful selection of specific tree species.

Together, these behaviors paint a picture of a community that was both highly skilled and deeply attuned to its environment, returning repeatedly to a place that offered everything they needed to survive and thrive.

The GBY charcoal assemblage provides a unique dataset for examining the intersection of fire use, environmental context, and hominin behavior. These findings refine current models of early fire-related practices and emphasize the importance of local resource availability in shaping patterns of occupation and subsistence during the Middle Pleistocene.

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A general view of the excavation of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov Acheulian Site.  Credit: GBV Expedition

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Article Source: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem news release.

Moroccan Dawn

Two compelling prehistoric sites in what is present-day Morocco are leading to new, revolutionary insights on the nature, direction, and geography of human evolution on the African continent. Here are the stories that have developed from the excavations and research.

 

The Casablanca Horizon

Casablanca is best known in general popular imagery as the exotic setting for the iconic 1942 film, Casablanca, starring Humphrey Bogart and Ingrid Bergman, and as Morocco’s coastal economic powerhouse gem boasting a unique blend of  Berber, Arab, and European cultures with historic Art Deco architecture, the massive Hassan II Mosque, and vibrant traditional crafts.

Much less known to most, but nonetheless equally significant, is the fact that it also lies adjacent to internationally renowned Plio-Pleistocene palaeo-shorelines, cave systems and coastal dunes. This region has offered ideal conditions over geologic time for fossil formation and archaeological preservation — one of Africa’s best locations for investigating and researching Pleistocene palaeontology and archaeology. For scientists exploring the remains of prehistoric fauna, prehistoric humans, and their context of environmental change, it has therefore now emerged as one of the world’s most remarkable hotspots for uncovering traces of humanity’s human evolutionary journey.

The Grotte à Hominidés

Here, since the early 1990’s, an international team of scientists consisting of archaeologists and other specialists led by Jean-Jacques Hublin (Collège de France & Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology), David Lefèvre (Université de Montpellier Paul Valéry), Giovanni Muttoni (Università degli Studi di Milano) and Abderrahim Mohib (Moroccan Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine, INSAP) have conducted a 3-decade long excavation and investigation of Thomas Quarry I, slicing into the Oulad Hamida Formation, a ~1 Ma to Early/Middle Pleistocene stratigraphic unit featuring prehistoric fauna and clear signs of a hominin (or early human) presence based on rich Acheulean stone tool manufacturing, such as bifaces and cleavers, alongside evidence of butchery and fauna. It has thus far yielded a long-term record of early human habitation.

The finds recovered at Thomas Quarry I were remarkable by themselves. But it was the discovery made in one section of the Quarry, a cave system called Grotte à Hominidés, that yielded fossils that began to open up new questions and revelations about human evolution on the African continent.

It was in 1969 when Philippe Beriro, a collecting hobbyist, discovered what turned out to be the partial mandible of a hominin on a sloping surface below the cave, in addition to lithic and other mammal fossils. But it wasn’t until 1994 when controlled excavations, carried out over a period of more than two decades, uncovered stone artifacts of the Acheulean industry, more mammal fossils and, most significantly, additional hominin fossils within a well-defined stratigraphic context. Abundant carnivore remains, coprolites and other unmodified mammal bones, along with the scarcity of lithic artifacts, all indicated a carnivore den context. The hominin fossil assemblage included an adult mandible, eight hominin vertebrae and a hominin mandible fragment that forensic analysis showed to be a 1.5 year-old child. Finds also included a partial hominin femora that investigators determined to have been scavenged by a large carnivore, likely a hyena.

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ean-Paul Raynal and Fatima Zohra Sihi-Alaoui, co-directors of the program “Préhistoire de Casablanca” throughout the excavation that led to the discovery of the mandible ThI-GH-10717, in May 2008.  Credit © R. Gallotti, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Serena Perini and Giovanni Muttoni during the sampling for magnetostratigraphy in the Grotte à Hominidés deposits at the Thomas Quarry I.  Credit © D. Lefèvre, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Thomas Quarry I, Grotte à Hominidés: Mandible ThI-GH-10717 during the excavation.  Credit © J.P. Raynal, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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What Kind of Hominin?

As would be the case for any archaeological team, among the first priorities was to identify the genus and species of hominin these fossil remains represented.

Researchers applied high-resolution micro-CT imaging and geometric morphometric analysis of the Grotte à Hominidés specimens, including comparative anatomical analysis, drawing upon hominin fossil remains from other sites. The comparative fossil samples consisted of Early, Middle and Late Pleistocene hominins from Africa, Europe and Asia. The range of hominin species included specimens of H. erectus, Homo floresiensisHomo naledi, H. neanderthalensis, H. sapiens and Denisovan. Analysis revealed that these fossils featured a mosaic of archaic and derived traits.

Examining teeth was a particularly revealing operation. Says Matthew Skinner of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, Germany, and co-author of the associated study,  “Using microCT imaging we were able to study a hidden internal structure of the teeth, referred to as the enamel-dentine junction, which is known to be taxonomically informative and which is preserved in teeth where the enamel surface is worn away. Analysis of this structure consistently shows the Grotte à Hominidés hominins to be distinct from both Homo erectus and Homo antecessor, identifying them as representative of populations that could be basal to Homo sapiens and archaic Eurasian lineages.”*

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From Hublin, JJ., Lefèvre, D., Perini, S. et al. Early hominins from Morocco basal to the Homo sapiens lineage. Nature 649, 902–908 (2026). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-025-09914-y. CC BY 4.0

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773,000-year-old mandible ThI-GH-10717 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco.  Credit © Hamza Mehimdate, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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773,000-year-old mandible ThI-GH-1 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco. Credit © Hamza Mehimdate, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Lower jaws (mandibles) from North Africa, illustrating variation among fossil hominins and modern humans. The fossils shown are Tighennif 3 from Algeria (upper left), ThI-GH-10717 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco (upper right), and Jebel Irhoud 11 from Morocco (lower left), compared with a mandible from a recent modern human (lower right). All specimens are shown at the same scale, allowing direct comparison of their size and shape.  Credit © Philipp Gunz, MPI for Evolutionary Anthropology

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How Old?

Key to understanding the significance of the finds was the determination of their age within the geologic chronology. To obtain the age of the fossils, scientists sampled the sediments in which the fossils were found to create a high-resolution magnetostratigraphic record of the sediments. The key deposits, in contrast to what could be studied at most sites, were fortunately originally created during a reversal in the Earth’s magnetic field polarity, a phenomenon that can be detected in sedimentary deposits. In this case, the deposits were laid down at the end of what is known as the Matuyama Chron (reverse polarity), and the onset of the Brunhes Chron (normal polarity). By taking and testing 180 samples from this horizon, the research team was able to establish the precise position of the polarity switch, dated at 773,000 years ago. The nature of the faunal finds (37 species of mammals) found at the site also independently supported this age, a finding that led to another important implication, as reported in the study paper published in the journal Nature:

“Resemblances with East and South African faunas attest to easy latitudinal exchanges, demonstrating that the Sahara was not a permanent barrier in EP times owing to the recurrent expansion of savanna landscapes across North Africa in response to short-lived, astronomically driven periods of enhanced monsoon rainfall.”**

These fossils were 773,000 years old. They were hominins that ancestrally may have had connections in geologic time with other hominins, in other parts of the greater African landscape, facilitated by a greener Sahara. 

What Does It Mean?

Given the age of the fossils, scientists determined that the hominins these fossils represented were nearly contemporary with the Homo antecessor hominins of the Gran Dolina site much further north in Spain at Atapuerca, though featuring a few differing morphologies, but older than Middle Pleistocene fossils thought to be ancestral to Neanderthals and Denisovans, and about 500,000 years older than the early Homo sapiens fossils found at Jebel Irhoud, also located in present-day Morrocco. The research team for Grotte à Hominidés thus suggest that these new finds could provide some clues relating to the last common ancestor of Homo sapiens, Neanderthals, and Denisovans, an ancestor that is estimated from genetic findings to have lived somewhere between 765,000 and 550,000 years ago.

Says Jean-Jacques Hublin,“the fossils from the Grotte à Hominidés may be the best candidates we currently have for African populations lying near the root of this shared ancestry, thus reinforcing the view of a deep African origin for our species.“*

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The First Homo sapiens

About 80 miles southeast of Casablanca lies a site called Jebel Irhoud. The location means nothing to most people. It is what the locals have named it — a mountain-like karstic limestone outcrop situated southeast of the coastal city of Safi. Collectively with all other hilly outcrops in the region, there is nothing distinguishable about it — except for a distinctive, massive cut-away a little over halfway down its ridge line on its east side. Today this cut-away looks very much like a rock shelter. But at one time, several hundred thousand years ago, it was a complete cave.

Jebel Irhoud is filled with 8 meters of deposits from the Pleistocene epoch, and thus it has a story to tell — about a slightly greener, wetter Sahara over 300,000 years ago — a steppe-like environment where equids, bovids, gazelles, rhinoceros and various other predators roamed the landscape — including humans, who lived in this cave and hunted and fed on the gazelles and other animals that made the region their home. We know there were humans here because archaeologists and other scientists have discovered what they left behind here, including their bones — bones that looked startlingly like those of modern humans.

Lost and forgotten for millennia, evidence of ancient human presence within the cave came to light in 1960, when miners stumbled across what appeared to be the remains of a human skull within its wall. The skull was eventually consigned to the University of Rabat, sparking a joint French-Moroccan expedition to explore and study the site in 1961. Under the leadership of the French scientist Émile Ennouchi, this excavation team discovered several fossil bone specimens identified as human — a skull, part of another skull, and a lower mandible — along with the remains of about 30 species of mammals, some of which were dated to the Middle Pleistocene. The finds stirred the scientific world with the suggestion that some form of humans occupied the site perhaps tens of thousands of years ago. Further excavations conducted by a team under Jacques Tixier and Roger de Bayle des Hermens in 1967 and 1969 deepened the story, with the recovery of additional fossils, including a human-like humerus and an apparent human pelvic (hip) bone. A plethora of stone artifacts were discovered, as well.

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The Jebel Irhoud (Morocco). Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0

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View looking south of the Jebel Irhoud site. The remaining deposits and several people excavating them are visible in the center. At the time the site was occupied by early hominins, it would have been a cave, but the covering rock and much sediment were removed by work at the site in the 1960s. Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Excavators working on the remaining deposits at Jebel Irhoud. The new fossils were found in the sediments in front of where the two excavators on the left are working. Credit Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two of the new Jebel Irhoud fossils in situ as they were discovered during excavation. In the center of the image, in a slightly more yellow brown tone, is the crushed top of a human skull (Irhoud 10) and visible just above this is a partial femur (Irhoud 13) resting against the back wall. Not visible behind the pointed rock (between the femur and the skull) is the mandible (Irhoud 11). The scale is in centimeters. Credit: Steffen Schatz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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But one real sticking point about the Jebel Irhoud finds revolved around the Middle Pleistocene faunal remains that appeared to be associated with the human remains. The Middle Pleistocene generally spans the range between 781,000 to 126,000 years ago. Other considerations assigned a much later date to the human occupants. Moreover, the human fossils found at Jebel Irhoud exhibited many characteristics that were distinctly ‘modern’, or Homo sapiens, in terms of morphology, as well as some distinctively more archaic characteristics. The combination of findings created a puzzling mix of elements, given the state of knowledge and assumptions about dating and human evolution.

Pushing Back the Clock on Homo sapiens

Enter 2004, when a team led by Jean-Jacques Hublin of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology began to investigate the site. Hublin, long at the forefront of research on Pleistocene hominins, particularly Neanderthals and early Homo sapiens, could not keep the mystery of Jebel Irhoud out of his mind. “The description of the small, child’s mandible found at the site in the 60’s was one of the first original fossils I ever described and published back in the early 80’s,” he wrote Popular Archaeology. “Since then, I have been fascinated by the material yielded by Jebel Irhoud. The combination of primitive and modern features that these fossils display could not make much sense if the rather late age that was originally assigned to the site were accurate.” The new excavations eventually yielded 16 new Homo sapiens fossils with associated Middle Stone Age type stone tools and more animal bones. The finds included skulls, teeth, and long bones that represented at least 5 individuals.

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Dr. Jean-Jacques Hublin on first seeing the new finds at Jebel Irhoud. He is pointing to the crushed human skull (Irhoud 10) whose orbits are visible just beyond his finger tip. Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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One of the objectives of the new investigations was to make sense of the dating at the site. “Our first goal was to obtain accurate radiometric dates confirming or falsifying the Middle Pleistocene age suggested by the study of the fauna,” said Hublin. One of the salient discoveries at the site revolved around the finding of burnt flint samples associated with the sediments containing the human fossils, a key to dating the site and the human remains. With the recent advancements in dating technology and techniques, it was an opportune time to take a new look at the material.

After applying newly refined thermoluminescence dating to the heated flints found at the site, Hublin and his team had astounding results — the samples yielded an age of approximately 300,000 years ago. If the results were valid, this meant that the Jebel Irhoud humans occupied the site tens of thousands of years earlier than the previously oldest Homo sapiens fossils, found at Omo Kibish in Ethiopia, dated to 195,000 years ago, Herto Bouri, also in Ethiopia, dated to 160,000 years ago, and Florisbad, South Africa, at 260,000 years ago. “There was still a long way to go to confirm these dates on a significant number of other samples and to confirm them with another method,” said Hublin about their initial results. “So we worked with specialists of ESR (Electron Spin Resonance) to double-check the dating of the site.” 

Geochronology expert Daniel Richter of the Max Planck Institute, who worked on the dating process, played a key role in getting researchers to the end game on age. “Well-dated sites of this age are exceptionally rare in Africa, but we were fortunate that so many of the Jebel Irhoud flint artifacts had been heated in the past,” he said. “This allowed us to apply thermoluminescence dating methods on the flint artifacts and establish a consistent chronology for the new hominin fossils and the layers above them.” Moreover, the researchers were finally in a position to recalculate a date for the Jebel Irhoud mandible found in the 1960s excavations. The mandible was previously dated to 160 thousand years ago by the electron spin resonance dating method. But now, using newly improved methods, the mandible’s newly calculated date was consistent with the new thermoluminescence dates, making it much older than previously thought.

With dates confirmed, Hublin and colleagues could make a bold but supportable claim.

Some form of Homo sapiens lived at Jebel Irhoud about 300,000 years ago.

A Primitive Homo sapiens?

Key to understanding the significance of the human fossil finds is the distinctive combination of modern and archaic features they exhibit, particularly in the skull. The distinguishing hallmarks of modern human skulls include a small and gracile face (in contrast to most other hominin species fossil specimens), and a large, globular braincase. The Jebel Irhoud fossils exhibit the same facial characteristics and a large brain case capacity comparable to that of modern humans, but a more archaic-looking, elongated braincase with relatively prominent supraorbital (brow) ridges similar to what can be found in Neanderthals and other more ‘primitive’ species. Hublin and colleagues applied state-of-the-art tomographic scans and produced digital avatars of the fossils, using advanced mathematical tools to assess 3D morphometry. Statistical shape analysis was performed using hundreds of 3D measurements, showing that the facial morphology of the Jebel Irhoud fossils is nearly identical to that of modern humans living today. This combination with the elongated braincase and other features shared with other, earlier species of humans raised new questions about the evolutionary morphology of the human skeleton.

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The mandible Irhoud 11 is the first, almost complete adult mandible discovered at the site of Jebel Irhoud. It is very robust and reminiscent of the smaller Tabun C2 mandible discovered in Israel in a much younger deposit. The bone morphology and the dentition display a mosaic of archaic and evolved features, clearly assigning it to the root of our own lineage. Credit: Jean-Jacques Hublin, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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Virtual palaeoanthropology can correct distortions and fragmentations of fossil specimens. This reconstruction of the Irhoud 11 mandible allows its comparison with archaic hominins, such as Neanderthals, as well as with early forms of anatomically modern Humans. Credit: Jean-Jacques Hublin, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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A composite reconstruction of the earliest known Homo sapiens fossils from Jebel Irhoud based on micro computed tomographic scans of multiple original fossils. Dated to 300 thousand years ago these early Homo sapiens already have a modern-looking face that falls within the variation of humans living today. However, the archaic-looking braincase indicates that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage. Credit: Philipp Gunz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two views of a composite reconstruction of the earliest known Homo sapiens fossils from Jebel Irhoud based on micro computed tomographic scans of multiple original fossils. Dated to 300 thousand years ago these early Homo sapiens already have a modern-looking face that falls within the variation of humans living today. However, the archaic-looking virtual imprint of the braincase (blue) indicates that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage. Credit: Philipp Gunz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two views of the Irhoud 10 face. Several reconstructions of the second hominin face discovered at the Irhoud site can be proposed. All these reconstructions enter the variability of extant, anatomically modern humans within the limits of anatomical constraints. Modern conditions for the facial skeleton were, therefore, already reached 300 thousand years ago in the earliest forms of Homo sapiens known to date. Credit: Sarah Freidline, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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How Modern?

Although these humans exhibited physical characteristics that were anatomically modern, given the accompanying archaic features, just how ‘modern’ really were the people represented by these fossils?

Clues could be found among the other finds excavated at the site, all of which were associated with the human fossils. These finds included animal bones representing gazelles, hartebeests, wildebeests, zebras, buffalos, porcupines, hares, tortoises, freshwater molluscs, snakes and ostrich egg shells. Most plentiful were the remains of gazelles. Teresa Steele, a paleoanthropologist at the University of California, Davis, analyzed the animal fossils. As she examined the hundreds of bones and shells, she identified cut marks and breaks, indicating that many of them had been modified by humans, most likely processed for food. Breaks along the long bones clearly indicated that the humans broke them open for the marrow, she said. And even though the remains of other predators, such as hyenas and leopards, were found at the site, Steele said that there was little evidence of gnawing on the animal bones by the nonhuman predators.

There was a clear behavioral takeaway in all of this. “It really seemed like people were fond of hunting,” Steele said.***

What kinds of tools did these human hunters/consumers use to acquire and process this game?

Stone tools found at the site and associated with the fossils were identified by the team of archaeologists as belonging to the Middle Stone Age. Made from high quality flint imported from elsewhere, they exhibited characteristics typical of the Middle Stone Age, such as objects prepared using Levallois core techniques and pointed forms. Such assemblages have been found at various sites dated to the time range inclusive of the Jebel Irhoud site all across Africa. “The stone artifacts from Jebel Irhoud look very similar to ones from deposits of similar age in east Africa and in southern Africa” says Max Planck Institute archaeologist Shannon McPherron.***

Evidence pointed to a group of people with a capability beyond what could typically be attributed to more archaic species, such as Homo erectus or other species on the early human spectrum.

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Some of the Middle Stone Age stone tools from Jebel Irhoud. Pointed forms such as a-i are common in the assemblage. Also characteristic are the Levellois prepared core flakes (j-k). Credit: Mohammed Kamal, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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The Implications of Jebel Irhoud

Assuming that the dating holds under scrutiny by other scholars and any additional studies, the findings at Jebel Irhoud forces current scholarship to reconsider or revamp the traditional thinking about how and where modern humans arose from the ancestral soup in Africa. For one thing, the fossils present new implications for the evolutionary development of modern human species-specific physical characteristics.  “Our findings suggest that modern human facial morphology was established early on in the history of our species, and that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage,” says Philipp Gunz, one of the authors of the recent detailed studyof the finds published in Nature. To this point have been recent discoveries bearing on comparisons of ancient DNA extracted from Neanderthals and Denisovans to the DNA of modern humans — revealing differences in genes related to the human brain and nervous systems. Changes in the shape of the Homo sapiens braincase over time may be reflective of genetic changes in brain development, organization and nerve connectivity, changes that separate our species from other extinct human species.

Moreover, the morphology and dates of the Jebel Irhoud fossils fit with the designation of the partial cranium found at Florisbad, South Africa, as an archaic form of Homo sapiens. Now, very early, archaic Homo sapiens fossils have been found at very disparate locations across the African continent — Morocco, Ethiopia, and South Africa — and the finds are associated with Middle Stone Age tools, revealing a cognitive capacity and development commonly associated with Homo sapiens. “The fossil and archaeological evidence at Jebel Irhoud obligate us to revise the textbooks,” says Hublin. “It looks like by 300,000 years ago, our species was already represented all over the African continent and not restricted to a small “garden of Eden” in East or Southern Africa.”

Perhaps most significantly, the finds at Jebel Irhoud and other sites across Africa have served to raise questions about what is meant by Homo sapiens. Clearly, there were people who lived in Africa who looked, and perhaps behaved, very much like us, well over 200,000 years ago, the time when most scholars have suggested modern humans emerged. As new evidence indicates, modern humans didn’t suddenly pop into history in a single century or even a single millennium. Nothing in evolution is truly that simple or fantastic. Indeed, as new discoveries have been made, there has been a pattern of pushing back the clock and overturning long-held theories and assumptions about human evolution and what constitutes being a ‘modern’ human. Sites like Jebel Irhoud, Omo Kibish, Herto Bouri, Florisbad, Pinnacle Point, Blombos, and a score of others are slowly painting a much more complex picture of what it means to be Homo sapiens, and where and when our species existed.

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The Shifting Paradigm of Human Evolution

The discoveries made at Grotte à Hominidés and Jebel Irhoud serve to confirm that, geographically, Northwest Africa offered a critical setting in the developing story of the early evolution of the genus Homo, in addition to the already well-known evidence uncovered in East and South Africa. This suggests the need to take a broader view of when and where in Africa the roots of our species, and those of our common ancestry as embodied in species like Homo antecessor, Neanderthals, and Denisovans, took place. Accompanying paleoclimate studies have reinforced this assessment: Climatic oscillations opened recurring ecological ‘green’ corridors across the region now characterized by the Sahara. Says Denis Geraads, “the idea that the Sahara was a permanent biogeographic barrier [for humans in prehistory] does not hold….The palaeontological evidence shows repeated connections between Northwest Africa and the savannas of the East and South.”*

The path that defines the roots of the evolution of modern humanity spans the entire face of the African continent, and the story is likely far deeper and more complex than we ever have imagined.

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African landscape. Frans-Banja Mulder, CC BY 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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*From Early hominins from Morocco reveal an African lineage near the root of Homo sapiens, press release of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, January 7, 2026.

**Jean-Jacques Hublin, et al., Early hominins from Morocco basal to the Homo sapiens lineage, Nature, 7 January 2026. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-025-09914-y

***https://popular-archaeology.com/issue/summer-2017/article/earliest-known-homo-sapiens-just-got-older

Cover Image, Top Left: Credit Ryan Somma, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Villa of Faragola

In the fertile Carapelle Valley of northern Puglia, where the ancient territory of Daunia meets the sub-Apennine foothills, a late antique villa of extraordinary opulence lay concealed beneath agricultural soils for fifteen centuries. The Villa of Faragola—its summer dining hall furnished with Italy’s best-preserved masonry “stibadium”, its thermal complex among the largest private baths ever documented on the peninsula, its floors sheathed in the rarest polychrome marble “opus sectile”—represents the most spectacular aristocratic residence yet discovered in the Italian south. Excavated from 2003 onwards by the University of Foggia under Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano, partially opened to the public, then savagely burnt in a suspected arson in September 2017, and now the subject of a hard-won, multi-million-euro restoration completed in November 2024, Faragola has endured a modern fate as dramatic as its ancient one. This article traces the full arc of its history—from its Daunian origins through its late antique apogee, its early medieval transformation, its modern discovery, its near destruction, and its current, cautious renaissance.

 

THE CARAPELLE VALLEY: A LANDSCAPE OF PERENNIAL HABITATION

The Carapelle river descends from the sub-Apennine highlands of the Monti Dauni before widening into the great alluvial fan of the Tavoliere delle Puglie, one of the most productive agricultural plains in the Italian peninsula and among the earliest farming landscapes in the western Mediterranean. This valley corridor—traversed since prehistoric times by transhumance routes linking the Apennine pastures to the Adriatic lowlands—was also threaded, in the Roman period, by one of the most strategically important secondary road axes in the region: the Via Aurelia Aeclanensis, which connected the ancient city of Herdonia (modern-day Ordona, on the Via Traiana) to Aeclanum (modern-day Mirabella Eclano), thereby bridging the Via Traiana in the north to the Via Appia in the south and drawing the valley into the arterial infrastructure of the empire.

It was precisely at a node of this road network, on a low terrace above the left bank of the Carapelle, approximately five kilometers northeast of ancient Ausculum (modern-day Ascoli Satriano) and nine kilometers from Herdonia, that the Villa of Faragola was established. The site, which takes its name from the modern locality of Contrada Faragola within the municipality of Ascoli Satriano—famous for its two marble griffins from the Getty Museum—in the province of Foggia, Puglia, Southern Italy, commanded a gentle rise affording views across the valley’s wheat-gilded plain—a setting at once practical, commanding, and aesthetically eloquent of the aristocratic taste that would, in late antiquity, transform the location into one of the most opulent rural residences in southern Italy.

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The two griffins, a polychrome marble trapezophoros, devouring a fallen doe. (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The geological and hydrological character of the terrace was well chosen: the Carapelle’s alluvial deposits provided fertile agricultural land yielding the grain surpluses on which the villa’s economy, and ultimately its luxury, depended, while the river itself and a series of local springs supplied the abundant water resources that a complex bath establishment of over a thousand square meters demanded. In a region whose long, hot summers made the pleasures of water—fountains, pools, the cool percussion of hydraulic spectacle—both a practical necessity and a social performance, the hydrogeological endowment of Faragola was inseparable from its architectural ambitions.

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The Carapelle Valley is rich in both fertility and archaeological treasure (CREDITS: Polo Museale Civico di Ascoli Satriano).

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DEEP ROOTS: THE DAUNIAN SUBSTRATUM AND THE EARLY VILLA

Faragola‘s story does not begin with Rome. Systematic excavation has demonstrated that the terrace was occupied in the Daunian period—from approximately the fourth to the second century BCE, with traces extending to earlier centuries—when a domestic structure, one of whose rooms was paved with a careful pebble mosaic, stood on the site. The Daunian peoples, whose distinctive painted sub-Geometric pottery, elaborate anthropomorphic grave stelae (the celebrated stele daunie), and warrior aristocracies defined the cultural landscape of ancient Daunia from the early Iron Age onwards, had established a rural presence at Faragola that prefigured the later villa by nearly half a millennium. The pebble mosaic—a sophisticated flooring technique that implies both resources and aesthetic aspiration—suggests this was no simple farmstead but a settlement of some social consequence within the Daunian settlement hierarchy.

Following an apparent abandonment in the third or second century BCE, coinciding with the convulsions of the Punic Wars that so catastrophically disrupted the social fabric of Puglia—among them the Roman annihilation at Cannae (216 BCE), fought on the Aufidus river less than forty kilometres away, and the subsequent Roman reprisal against communities that had allied with Hannibal—the site was reoccupied in the early imperial period. A villa rustica of the first to third centuries CE developed here, organised around the fundamental productive logic of the latifundium: large-scale grain cultivation, slave labour, and the generation of agricultural surplus for markets accessible via the road network. This early villa remains imperfectly known, its structural traces largely obliterated by the radical rebuilding of late antiquity, but its existence is attested by ceramic sequences and scattered architectural evidence sufficient to confirm continuous occupation from the Republican period.

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Herdonia’s Stelae Daunie.
(CREDITS: ORDONA’S HERMA – HERDONIA ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM)

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THE LATE ANTIQUE APOGEE: ARCHITECTURE OF ARISTOCRATIC POWER

Between the fourth and the sixth centuries CE—a period that elsewhere in the Roman West is associated with fiscal crisis, barbarian incursion, and urban contraction—the Villa of Faragola underwent a transformation of extraordinary ambition. The modest productive estate of the early empire was progressively dismantled, its rooms partially razed or absorbed, and in their place arose a complex of a wholly different character: a luxurious residential and recreational establishment whose architectural program, decorative investment, and hydraulic sophistication place it in the first rank of late antique aristocratic villas anywhere in the Mediterranean world.

The excavated pars urbana of the villa—the residential and representational core—covers an area of approximately 1,550 square metres, though survey evidence suggests the full extent of the estate, including its productive dependencies, workshops, and outbuildings, was considerably larger. The plan conforms to the type of the villa a padiglioni—a pavilion-type layout—in which residential and service spaces are disposed horizontally across the terrain rather than around a single compact nucleus, though with anomalies consistent with the stratified phasing of its construction history. A large peristyle courtyard—a colonnaded garden at the heart of the residence—organized the principal reception and residential rooms in its first late antique phase, while a second major rebuilding in the fifth century fundamentally altered the spatial logic of the complex.

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The initial stratigraphic archaeological excavations of the Villa of Faragola in 2003 (Credits: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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3D reconstruction of the Villa of Faragola (Credits: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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The Great Thermal Complex

The baths of Faragola are among the most remarkable structures to have emerged from any late antique excavation in Italy. Covering an area of over a thousand square meters—and thus qualifying as one of the largest private bath establishments yet documented anywhere on the peninsula—the thermal complex was organized across two contiguous but functionally semi-autonomous bodies of building: a Great Baths wing and a Small Baths wing, the latter apparently constructed as a supplement or replacement for certain functions of the former, perhaps as the thermal demands of the household changed over time.

Whether this double arrangement was conceived to separate the sexes, to distinguish the needs of the dominus from those of his guests or staff, or simply to accommodate the hydraulic impracticalities that the original design revealed in use remains a matter of scholarly debate.

Both wings followed the canonical sequence of imperial thermae: an undressing room (apodyterium) giving onto a cold hall (frigidarium) with plunge pools, a warm intermediate space (tepidarium), and one or more hot rooms (caldarium) heated by hypocaust underfloor systems in which ceramic pilae supported the floor above a combustion chamber. The frigidarium of the Great Baths was exceptional: equipped with two lateral pools and a large open natatio (swimming pool), it presented vault surfaces embellished with polychrome glass mosaic tesserae — a decorative technique more commonly associated with imperial or episcopal patronage than with private rural residences. Wall facings in opus sectile—cut polychrome marbles—and painted stucco completed a visual program whose cumulative effect must have been, to a visitor emerging from the summer heat of the Carapelle Valley, of dramatic and calculated magnificence.

The stratigraphic analysis of the bath complex documents a succession of construction and renovation phases spanning the fourth to the sixth centuries, with evidence for continuous use and periodic aesthetic upgrading. Fuel-wood analysis, drawing on archaeobotanical samples radiocarbon-dated by AMS, has provided a refined chronological sequence that also reflects palaeoclimatic fluctuations in the Tavoliere plain over the same period—a rare convergence of architectural and environmental history within a single excavated context.

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The inner map of the Great Baths wing and Small Baths wing of the villa of Faragola. (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The Cenatio and the Stibadium: Theatre of Aristocratic Pleasure

No discovery at Faragola has attracted more scholarly attention, or captured more fully the imagination of specialists in late antique society, than the summer dining room—the cenatio aestiva (summertime dinner)—and its extraordinary centerpiece: a masonry stibadium that stood, before its partial destruction in 2017, as the finest preserved example of this form of aristocratic furniture anywhere in the Roman world.

The cenatio was inserted into the villa complex in the fifth century, replacing an earlier peristyle space, and was connected to the thermal wing by means of a long formal corridor conceived as a processional approach: guests moving from the baths to the banquet passed through a sequence of spaces designed to build, stage by stage, a sense of anticipation for the pleasures awaiting them. The dining hall itself was a large, luminous room—opening on its long sides through columns or pillars onto views of the surrounding agricultural landscape—designed as a kind of luxurious garden pavilion, at once interior and exterior, a space that blurred the Roman distinction between otium (leisure) and natura (nature).

At the focus of this space, raised on a slightly elevated platform and visible from every point in the room, stood the stibadium. This is the form of dining furniture described with vivid precision by the Gallo-Roman aristocrat and man of letters Sidonius Apollinaris (c. 430–489 CE), whose letters constitute an incomparable literary witness to the social rituals of fifth-century aristocratic dining: a curved, sigma-shaped masonry couch — its profile approximating the Greek letter sigma, or our letter C — on which up to seven diners could recline, arrayed in hierarchical order around its arc. The positions of the two lateral ‘horns’ of the sigma were the most honoured; access to the couch itself was regulated by the precise social conventions that governed every aspect of late antique aristocratic self-presentation.

The Faragola stibadium was no bare bench. Its frontal face, visible to all who entered the cenatio, was sheathed in carved marble reliefs depicting dancing maenads rendered in gold leaf in the act of presenting a libation to a serpent coiled around an altar — iconography of unmistakably Bacchic character. That the dominus of Faragola chose, in a fifth-century renovation executed when Christianity was the official religion of the empire and paganism formally proscribed, to celebrate the mysteries of Dionysus in the most prominent decorative position of his principal reception room speaks eloquently to the cultural conservatism—or deliberate archaism—of the senatorial class. These were men who defined themselves through their command of classical learning, whose libraries were stocked with Virgil and Cicero, and for whom the religious imagery of the classical tradition was a marker of paideia, of civilised cultivation, quite independent of theological commitment.

At the centre of the stibadium was a fountain, whose waters cascaded over the decorated front face into a shallow pool below — a hydraulic feature that served simultaneously as a cooling mechanism in the Puglian summer, a visual spectacle, and an acoustic enrichment of the dining experience. The play of water, the glint of light on polychrome marble, and the scent of the surrounding landscape: these were the calculated sensory conditions in which the dominus of Faragola conducted the ritual of the convivium—the aristocratic banquet that, in late antique culture, was as much a theatrical performance of power and learning as it was a meal.

The floor surrounding the stibadium was paved in opus sectile of exceptional quality: cut panels of giallo antico, pavonazzo, and serpentine marble — quarried respectively at Chemtou in Tunisia, from the veins of the Greek islands, and from the Laconian mountains of the Peloponnese — were assembled into geometric compositions framing the dining space. Two large carpet-like panels, symmetrically disposed on either side of the stibadium‘s approach, were composed of mirrored squares of giallo antico and pavonazzo framed in serpentine: objects whose material cost, derived from the imperial marble trade that linked Faragola to quarries across the entire Mediterranean basin, was itself a form of conspicuous social communication.

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3D reconstruction of the cenatio aestiva. (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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An angled view of today’s stibadium in the villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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3D reconstruction of the stibadium.  (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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A luxurious glass-made opus sectile in the cenatio of the villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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THE OWNERS: THE CORNELII SCIPIONES ORFITI AND THE SENATORIAL ARISTOCRACY OF LATE ANTIQUE PUGLIA

For whom was this extraordinary establishment built? The excavations have not yielded the kind of definitive epigraphic evidence — an owner’s name inscribed in mosaic or bronze — that would settle the question with certainty. However, a combination of inscriptional fragments recovered from the site and the prosopographical analysis of senatorial families known to have held landed property in the Apulian latifundia during the fourth and fifth centuries has led Volpe, Silvestrini, and their collaborators to identify the most plausible candidate as a branch of the Cornelii Scipiones Orfiti: a senatorial family of ancient pedigree whose members held senior positions in the imperial administration of the fourth century, including the consulship.

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3D reconstruction of the stibadium and thermal complex in an opulent senatorial setting.  (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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The most prominent individual associated with the family in the relevant period is Servius Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus, who served as Prefect of the City of Rome under Constantius II. The Orfiti were representative of the class of senatorial grandees—a class that, paradoxically, grew richer and more powerful as the imperial state contracted around it in the fifth century—whose wealth was rooted in the great agricultural estates of southern Italy and North Africa, and whose cultural investments in villa luxury, literary patronage, and philosophical otium constitute the most vivid evidence for the persistence of classical civilisation in the western empire’s final generations. The correspondence of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, the greatest letter-writer of the late fourth century and himself the owner of multiple villae in southern Italy, provides the closest literary analogue for the world to which the owner of Faragola belonged: a world of elegant agricultural management, learned conversation at dinner, and the deliberate cultivation of classical tradition as a social identity.

Sidonius Apollinaris, writing in the 460s from a villa in Gaul that he describes in terms strikingly parallel to Faragola‘s architecture, provides another literary coordinate. His accounts of the stibadium banquet—the cool water in the fountain, the geometrical brilliance of the floor, the hierarchy of reclining positions, the musicians and performers—might have been composed with Faragola in mind. That a Gallo-Roman aristocrat could describe a setting virtually identical to one being constructed simultaneously on the plains of Puglia is eloquent testimony to the cultural coherence of the senatorial class across the late antique west: a class whose members, scattered from Bordeaux to Brindisi, shared not only a legal status and a literary formation but also an architectural vocabulary of pleasure.

THE POST-ANTIQUE VILLA: FROM ARISTOCRATIC RESIDENCE TO LOMBARD FARMSTEAD

The sixth century brought fundamental transformation. By the latter decades of that century—the period in which the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy, which had maintained and even elaborated the forms of late Roman aristocratic culture, was destroyed by the Byzantine reconquest under Justinian’s generals Belisarius and Narses, and in which the Lombard invasion (568 CE) introduced a new and radically different political and social order into the Italian peninsula—the Villa of Faragola ceased to function as an aristocratic residence. The archaeological evidence for this transition is unambiguous: the luxury spaces are progressively abandoned, their marble and mosaic surfaces left unmaintained; domestic structures of a more modest character begin to appear in spaces formerly reserved for representational use; the thermal complex falls out of regular operation.

What replaced the villa was, in archaeological terms, equally fascinating: a village and farm settlement of the early medieval period, its small residential rooms, animal enclosures, and industrial installations — furnaces for ceramics and glass production, clay settling tanks, metal-smelting pits — occupying the shells of the former luxury spaces with the pragmatic economy of a society that no longer recognised, or at least no longer reproduced, the values those spaces had embodied. Written sources, interpreted in the light of the archaeological evidence, suggest that this agricultural complex was organised under Lombard administration as a form of curtis—a productive unit of the early medieval agrarian economy—making Faragola one of the rare southern Italian sites where the transition from late antique villa to Lombard farmstead can be observed in stratigraphic detail.

By the eighth century, the stone and marble structures had given way to wooden huts, their organic materials now recoverable only through post-holes and refuse deposits. The magnificent cenatio, whose fountain had played and whose stibadium had hosted the elaborate rituals of senatorial conviviality, became a barn. The thermal halls, whose mosaic vaults had glittered with glass tesserae, became animal pens. By the ninth or tenth century the site was effectively abandoned, its ruins progressively buried under the alluvial silts and ploughed fields of the Carapelle Valley. When the medieval town of Ascoli Satrianorebuilt after the earthquake of 1456 destroyed the earlier settlement—looked out over the valley from its hilltop, Faragola was already a memory older than its oldest inhabitants could reach.

MODERN DISCOVERY: THE UNIVERSITY OF FOGGIA AND THE EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS (2003–2017)

The systematic archaeological investigation of Faragola owes its existence to a broader program of landscape archaeology initiated by the University of Foggia’s Department of Cultural Heritage at the turn of the millennium.

Under the scientific direction of Dr. Giuliano Volpe—who would go on to serve as Chancellor of the University of Foggia, President of the Superior Council of Cultural Heritage at the Ministry, and one of the most energetic advocates for the archaeological heritage of the Italian south—the university undertook a systematic survey of the cultural landscape of the Carapelle and Celone Valleys as part of the Carta dei Beni Culturali of the Puglia Region: a comprehensive regional mapping of archaeological sites and cultural assets.

The area of the future excavation had been acquired in 1997 by the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, which recognised the archaeological potential of the site — known locally through the perennial surface scatter of Roman and medieval ceramic material that ploughing brings to the surface of Puglian fields — and took the prescient step of securing it for public investigation before development pressures could compromise its integrity. Systematic excavations began in 2003, co-directed by Dr. Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano, with campaigns continuing annually through the 2000s and into the 2010s.

From the outset, the Faragola excavation was conceived not merely as an episode of discovery but as a model of integrated research methodology.

Alongside conventional stratigraphic excavation, the team deployed an impressive array of digital documentation technologies—laser scanning surveys beginning as early as January 2007.

Among the earliest applications of this technology to an active Italian excavation were drone photogrammetry, three-dimensional modelling of architectural remains and individual artefacts, and GIS-based site mapping—which enabled the progressive construction of a comprehensive digital record of the site’s development.

The scientific results were published with admirable promptness in a series of papers, monographs, and congress contributions that established Faragola as a key reference point in international discussions of late antique rural society, villa architecture, and the archaeology of the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages.

The discoveries that emerged from the excavations were, by any measure, exceptional. The identification of the stibadium as Italy’s best-preserved example of this rare banqueting form attracted immediate scholarly attention and was reported in the international archaeological press.

The scale and quality of the thermal complex—its polychrome mosaics, glass tesserae vaulting, and opus sectile panels—established Faragola as one of the most opulently decorated late antique buildings in the Italian south.

The recovery of three removable opus sectile emblematic panels from the cenatio—intricate compositions of cut vitreous glass in polychrome geometric patterns, paralleled only at Piazza Armerina in Sicily and at the great villa complexes of the eastern Mediterranean—placed the site in genuinely international scholarly company.

The public dimension of the excavation was equally pioneering. The site was progressively musealised in situ: a protective roofing structure of laminated timber and metal sheeting was erected over the cenatio and the adjacent bath area to preserve the exposed mosaics, marble floors, and standing walls against weathering.

Interpretive panels, visitor pathways, and educational programmes were developed in collaboration with the municipality and regional authorities.

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Dr. Giuliano Volpe, Faragola expert and professor of archaeology, University of Foggia.  (CREDITS: Dr. Giuliano Volpe personal website).

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In 2009 the Archaeological Park of Faragola was partially opened to the public, welcoming school groups, tourists, and general visitors to an archaeological park that represented—in the judgement of both the excavators and the Italian heritage administration—a model of how an active research excavation could simultaneously function as a public cultural attraction and a tool for sustainable local development.

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Aerial view of the Faragola excavation. FAM1885, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The night of 6–7 September 2017 did not merely destroy a roof. It attempted to obliterate fifteen centuries of survival and fourteen years of painstaking scholarly recovery.

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THE NIGHT OF FIRE: ARSON, DEVASTATION, AND THE QUESTION OF CULTURAL IMPUNITY (2017)

In the early hours of the night of 6 to 7 September 2017, the protective timber roofing structure over the cenatio and bath area of Faragola was engulfed in fire. By the time the flames were extinguished, the approximately three-thousand-square-metre covering had been entirely destroyed.

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The arson fire at night destroyed years of conservation efforts within the Villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The intense heat generated beneath the collapsed structure — preliminary estimates placed temperatures in the vicinity of two thousand degrees Celsius — had calcined the marble panels of the cenatio floor, converting them from polished stone to something approaching quicklime; it had caused the mosaic tesserae  to erupt from their bedding, scattering and deforming surfaces that had survived intact through fifteen centuries of burial and fourteen years of careful conservation; it had cracked and shattered the standing wall structures; and it had destroyed in their emplacements the Bacchic reliefs of the stibadium’s frontal face. A first-century BCE oscillum — a rare votive disc depicting a dancer, one of the site’s most beautiful portable artefacts — was stolen during or immediately after the conflagration.

Dr. Giuliano Volpe was in Kuala Lumpur at the time of the fire and learned of the disaster through a WhatsApp message in the early morning. His public response — posted to Facebook and rapidly circulated across Italian and international media — gave voice to the grief of the entire Italian scholarly community: fourteen years of excavation, research, publication, and careful musealisation, he wrote, reduced to ashes in a single night by what he described as organised criminality, professional expertise, or both.

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The oscillum, a disc-shaped marble of terracotta, typical of elite residences like Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The fire’s behavior—the ignition apparently simultaneous across multiple points; the penetration of a fire-retardant laminated timber structure; the systematic thoroughness of the destruction—pointed, in the view of investigators and scholars alike, to deliberate and professional arson.

The regional prosecutor opened a criminal investigation. Despite the reported capture on a local business’s surveillance camera of a vehicle in the vicinity of the site before the blaze began, no prosecutions have followed. The perpetrators remain unidentified.

The cultural loss was immense and, in significant respects, irreversible. The three removable opus sectile emblematic panels that had been removed from the cenatio before the fire for separate restoration treatment at the Istituto Centrale del Restauro in Rome were among the objects spared: a providential circumstance that preserved at least these masterworks from destruction. The statue of a young hunter-boy, similarly removed for museum display at Ascoli Satriano, also survived. But the physical fabric of the cenatio—its stibadium, its floor, its walls, the atmospheric totality that had made the space legible to the visitor—had been fundamentally compromised.

It would be analytically incomplete, however, to conclude the story of the fire with loss alone. Italian archaeological thinking on the disaster has, with admirable intellectual rigour, resisted the impulse to restore Faragola to a fictive ‘original splendour’ that would erase the fire from its history.

As the site’s archaeologists have argued, the conflagration of 2017 is itself now part of Faragola‘s stratigraphic biography—an episode of violent destruction as real as the fires that ended the life of late antique buildings across the Mediterranean, and one whose traces the archaeological record must incorporate rather than conceal. The ethical and professional challenge of Faragola‘s post-2017 restoration has therefore been not simply to repair damage but to restore, interpret, and commemorate simultaneously – making visible both the villa’s original magnificence and the scar of its modern assault.

TOWARDS RENAISSANCE: CONSERVATION, RESTORATION, AND THE FUTURE OF FARAGOLA (2018–2026)

The institutional response to the arson was swift and, eventually, substantial — though the conversion of initial emergency measures into sustained funded recovery took, as is characteristic of Italian heritage administration, considerably longer than the emergency itself. In the immediate aftermath of the fire, conservators from the Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio for the provinces of Foggia and BAT began emergency stabilization works: veiling the damaged mosaic surfaces with gauze layers to arrest further tessera displacement, applying chemical consolidants to the calcined marble surfaces to prevent spalling, and removing the most seriously compromised debris to allow structural assessment.

The central conservation instrument proved to be the CIS Capitanata—the Contratto Istituzionale di Sviluppo, orInstitutional Developmental Contract, a coordinated public investment program for the cultural and economic development of the Capitanata region, of which the province of Foggia is the principal territory.

Under this framework, a restoration and valorization project for Faragola received funding of approximately three million euros, administered through Invitalia and managed with the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano as the contracting station, under the architectural and technical supervision of the Soprintendenza. The main restoration contract was awarded in 2021 to the specialist firm De Marco s.r.l., experts in the conservation of immovable cultural heritage.

Restoration works began in earnest in September 2023 under the scientific direction of Soprintendente Anita Guarnieri and a team of specialist conservators that included, significantly, Antonella Martinelli—a restorer who had worked on the original pre-fire conservation campaigns at Faragola and therefore brought both technical expertise and institutional memory to the recovery process.

The team was further supported by the scientific evaluation of the Istituto Centrale del Restauro in Rome. The work was described by Guarnieri, on its completion, as extraordinary in its complexity and length: the challenge was not merely the mechanical re-adhesion of displaced tesserae or the chemical stabilization of calcined marble but the interpretation of a surface that had been fundamentally altered by heat—deformed, discoloured, and in places destroyed—and the determination, at each point, of what degree of restoration served both legibility and historical honesty.

A conscious and principled decision was made to retain, in certain locations, visible traces of the fire’s transformation — not as a concession to defeat but as an act of archaeological and ethical intelligence. The 2017 conflagration, the conservators and archaeologists agreed, had become part of Faragola‘s history; to erase its evidence entirely would be to falsify that history. The restored site will therefore bear, in its material fabric, the layered testimony of fifteen centuries of occupation, abandonment, and revival — including the attempted destruction of 2017 and the determined recovery that followed.

In November 2024, the Soprintendenza announced the formal conclusion of the marble and mosaic restoration works. The site’s protective infrastructure was simultaneously renewed, with a new covering system replacing the destroyed timber structure.

The Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, supported by regional and national heritage authorities, has proceeded with planning for the full reopening of the Archaeological Park di Faragola, which is expected to welcome the public again in a substantially restored and reinterpreted form — encompassing the cenatio, the thermal complex, the medieval village overlay, and new interpretive installations communicating the full stratigraphic depth of the site’s history.

FARAGOLA IN CONTEXT: SIGNIFICANCE AND SCHOLARLY LEGACY

The senatorial Villa of Faragola occupies a position of singular importance within the archaeology of late antique Italy, and its significance operates simultaneously at several scales of analysis. At the regional level, it is the most spectacular demonstration yet recovered of the persistence and vitality of aristocratic villa culture in the Puglian latifundia during the fourth and fifth centuries — a period when the imperial political structure was fragmenting around the senatorial elite even as that elite was, paradoxically, consolidating its landed wealth and investing it with increasing confidence in architectural and decorative display. No other site in Puglia offers such a comprehensive material correlate for the world evoked by the letters of Symmachus and Sidonius Apollinaris.

At the national level, Faragola’s stibadium—even in its damaged post-2017 state, and certainly as documented in the exhaustive pre-fire laser scans and photographic records—remains the defining archaeological example of this architectural form in Italy and one of a very small number of in situ instances known anywhere in the Mediterranean world.

The site’s thermal complex, similarly, belongs to the restricted catalogue of large-scale private bath establishments whose scale and decorative program rival those of imperial construction. The opus sectile panels of the cenatio, even partially surviving, are among the most important examples of this luxury craft technique from the post-Constantinian west.

At the international level, Faragola has become a focal point in scholarly discussions of late antique aristocratic culture, the social rituals of the convivium, the persistence of pagan religious iconography in a Christianizing world, the transition from Roman villa to early medieval village, and the methodological challenges of digital documentation and in situ musealisation.

The bibliography generated by the excavations runs to hundreds of entries across a dozen European languages; the site has been discussed in major comparative studies of late antique villas from North Africa to Britain, and its stibadium cited as a reference point in analyses of similar structures from Portugal to Syria.

The arson of 2017, far from diminishing this scholarly significance, has added to Faragola‘s relevance a new dimension: it is now also a case study in the archaeology of modern crime against cultural heritage, in the ethics of post-disaster conservation, and in the resilience—institutional, intellectual, and communal—that the recovery of an injured site demands. The project of integrating memory of the fire into the interpretive framework of the archaeological park, rather than concealing it behind a restored veneer, has attracted international attention as a model for thinking about how sites that have suffered recent traumatic damage should be presented to the public.

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The remains after the arson fire of the Villa of Faragola in September 2017.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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CONCLUSIONS: A VILLA AWAITING ITS SECOND OPENING

The senatorial Villa of Faragola has survived, across fifteen centuries, fire, abandonment, agricultural obliteration, and—most recently—an act of deliberate criminal violence. It has survived, in the modern era, fourteen years of painstaking excavation, a decade of partial public accessibility, the catastrophe of 2017, and seven years of slow institutional recovery. As the restoration of its mosaics and marbles reaches completion and the design of its new public infrastructure advances, Faragola stands at a pivotal moment: poised to become, as its excavators have always envisioned, one of the great archaeological parks of the Italian south, a site capable of communicating to a broad public the full depth and complexity of a landscape inhabited, transformed, and mourned across three thousand years.

Several arguments converge to support the claim that Faragola merits sustained international attention of the kind its national significance demands. First, the site’s research archive—its comprehensive digital documentation, its extensive published bibliography, its laboratory collections of ceramics, glass, archaeobotanical samples, and numismatic materials—constitutes a resource of exceptional scholarly value that continued excavation in the as-yet uninvestigated zones of the estate has the potential to multiply many times over.

Second, Faragola‘s story is, unusually, a story with a living and engaged scholarly community: Volpe, Turchiano, and their collaborators have never abandoned the site or its research program, and the conditions for resuming fieldwork in a fully funded, publicly supported context now exist for the first time since 2017.

Third, and perhaps most urgently, Faragola embodies a form of archaeological significance that transcends the scholarly domain. It is a place whose beauty—even damaged, even partially reconstructed, even bearing the scars of its modern ordeal—can communicate directly and powerfully to the general visitor the reality of a civilization whose material culture was of astonishing refinement and whose fate raises questions—about what we value, what we protect, and what we choose to destroy—that are as urgent in the present as they were in the fifth century.

The view from the cenatio across the wheat fields of the Carapelle Valley, unchanged in its essential character since the age of the stibadium banquets, is one of the most evocative in the Italian south.

Faragola awaits its second opening.

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Above and below: the new , modern facilities of the Villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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Acknowledgments

The author acknowledges the foundational contributions of Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano to the discovery and study of Faragola and expresses gratitude to the Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio for the Provinces of Foggia and BAT, to the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, and to the University of Foggia’s Department of Human Studies for their continuing commitment to the site’s recovery and valorisation. Thanks are due also to the conservators and restorers—led by Antonella Martinelli—whose expertise and dedication have made the post-2017 recovery possible. The site’s survival is, in no small measure, a testament to their professional resilience and scholarly integrity.

Selected Bibliography and Further Reading:

Volpe, G., De Felice, G., and Turchiano, M. (2005). ‘I rivestimenti marmorei, i mosaici e i pannelli in opus sectile vitreo della villa tardoantica di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano, Foggia),’ Atti del X Colloquio AISCOM, Tivoli.

Volpe, G. and Silvestrini, M. (2004). ‘La villa di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano) e gli Scipiones Orfiti’, Epigraphy and Public Space from the Severans to the Theodosian Era, XII Rencontre sur l’épigraphie, Rome.

Volpe, G. and Turchiano, M. (various years). Faragola 1–2: Un insediamento rurale nella Valle del Carapelle. Edipuglia, Bari.

Volpe, G., De Felice, G., and Sibilano, M.G. (2008). ‘Late Roman Villa at Faragola (Foggia, Italy): Laser Scanning for a Global Documentation Methodology during Field Research’, CAA Proceedings, Bonn.

Istituto Centrale del Restauro / Soprintendenza ABAP Foggia-BAT (2024). Meraviglie di vetro e marmo: le vicende conservative dei pannelli in opus sectile della villa romana di Faragola. Edizioni Quasar, Rome.

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Ancient Egypt in Watercolors

Anastasia Adeler is a writer and contributor to Popular Archaeology Magazine on travel and museums. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

The moment I cross into the gallery, the eye meets a field in motion: color settling into paper while drifting outward, as lines gather and loosen at once, and the surface retains the afterlife of water as though it has only just withdrawn.

For a few seconds, I remain near the entrance.

The light is even, controlled, almost indifferent, and yet the paintings resist stillness within it. They register through duration, each image forming and releasing at once, and the instinct to take in an image gives way to something slower – a following, a tracing, a willingness to remain with what refuses to resolve into a single state.

I move forward.

Inside the galleries of the Penn Museum, the exhibit, Ancient Egypt in Watercolors: Paintings and Artifacts from Dra Abu el-Naga, unfolds through works created during excavations between 1921 and 1923 on the west bank of the Nile.

These paintings were created alongside excavations, as surfaces long enclosed emerged into open air and light again, with plaster revealing its separation and pigment already in gradual withdrawal.

They were painted on paper within that environment by Ahmed Yousef, working alongside the expedition led by Clarence Fisher.

Before color photography, these paintings were essential records,” reflects University of Pennsylvania archaeologist and Egyptologist Josef Wegner. They preserve details that are no longer visible today.”

In several cases, they now hold the only remaining record of scenes that have since disappeared entirely.

I read the line, then return to the paintings, and they begin to read differently.

What appears here belongs to what has already been lost.

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An overall view of the Penn Museum’s excavations at Coxe Expedition Dra el-Naga (Thebes) Egypt 1922-1923. “Through monies from the Coxe Fund, Clarence Fisher directed two seasons of work from 1921 to 1923 for the Museum. He concen­trated mainly on the decorated tombs of Ramesside officials, but he worked as well in the Eighteenth Dynasty mortuary temple of Amenhotep I and his wife Ahmose-. Nefertari. Published in a preliminary report (see The Museum Journal, XV, 2, 28-49), the results of Fisher’s work still await full publication, although research on the excavation and the finds has continued over the years”. — From  “The University Museum Expedition to Dra Abu El Naga.” Expedition Magazine 21, no. 2 (January, 1979): -. Accessed April 03, 2026. https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/the-university-museum-expedition-to-dra-abu-el-naga/

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Egyptian artist Ahmed Yousef, whose century-old watercolor paintings of the interior wall decorations of the tomb excavations are now exhibited at the Penn Museum. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Staying with the surface

I approach the first wall, shift slightly, step back, and then forward again, and with each change in position the images begin to respond, as distance, duration, and angle shape how they appear.

From afar, the compositions gather into order, as figures align within horizontal registers and gestures extend across the composition, forming sequences of offering and exchange.

Closer, that order gives way to variation.

A face dissolves into paper. An ornamental band continues, then disperses. A torso remains, while its lower half thins into the surrounding field.

The eye follows.

The actual tomb walls existed in this same condition: plaster lifting, pigment shifting, entire sections slipping away even as they came into view.

Watercolor meets this state directly, absorbing its instability and holding the image within that moment of change.

Scenes: offering, mourning, presence

Further along, the scenes separate into distinct registers.

In one, a group gathers around offerings, as figures unfold in sequence across the composition, with hands extending forward, objects presented, and bodies inclining toward one another, forming a cadence that feels ceremonial without excess.

Within that structure, interruptions appear.

A face softens into the surrounding space, and part of the offering table disperses into paper. The composition gathers through these breaks.

I move closer.

Brushwork becomes visible, strokes following the form while allowing pigment to settle unevenly. The image begins to read as contact.

A seated figure appears in another composition: posture composed, gesture contained, the arrangement settling into stillness while surrounding areas open into lighter tones.

Time lengthens here.

Nearby, a scene of mourning unfolds, as figures move in elongated gestures across the composition, and the arrangement develops into a sustained flow, allowing the action to extend beyond a single moment.

Even here, the image disperses slightly, as color thins and lines soften, and the composition remains coherent while becoming more permeable.

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Above and below: Select views of the paintings and associated artifacts of the exhibit. “Last exhibited in Cairo during the 1920s, the watercolor paintings have been carefully preserved in the Penn Museum’s Archives for more than 100 years. They have never been on display in the United States. Ancient Egypt in Watercolors reveals the often under-appreciated, but critical function of art in archaeology. The 1,500 sq. ft. exhibition highlights elaborately decorated tomb chapels during the New Kingdom (approximately 1550 BCE-1070 BCE), a “golden age” that marked the height of Egypt’s power and wealth. Many affluent officials built their tombs at Dra Abu el-Naga—a key part of the larger Theban Necropolis. Their tomb paintings show scenes from everyday life and imagery depicting the journey to the netherworld—illuminating how much the ancient Egyptians valued family bonds, honoring their ancestors, and continuing one’s identity into the next life.
“The watercolors are copies of important tomb paintings of high officials and their families interred at Thebes and provide a rich record of the vitality of Egyptian funerary art of the New Kingdom,” says Penn Museum Egyptologist Dr. Josef Wegner, Lead Curator of Ancient Egypt in Watercolors. “Together with select artifacts on display for the first time, the exhibition reveals a society at the zenith of its power and creativity.”  From Penn Museum press release, January 13, 2026.    Photos by Anastasia Adeler

 

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Meretseger, across states

I return to the paired depictions of the cobra-headed goddess Meretseger.

In the first, the figure comes into coherence, as the contour runs uninterrupted and color rests within its form, so that the structure reads as internally complete. In the second, that condition gives way to another. Sections open into paper. The line advances in intervals. Color disperses into a trace.

I move between them.

From one position, they stand apart. From another, they align.

Two conditions of the same image.

I stay longer than I expect.

Something in the way I look at them changes.

Excavation as presence

The exhibition opens into another layer through archival photographs, where walls appear in stages, fragments emerge, and figures move within the tomb, measuring, observing, recording as the space becomes visible.

With this, the paintings take on a different dimension.

Yousef worked inside these spaces, tracing painted surfaces as they came into view.

I imagine the conditions: uneven light, dust suspended in air, forms gradually appearing, and alongside that, the translation into watercolor takes shape, as a line shifts across the wall, proportion followed as it recedes, and color adjusts with light, with angle, with surface.

These works are both copies and historical artifacts in their own right,” Wegner notes, capturing a moment in the life of the tombs.”

Here, that moment becomes more precise.

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Above and below: As documented at the time of excavations, the Lower Cemetery, Tomb 36. Coxe Expedition Dra el-Naga, Thebes, Egypt 1922-1923. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Tomb 286 shows original elaborate paintings and how they have encountered time-and-elements-related damage. Coxe Expedition Dra Abu el-Naga, Thebes, Egypt, 1922-1923. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Above and below: Entering Tomb 286, Resting Place of the Scribe of the Table, Niay and his wife, Tabes. Photography and 3D models by David A. Anderson. Video screenshot. Courtesy Penn Museum

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Water and stone

A dialogue takes shape between materials, as stone bears the weight of centuries, while pigment remains embedded within plaster, shaped by time and environment, and watercolor enters, where water moves through pigment and paper receives and releases.

The image passes into another condition.

What fades in stone appears again, differently.

From wall to paper, the same form appears under different conditions of time and material, and that difference becomes perceptible almost immediately.

The solidity of stone gives way to the fluidity of paper, and yet something persists across both.

Color

I move again toward areas where color gathers more densely, and as I remain with them, variation begins to emerge.

Reds deepen and ease outward, while blues anchor the composition before softening, and ochres move with a warmth that changes with attention.

Then the color opens.

At moments, it recedes enough for the paper to enter the image, so that perception moves between what remains defined and what begins to dissolve.

Hue itself begins to be interpreted as time.

Distance, proximity, return

At the center of the gallery, distance arranges what I see into order.

As I move closer, that order gives way to variation, and details come forward, while edges lose certainty and continuity reveals its internal fractures.

Stepping back again introduces another condition, where what has been seen up close remains active within the wider view.

Perception accumulates instead of resolving.

A different register

By the time I reach the final wall, the focus has already begun to change, and what first appeared as image begins to feel different –  pigment, paper, and time coming together gradually, holding in place as I look.

I pause, and then move closer again, and with that movement the composition begins to reorganize, as each fragment holds its place while remaining in relation to the others, and each passage exists within its own span, so that the image no longer depends on completion to sustain itself.

What emerges here feels exact, as surfaces remain in transition and perception follows with greater precision, becoming capable of holding more than one state at once, while form extends across material, across time, across translation, and continues to exist through variation rather than reduction.

This is where the exhibition gains its force, as it refines perception and sharpens awareness, introducing a way of engaging in which variation stays visible and complexity retains its full presence.

I pause there a moment longer, and something comes into alignment –  the image holds more than one state at once.

What stays is not the image alone, but the way it has been seen: active, precise, and open.

From that point on, form belongs to time.

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Above and below: Details of a selected sample of original water color paintings of the wall art as rendered by the artist, from inside the ancient Egyptian tombs. Images courtesy Penn Museum

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Cleaning a papyrus.

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The Theban Mountain

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Doorkeeper of Amun(Temple), Irdjanen and his wife, Mutemipet, are shown being taken care of in the Afterlife.

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Husband and wife are together through eternity, as depicted in this painting inside Tomb 306.

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The Exhibit

Spotlighting century-old watercolor paintings by Egyptian artist Ahmed YousefAncient Egypt in Watercolors: Paintings and Artifacts from Dra Abu el-Naga went on view at the Penn Museum starting February 28, 2026.

Ancient Egypt in Watercolors draws attention to one of the most important archaeological sites in Egypt excavated by the Penn Museum during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the prominence of the Museum’s Egyptian Collections of more than 50,000 artifacts—with nearly 3,000 objects from Dra Abu el-Naga. Of those, a selection of nearly 60 rarely-seen artifacts complement the paintings, including 3,500-year-old bread loaves, statuary of high officials and New Kingdom royalty, funerary stelae, shabti figurines (which ensured comfort for deceased individuals in the Afterlife), amulets, ostraca (informal notes), canopic jars, among others.

The eight-month exhibition will feature multimedia elements and two rotations of watercolor paintings: The first group will be on display through June while the second will be on view beginning July 1.

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Ancient Egypt in Watercolors will close in November—just ahead of the grand opening for the Penn Museum’s Egypt Galleries: Life and Afterlife on December 12, 2026. Following extensive conservation across nearly three decades, its centerpiece will be the 4,300-year-old Tomb Chapel of Kaipure—a high-ranking treasury official of Egypt’s Old Kingdom (ca. 2350 BCE). This architectural marvel, excavated more than a century ago at Saqqara, features a massive 5-ton “false door” with nearly 100 carved and painted limestone blocks. Visitors will be able to enter and move through the space to experience what it feels like to be inside an ancient tomb chapel.

Life and Afterlife represents the first phase of the Penn Museum’s bi-level, 14,000 sq. ft. Ancient Egypt and Nubia Galleries. The second phase is the Egypt and Nubia Galleries: Royalty and Religion—showcasing the monumental 3,000-year-old palace of Pharaoh Merenptah, whose towering 30-ft. columns will be displayed at their full height for the first time since their excavation more than 100 years ago. These galleries are scheduled for completion in 2029.

About the Penn Museum
The Penn Museum’s mission is to be a center for inquiry and the ongoing exploration of humanity for our University of Pennsylvania, regional, national, and global communities, following ethical standards and practices.

Through conducting research, stewarding collections, creating learning opportunities, sharing stories, and creating experiences that expand access to archaeology and anthropology, the Museum builds empathy and connections across diverse cultures

The Penn Museum is open Tuesday-Sunday, 10:00 am-5:00 pm. It is open until 8:00 pm on first Wednesdays of the month. The Café is open Tuesday-Thursday, 9:00 am-3:00 pm and Friday and Saturday, 10:00 am-3:00 pm. On Sundays, the Café is open 10:30 am-2:30 pm. For information, visit penn.museum, call 215.898.4000, or follow @PennMuseum on social media.

          Above edited text from the subject Penn Museum press release.

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The Voice of Darkness: Revelation from Klaros, Izmir, and the Mystery of Apollo’s Blind Oracles

Bülent Ortakcı is a freelance and ghostwriter based in Turkey. As an independent writer with a deep passion for history and archaeology, he focuses on creating compelling articles rooted in thorough research and inspired by the rich heritage of Anatolia and surrounding regions.

His writings often explore lesser-known archaeological sites, the legacy of ancient civilizations, comparative religious beliefs, and folklore involving supernatural or paranormal phenomena.

In the Menderes district of İzmir, on the valley floor of Ahmetbeyli (Ales), in the Aegean geography where the sun and the sea dominate everything, an unexpected shadow falls. Klaros, located just 13 km from Kolophon (Değirmendere) to the north, was one of the most important centers of prophecy in Antiquity. However, its fame was not fed by the mountaintops, as in neighboring Delphoi, but by a secret emerging from the depths of the earth.

Klaros, as one of Apollo’s two great oracle centers in Anatolia [present day Turkey], functioned as a place where humanity sought answers to its biggest question—What does the future hold?—for approximately 1500 years, from its founding (late 13th century BCE) to its abandonment (4th century CE).

The answers were delivered by blind oracles who communicated with the god, far from daylight, listening to the seepage of the sacred water in the darkness of the subterranean well.

I. The Spring of Tears: The Foundation Myth of Klaros

The history of Klaros dates back to the Akha colonization period of the city of Kolophon, in the 13th century BCE. This was not merely a settlement but a mythological junction connecting two continents.

Rhakios, the founder of the city’s Mycenaean settlement, married Manto from the group of immigrants arriving from Thebai (Greece). Manto was the daughter of the famous prophet Teiresias and was known as a priestess of Apollo. According to legend, the sacred water source in Klaros’s subterranean oracular chamber was formed by the bitter tears of Manto, who was driven from her homeland. These tears symbolize the prophecy’s mournful yet sacred beginning.

Klaros’s fame peaked during the time of Mopsos, the son of Rhakios and Manto, who inherited the prophetic duty from his mother. Kalkhas, the legendary prophet of the Trojan War, came to Klaros after the war and entered a prophetic contest with Mopsos. This mythological duel is interpreted as the defeat of old Greek prophecy against the new, young Anatolian prophecy. Losing the contest, Kalkhas either died here of grief or retreated southward.

Although the first diviner at Klaros was a woman (Manto), in subsequent periods, the duty of prophecy was always undertaken by men.

II. Where Eyes Were Sacrificed: The Ritual of Darkness and Sacred Water

The most striking feature that distinguishes Klaros from other oracle centers like Delphoi is the location and nature of the prophecy ritual itself. Oracles were delivered in the Rear Adyton (Sacred Chamber), an arched, two-room subterranean space hidden beneath the cella of the temple floor.

While ancient inscriptions do not clearly describe this esoteric ritual, archaeological finds and testimonies present the ritual to us:

  1. Entry and Preparation: The petitioners, the Graphikos (scribe), and the Priest waited in the Front Adyton. The general populace was only allowed up to the temple entrance, as temples were believed to be the dwelling places of the gods.
  2. The Prophet’s Disappearance: The prophecy ritual began with the prophet entering through a door to the inner room, which he had to enter in darkness. This was the same inner chamber where the omphalos (Apollo’s sacred stone of blue marble) was located. The prophet would enter the western chamber alone, where the sacred well was located.
  3. Consumption of Sacred Water and Blindness: The prophet would drink the sacred water, believed to be Manto’s tears. After drinking this water, he would pose the questions to the god through divine inspiration and receive the answers. The fact that the prophet delivered his prophecy in the dark and after drinking this special water is thought to have caused his eyes to lose function or to become intentionally blind. Once his physical eyes closed, his soul opened to divine revelation.
  4. Recording the Revelation: The prophet would whisper the received answer to the Priest waiting in the Front Adyton. The Priest would then have the scribe record it in hexameters (poetic meter) and deliver the prophecy to the petitioner.

The prophecies performed during the full moon, illuminated by torchlight, and accompanied by 7 young girls and 7 boys swinging laurel leaves and singing hymns, provided a contrast to the inner darkness of the oracle chamber.

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The temple of Claros in İzmir Province. Monsieurdl, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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III. World Citizenship and Alexander the Great’s Legacy

Initially open only to city delegates, Klaros’s fame became international after the personal consultation by Alexander the Great (Alexander V).

  • The Founding of New Smyrna: According to legend, Alexander the Great fell asleep on Pagos Hill (Kadifekale) and dreamt of the Nemesis goddesses telling him to found a city there. Seeking interpretation for his dream, he consulted Klaros. He received the god Apollo’s answer: “The people who will dwell on Pagos outside the sacred Meles River will be three or four times happier.” Following this prophecy, New Smyrna (Izmir) was founded on Pagos.
  • Open Gate to Barbarians: After this event, Klaros became a center of prophecy that accepted not only Hellenes (Greeks) but also Barbarians (non-Greeks). While the Apollo of Delphoi served only the Hellenes, Klaros became the second center in Anatolia where the concept of world citizenship was practiced. At the peak of its fame in the 2nd century CE, it received consultations from all corners of the world, from North Africa to Britain.
  • Healing Oracles: Klaros was consulted not only for political or military matters but also for health issues. Aelius Aristides, the only author who provides information about the Allianoi Health Center, visited Allianoi on the advice of Apollo Klarios. This shows that Apollo Klarios also served as a consultant, directing those with health problems to the cure centers of his son, Asklepios.

IV. Monumental Evidence: The Hecatomb and the Seated God

Klaros is also unique in its archaeological finds.

  • The Hecatomb Block: While ancient writers describe the sacrifice of animals to all gods, the Hecatomb (sacrifice of one hundred animals) ritual’s first and only archaeological proof was found at Klaros. The discovery of one hundred animal-tethering blocks (rectangular stone blocks with an iron ring on each) in the area between the temple and the altar concretely proves Apollo’s attribute as Hecatombaios (the god to whom numerous sacrifices are offered).
  • Cult Statues: The sacred area is rare for its monumental cult statues (approximately 8 meters high) of Apollo, his sister Artemis, and their mother Leto found in situ (in their original place). The fact that the Apollo statue is seated while Artemis and Leto are standing emphasizes the architectural and religious hierarchy.
  • Architectural Uniqueness: The temple (Apollo Klarios Temple) is distinguished as the only Doric temple built in Ionia during the Hellenistic period. Furthermore, Klaros is noted in the archaeological record as the only sacred area with inscriptions even on the steps of its temple.

Abandoned in the 4th century CE with the spread of Christianity, Klaros has been excavated for many years. Today, it welcomes visitors as Turkey’s first archaeopark, where the trickle of thousands of years of prophecy still rises from the depths of the water.

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Above and below: On-site views of Klaros as seen today. Image above; Nikater, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: Image Credit: Ingeborg Simon, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Conclusion: The Eternal Legacy of Klaros

Klaros in Izmir demonstrates that prophecy was not merely an art of prediction, but a mystical connection established with personal sacrifice, sacred water, and the underworld. The blind oracles closed their eyes to the light of the outer world, opening their inner light to divine revelation.

The legacy of Klaros proves its influence extended beyond the beliefs of Antiquity to the fields of modern science, health (Allianoi), and politics (the founding of Smyrna).

The darkness of this sacred area and the sacred water formed by Manto’s tears whisper this esoteric truth to visitors thousands of years later: True wisdom sometimes requires ceasing to see and listening in the darkness.

Mons Testaceus…A Medieval Calvary

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

 

 

 

 

 

Da ogni coccio der Monte senti ancora la storia de

Testaccio de na vorta

(From every potsherd of the Hill you still hear the history of        

          Testaccio from long ago)

                                                   ….Giuliano Malizia

 

Monte Testaccio, as it became known once Italian replaced Latin in the 1200’s, is not one of Rome’s fabled Seven Hills, even though it most assuredly is a hill, higher in fact than some of them.  It is located in an area once enclosed by the very ancient Servian Wall.

This elevation is unique, for it was created not by the hand of God but by the hands of men; not by Mother Nature but by Father Time.  It is an artificial mini-mountain formed in the course of four or five centuries by heaps of broken earthenware vessels (amphorae), because of the site’s proximity to the wharves along the Tiber.  These reddish-brown (terra cotta) jugs, sporting two handles, were quite large, often a meter tall with a capacity of 70 liters or more.  Here in olden days were the unloading docks for provisions imported from the provinces and foreign lands, e.g. grain, fruit, and delicacies from Africa and the East; wine and olive oil from Spain and Gaul; linseed oil, salt, honey, and sauces from myriad other points on or near the Mediterranean.  Almost everything of such nature arriving daily in the Capital    even dried vegetables – had been shipped in clay    or more precisely, in terra cotta (baked clay) containers rather than in tin or cardboard boxes or in wooden crates as in our modern era.  Of course, some amphorae were broken during the shipping.  And the porters of those days were no more careful than their modern counterparts.  The harbor regulations required that all the fragments be thrown not into the river but into an empty field near its banks.

The imported goods would first reach the seaport of Ostia on the Tyrrhenian Sea and there be transferred from the large sailing vessels onto smaller craft for the last leg of the journey, up the river to the Statio Annona (the food pier) at the edge of the city.  After the cargo was unloaded it would be carted to huge vats in the nearby horrea (warehouses) whose supervisors controlled the sorting out, the storage, and the distribution of grain, wine , olive oil and the rest of the imported goods.  These contents    especially the liquids  – would be then and there decanted into smaller, more portable jugs for retail purposes.  After this, the longshoremen smashed even the intact empty amphorae and tossed the potsherds onto the steadily escalating pile.  This was all done likely at the insistence of the waterfront commissioner who had officially designated the vast open field in back of the wharves as a dumping ground.

Evidently, amphorae and other such containers were so cheap and plentiful as to not be worth the effort of cleaning them and reshipping them empty.  Furthermore, the wine, olive oil, and linseed oil would leave a residue that eventually turned rancid and impossible to clean, thereby rendering the massive jugs un-reusable.  This was another reason for shattering them all with sledgehammers and discarding the jagged pieces onto the heap of shards.

This practice can be traced as far back as the second century before Christ.  In 193 B.C. the censors, Lucius Emilius Lepidus and Lucius Emilius Paulus, ordered the construction of a new, state-of-the-art  port with an enormous pier and unloading dock, 500 meters in length, which vastly improved the access to the river by means of several convenient staircases.  This port was given the name Emporium, a term that English has adopted, meaning a trade mart.  Ruins of this port can still be seen in the surrounding streets, the Via Bianca, Via Rubattino and Via Florio.  The Emperor Trajan (A.D. 98-117) added several other fine structures which for the most part served the same functions.  So then, one can say that it was between the second century B.C. and the second A.D. that the Monte Testaccio gradually took the size and shape we see in our time.

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Monte Testaccio. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Tyler Bell, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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In antiquity, collectors, scavengers, and amateur archeologists exploring the hill would at times come upon shards with interesting information etched in or painted on them.  From this information we can infer the extensive commerce between Rome and its provinces and other lands.

Epigraphs on some fortuitously flat pieces would still be legible, providing such info as contents, exporter, the province or country of origin, and even the year of shipping.  This last would be indicated by one of two ways:  A)  The names of the incumbent co-consuls.  Our republic is modeled on that of Rome, with some exceptions.  In the United States the highest political office is the Presidency, with a single occupant and a four year term.  The Roman version was the Consulship, held by two co-consuls, each with the power of veto over the other, for a one year term.  Thus the year was indicated by a phrase such as “During the Consulship of Pompeius and Crassus” (which would have been 70 B.C. in our numerals.).  Or:  “During the Consulship of Piso and Glabrio” (67 B.C.)   In the year 59 B.C., as we reckon time, the consuls were Julius Caesar and Calpurnius Bibulus.  But Caesar so overshadowed his fellow commander-in-chief that wry Roman wits would refer to that year as “During the Consulship of Julius and Caesar.”  Such a designation would  be comparable to our:  “During the Eisenhower administration” or “During the Carter term”.  B)  If one preferred to use numbers, he or she would express it:  A.U.C..DCXX.  (A.U.C. stood for Ab Urbe Condita (From the founding of the City)  Tradition says that Romulus founded Rome in 753 B.C.; thus 620 years from that date would translate, for us, to 133 b.c.

By the first century A.D. a common daily scene down by the river was one of hefty Roman stevedores dragging bundles of potsherds up the uncertain, shifting slopes, since the summit was already too high for them to be tossed or flung up onto it.

In the reign of Hadrian (A.D. 117-138), the deposit had reached a height of 120 feet.  A century later the homely rugged “crockery hill” had climbed to 165 feet, higher even than its neighbor, the beautiful, ultra chic Aventine, with its umbrella pine trees and cypresses, its ochre-shaded buildings, its romantic Park of the Orange Trees, its flower garden, the stately U.S. Embassy to the Holy See, and seven ancient churches.

As a result of the humble Mount Testaccio’s latest increase in elevation, prototypes of our modern cranes had to be invented to lift future disposals of shards into place on the hilltop.  These terra cotta fragments were called testae, in Latin, eventually giving the hill its name; accio is an Italian pejorative suffix.  For example libro=bookl, libraccio=an awful book.  Ergo, testae=shards; testaccio=ugly shards.  Modern archeologists estimate that the mount is made up of about 53,000,000 of these.

Around this time a clear path upward was made so that mule-drawn carts could also be used to convey loads of potsherds to the top where they would be spread out in a somewhat orderly fashion.

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Layers of shards of amphoras settled at Testaccio hill in Rome. Flazaza, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The base of the hill was also expanding, reaching more than a kilometer (0.6 miles).  The slopes of the hill were honeycombed with small caves, dug out by the ancient local gentry to provide cool storage space for their homemade wines.  These caves were called grottini.

Rather surprisingly, there is little or no mention of the hill, or its name, by authors of the Renaissance era, with the possible exception of Cervantes    of “Don Quixote” fame    who in a later, short but charming novel has the protagonist rebutting his critics thus:

“What do you scamps want from me?

Annoying flies, filthy bedbugs, audacious flees?

Am I perhaps the Monte Testaccio of Rome

so that you feel free to hurl dirty, jagged

potsherds at me?”

Also contributing to the steady expansion of the hill was the fact that in this district of Rome there were numerous earthenware works which used the same rising dump-yard for discarding rejected materials.  These factories’ products were apparently in demand throughout the Empire, for such items with potters’ stamps identical to those of materials produced here in the Capital, have fairly recently been unearthed in places such as Spain, France, England, and others.

Another factor?  It would seem that a local ordinance required all citizens to take their no-longer wanted urns, jugs, and cooking pots to this same depository.  Some scholars and historians of our day opine that Mount Testaccio also contains fragments of funereal urns from the long-ago demolished columbaria, which once lined the Via Ostiense, a short distance away.

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Roman tituli picti from amphorae found at Monte Testaccio, Rome. From H. Dressel, Ricerche sul Monte Testaccio, Annali dell’Instituto di Correspondenza Archeologica 1878, plate L. H. Dressel (1845—1920), Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Another group of classicists suggests that also included in the vast collection are millions of stones from the considerable portion of the Esquiline Hill that was cut away to make level space for Trajan’s Forum.  This part of the Esquiline, so they say, was also the source of much of the top soil laid over the many strata of shards, resulting in the growth of plant life, scattered here and there.

When one section of Mount Testaccio was observed by contemporary archaeologists to have an inordinate concentration of jug handles, it set them to speculating.  The prevailing theory was that customs agents, on duty at the old docks, would knock off –  with a wooden hammer    the two handles of an amphora to indicate that its contents were duty free.  A marble slab found near the quays of the Tiber bears this ancient notice:  “Quisquid usuarium invehitur ansarium non debet.”  (Whatever is brought in of necessity  – i.e. for the population    is not subject to the import levy.  The metaphor for “levy” was ansarium,, from the same root as the word for jug handle … ansa.)

During the Middle Ages, those of Rome’s Christians who had made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, saw in Monte Testaccio somewhat of a resemblance to Calvary and its Golgotha which inspired them to make it a setting for various religious observances. For instance, on Good Friday each year, the Pope himself would lead a solemn procession in a re-enactment of Christ’s agonizing walk on Jerusalem’s Via Dolorosa.  This Stations of the Cross commemorative ritual would start out from the fourth-century church of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, just a few blocks away, and culminate in the placing of three large crosses atop Testaccio to simulate those of Christ and two thieves up on Golgotha, the dreary pockmarked mound just beyond the walls of Jerusalem.  To this day, Testaccio remains surmounted by a tall iron cross as a reminder of Christ’s passion and death.  Later in the Middle Ages the hill and surrounding grounds became a sort of public recreation site as well.

Throughout the pre-Lenten celebration of Carnevale annually, the area rang with the din of games, tournaments, contests, pageants, and picnics.  Despite its homeliness, the Mount was dear to the artist colony of the Eternal City, above all to the French painter of the 1600’s, Nicola Poussin, known for his masterpieces:  The Rape of the Sabines” and “The Four Seasons.” It was the sweeping views out over the city that attracted the Frenchman and his confreres.  This activity seems to have been the onset of the populating of the whole district, which took its name from the mini-mountain in its midst.

The modern quarter of Testaccio had arrived.  Apartment buildings, with that peculiar burnt-orange color, began to sprout everywhere, shops opened for business, a magnificent church, with name Santa Maria Liberatrice, was erected to serve the fast growing population.  In the 1800’s the Mattatoio (slaughterhouse) was built at the western base of Mount Testaccio.  As a result of this facility, trattorias in the area, with their menus of steaks, chops, sweetbreads, and spicy meat-sauced pasta, began to draw eager patrons in droves.   One of the choicest dishes back then was that which included the intestines, still full of milk, of newborn calves.  The slaughterhouse has been abandoned for many years now, pre-empted by the construction of a super modern meat center on the outskirts of Rome.  The closing of the Mattatoio completely canceled  the industrial aspect of the Testaccio neighborhood, but the ristoranti and trattorie continued to multiply and attract mostly locals, for the district, until lately, was unknown and unpublicized and consequently overlooked by tourists.  But word has been getting out, as guide books and magazines and newspapers increasingly and enthusiastically sing the praises of this mecca of bargain-priced tempting dishes of gnocchi bolognese, tortellini, tortelloni, canelloni, spaghetti alla carbonara or all’amatriciana etc. in this blue-collar part of Rome    gritty yet colorful; dense yet tranquil.  Even the birds, especially in the area of the hill, seem to quiet their song.

There are three popular dining spots dug directly into the hill:  Flavio al Velavevodetto, which has in the walls glass panels that allow diners to view the strata of terra cotta fragments; Checchino Dal 1887 with a wine cellar carved out of the layers of cocci;  Ar Mont Testaccio, also located amid the shards deep inside this “hill of broken pottery”.

This enchanting little corner of Rome Eternal is bordered by the Tiber, Piazza dell’Emporio, Via Marmorata, the Gate of St. Paul, the Pyramid of Gaius Cestius, the avenue of Campo Boario, and the English Cemetery where repose the mortal remains of the poets Keats and Shelley, the artist Joseph Severn, and other luminaries of the English colony of the city.  From the 1700s the Brits have been coming eagerly to Rome, their Baedeckers in hand, by the tens of thousands –  some to visit, or some to stay.

From 1905 throughout the Twentieth century Testaccio was also popular with the local gentry and their guests for its open-air market, vending a myriad of wares, from fresh produce to the latest trendiest running footwear, and much in between.  A few years ago, sadly, this large gem closed its stalls forever.  But it was happily replaced by a brand-new attractive piazza ideal for strollers and sitters, and featuring lovely shade trees, comfortable benches, and a centerpiece splashing fountain with the name:…. La Fontana delle Anfore.   (But of course.)

The Testaccini, as the locals refer to themselves, are warm and cordial and welcoming.  One famous native Testaccino, the late Giovanni Malizia, mentioned and cited at the start of this essay, was an authority on the charms of Rome.  He perhaps summed it all up most succinctly with verse,

In the Roman dialect:

“Da ogni coccio der Monte senti ancora la storia de Testaccio de na vorta…”

“From every potsherd of the Hill you still hear the history of Testaccio from back in the day…”

………………..

Note: One can visit the hill only in a guided tour, with a limit of 30 people, by calling the Turismo Roma office at 011-39-060608 or through their website.  This should be done well in advance, for admission is extremely limited.

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Joseph and the Age of Akhenaten: Rethinking a Scriptural Narrative through Ancient Egyptian History

Menna Tallah Salah Eldin, is an independent Egyptian researcher based in Egypt, with a focus on ancient Egyptian civilization.

 

The story of Joseph in Egypt has long been one of the most enduring narratives in religious consciousness and collective human memory. Yet rereading it in light of historical and archaeological evidence opens the door to a more complex and deeper understanding, beyond strictly literal interpretations .

This article attempts to reconstruct the possible historical context of these narratives while taking their religious dimension into account, through a critical reading based on archaeological evidence and historical reasoning.

Between History and Memory

The difference between history and memory can be summarized simply as follows:

  • History records what happened materially.
  • Memory interprets what happened and gives it meaning.

Modern historical analysis does not deny the essence of the religious narrative. Rather than searching for a literal correspondence between scripture and archaeological traces, the story of Joseph can be understood as the result of a long interaction between history, memory, and identity.

Joseph between Religious Narrative and Historical Context

Exploring the relationship between religious narratives and ancient Egyptian history represents one of the most complex areas of historical research, due to the intersection between collective memory and archaeological evidence, and between religious symbolism and political reality.

Among the most debated questions is the place of the story of Joseph within the historical context of ancient Egypt, and whether it may be connected to actual events dating to the late New Kingdom.

According to religious texts, Joseph is described as a foreign individual who rose to a high administrative position in Egypt and managed a major economic crisis with great wisdom.

Historically, the presence of foreigners in high positions within the Egyptian state is well documented, particularly during periods of stability and political openness such as that in the New Kingdom. The rise of individuals like Yuya, who held prominent offices and appears to have had non-Egyptian origins, demonstrates that the Egyptian administrative system was capable of integrating non-Egyptian individuals into the highest ranks of government.

From this perspective, the present article explores who Yuya was and what possible relationship he might have had to the story of Joseph.

Yuya between History and Religious Narrative

Yuya is one of the most intriguing figures in ancient Egyptian history, not only because of his exceptional status but also because of the context in which he appeared.

Although he did not belong to the royal family, he rose to an unprecedented position as one of the most influential figures of the late Eighteenth Dynasty, particularly during the reign of Amenhotep III. His close connection to the royal family came through the marriage of his daughter Tiye to Amenhotep III. Queen Tiye later became the mother of Akhenaten, making Yuya effectively Akhenaten’s grandfather.

Yuya held several high offices, including Overseer of the Cattle of the God and Master of the Horse. He was also buried in a richly furnished tomb, an honor rarely granted except to members of the highest elite.

What distinguishes Yuya is not only his social rise but also the strong indications of his non-Egyptian origins, whether suggested by his name, his physical features, or his family connections. This opens the door to legitimate questions about the nature of the role he played within the Egyptian state, especially during a period marked by important political and administrative changes in the late Eighteenth Dynasty.

The context in which Yuya emerged is particularly significant. When examining the broader context of the reign of Thutmose IV, the predecessor of Amenhotep III, we find a transitional period characterized by a relative decline in external military activity and an increasing emphasis on internal stability and administrative reorganization. This shift may have been connected to certain climatic or economic disruptions and to the growing need for effective management of economic and social crises.

In such an environment, competence and administrative skill could become more valuable than purely royal lineage. This may help explain the rise of a figure like Yuya, and it also resonates with the religious narrative concerning the years of famine that led to the rise of Joseph.

In the same context, the famous Dream Stele of Thutmose IV is an important symbolic indicator of this transformation. The granite stele, located between the paws of the Great Sphinx at Giza, records a dream experienced by the prince before he became king. In the dream, the Sphinx promised him kingship if he cleared the sand surrounding it.

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Frontal view of the great Sphinx of Giza with the Dream stela. Chanel Wheeler, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Dream Stele as recorded by Lepsius. Carl Richard Lepsius, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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This inscription is often interpreted as an attempt to legitimize royal authority during a sensitive political transition. But when compared with the religious narrative, it becomes strikingly reminiscent of the story of the ruler’s dream interpreted by Joseph. Where dreams always held an important place in ancient Egyptian culture and Egyptians often recorded significant dreams on monuments to preserve their memory.

This broader historical environment of seeking stability allows us to imagine the rise of capable administrators—even those of foreign origin—provided they demonstrated the ability to manage resources and control crises.

Within this framework, it becomes reasonable to suggest the hypothesis that Yuya may represent a historical example of a capable economic expert who emerged during a period when the Egyptian state required careful management of resources.

From this perspective, the story of Joseph may be interpreted as a symbolic echo of an earlier historical memory rather than a literal record of events. Such a reading opens the possibility of understanding how collective memory can develop from real historical experiences transmitted across generations.

Thus, the story of Joseph may be viewed not as a precise historical chronicle but as a scriptural narrative reinterpretation of an earlier historical experience, allowing for a deeper understanding of the relationship between religious narrative and political history.

From Yuya to Akhenaten: The Roots of Religious Transformation in the Late New Kingdom

The religious transformation that occurred during the reign of Akhenaten remains one of the most controversial phenomena in the history of the ancient Near East.

The emergence of the worship of the single god Aten, the decline of the power of the priests of Amun, and the abrupt separation from deeply rooted religious traditions are difficult to explain to be the result of an isolated personal decision.

Instead, examining the political, social, and intellectual context preceding this period allows for a deeper understanding of its motivations and perhaps its earlier roots.

It is worth noting that the God Aten, represented as the solar disk, had existed since the Old Kingdom as one manifestation of the god Ra, although the peak of Aten’s worship occurred during the Eighteenth Dynasty.

Within this broader context, Yuya emerges as a figure worthy of consideration—not as the direct cause of religious transformation but as a possible intermediary between two intellectual worlds.

Possible Intellectual and Religious Background

Although there are no explicit texts attributing alternative religious ideas to Yuya, his presence at the center of the ruling elite and his close relationship with the royal family may have positioned him as a channel through which unconventional religious ideas could have circulated.

The religious transformation of Akhenaten did not appear suddenly. It was preceded by lots of intellectual accumulations reflected in the following :

  • The increasing centrality of the worship of the Sun in Egyptian doctrines, which began to appear clearly during the reign of Thutmose IV.
  • A gradual shift from religious plurality toward a more concentrated concept of divine authority.
  • The growing role of the king as the sole intermediary between the divine and the world.

All of these elements may have developed within the ruling elite before being formally expressed.

From Administrative Reform to Religious Transformation

The reforms initiated by Akhenaten may therefore represent the continuation of an earlier intellectual and administrative trajectory rather than the result of a sudden revelation.

During the reign of Thutmose IV, Yuya began to emerge as an influential figure within the royal court. Thutmose IV arranged the marriage of his son Amenhotep III to Yuya’s daughter Tiye, who later became the mother of Akhenaten.

During this same period, early signs of a transformation in the relationship between political authority and religion began to appear. These developments included the growing symbolic importance of the God of the sun Aten and the gradual weakening of the absolute dominance of the priesthood of  the God Amun. This process became more evident during the reign of Amenhotep III.

Importantly, this transformation was not an abrupt religious revolution but a cumulative process extending over generations. This makes it plausible that the intellectual roots of Akhenaten’s reforms had begun developing long before his reign.

Within this framework, it is possible that earlier members of the elite—including Yuya—contributed to redefining the relationship between political authority and the divine God. Yuya may therefore be understood not as the founder of a new religious doctrine but as a cultural and administrative intermediary who helped reshape the structure of authority.

His exceptional status within the court and his influence on the next generation of rulers strengthen this possibility, particularly since Akhenaten grew up in a political and intellectual environment different from that of earlier periods.

From this perspective, Akhenaten’s religious transformation should not be seen as a sudden religious shift but rather as the culmination of a gradual historical process that began decades earlier.

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The gilded cartonnage mummy mask of Yuya, the father of Queen Tiye. Yuya was the father-in-law of pharaoh Amenhotep III, one of the the most powerful kings of Egypt’s 18th dynasty. Credit Jon Bodsworth, Wikimedia Commons

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Photo image of the mummy of Yuya. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The Time of the Event and the Time of Writing: Divine Revelation as a Bridge between History and Memory

The chronological gap between the historical events that took place and the time when they were written down represents one of the central methodological challenges in the study of religious narratives.

For example, the Torah was not written at the time of the events it describes, nor during the lifetime of Moses. Instead, it was composed and compiled over several centuries, roughly between the tenth and fifth centuries BCE.

This means that several centuries separate the time of the events from the time of writing—a gap normally sufficient for historical memory to change or even disappear.

The issue becomes even more complex when we consider the civilizational context from which these narratives emerged. Ancient Egyptian civilization—within which stories such as those of Joseph and Moses are believed to have taken place—had already entered a long period of decline.

Its religious institutions weakened, knowledge of its language and symbols disappeared, and the historical records that preserved its memory were lost. Ancient Egyptian civilization itself eventually became a forgotten civilization, rediscovered only in the eighteenth century with the discovery of the Rosetta stone.

Despite this, the narratives themselves survived and remained strongly present within later religious traditions either in the Jewish, Christian, and Islamic religious traditions , even though more than a thousand years separated the emergence of each of those traditions and its predecessor .

This raises a fundamental question: how did these narratives survive while an entire civilization disappeared?

In other words, these stories were written in a period when there was no longer any living knowledge of the civilization in which the events supposedly occurred. Yet the narratives themselves remained remarkably coherent and preserved their core structure.

This persistence is difficult to explain purely through random cultural transmission or oral memory, particularly given the absence of direct knowledge of ancient Egyptian civilization at the time of the emergence of those religious narratives.

Here the concept of Divine revelation offers a possible explanation. In this analytical framework, revelation is not understood merely as the literal dictation of text, but as a mechanism through which meaning is preserved across time.

The concept of Divine Revelation preserves the essence of human experience even when historical details are lost. In this sense, Divine revelation does not transmit history in its precise chronological form; rather, it transmits the experiential truth of events—their meaning, significance, and ethical function that are the main essence of shaping Humanity.

From this perspective, the survival of narratives such as the story of Joseph becomes more understandable despite the disappearance of the civilization in which they supposedly took place.

Thus the gap between the time of events and the time of writing becomes not a weakness but rather a supporting element to the concept of Divine revelation. If the narratives were merely reflections of contemporary human knowledge, they would likely have disappeared along with the civilization that produced them.

Instead, their persistence across different religions and historical contexts suggests a deeper source of memory that transcends both written records and oral tradition.

In this sense, religion itself may be understood as a vessel for historical memory when material archeological evidence fails to preserve it.

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References

  • Assmann, Jan. The Mind of Egypt: History and Meaning in the Time of the Pharaohs. Harvard University Press.
  • Dodson, Aidan. Amarna Sunset: Nefertiti, Tutankhamun, Ay, Horemheb, and the Egyptian Counter-Reformation. American University in Cairo Press.
  • Hornung, Erik. Akhenaten and the Religion of Light. Cornell University Press.
  • Lichtheim, Miriam. Ancient Egyptian Literature, Volume II: The New Kingdom. University of California Press.
  • Redford, Donald B. Akhenaten: The Heretic King. Princeton University Press.
  • Wilkinson, Toby. The Rise and Fall of Ancient Egypt. Random House.

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How Modern Technology Is Transforming Archaeological Discoveries

Archaeology used to mean brushes, trowels, and years of slow digging. Not anymore. Today, researchers find buried cities without moving a single grain of soil. The transformation is dramatic — and it’s accelerating fast.

Modern archaeology now blends science, computing, and field intuition in ways nobody predicted even twenty years ago.

Seeing Through the Ground: LiDAR

LiDAR stands for Light Detection and Ranging. It fires laser pulses from aircraft and measures how they bounce back. Dense jungle? No problem — the lasers pierce through the canopy.

In 2018, researchers used LiDAR to reveal a network of Maya cities in Guatemala spanning over 2,100 square kilometers. More than 60,000 hidden structures appeared in a single scan.

Drones Are Changing Everything

Small, cheap, fast. Drones now map archaeological sites in hours rather than weeks. They carry cameras, thermal sensors, and even ground-penetrating radar.

A drone survey costs a fraction of traditional aerial photography. Some teams operate entire excavation seasons using footage gathered by drones costing under $1,000.

Satellites Watch From Above

Satellite imagery has revealed lost cities beneath desert sands in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Central Asia. Dr. Sarah Parcak — sometimes called a “space archaeologist” — used NASA satellite data to identify over 3,000 ancient settlements.

The method works because buried structures affect soil moisture and plant growth differently. Satellites detect those subtle color and texture differences.

Ground-Penetrating Radar: X-Ray for the Earth

GPR sends radio waves into the ground and records reflections. It’s non-invasive. Nothing gets disturbed. Archaeologists essentially see underground before deciding where — or whether — to dig.

In 2022, GPR surveys near Stonehenge revealed 17 previously unknown ritual monuments. Nobody dug a single hole to find them.

DNA Analysis Rewrites Human History

Ancient DNA recovered from bones and teeth now tells stories no artifact ever could. Where did people migrate? Who were their relatives? What diseases did they carry?

A 2019 study analyzing DNA from over 800 ancient Europeans rewrote understanding of the Bronze Age migration patterns entirely. Results changed textbooks.

3D Scanning and Printing: Touching the Past

Fragile artifacts can now be scanned and reproduced with extraordinary precision. Museums share 3D models online. Researchers collaborate across continents without shipping anything.

The Smithsonian Institution has digitized over 4.8 million objects and specimens. A student in Kyiv can study a Roman coin held in Washington — in full three-dimensional detail.

Artificial Intelligence Sorts the Noise

AI doesn’t get bored. It doesn’t overlook patterns in repetitive data. Machine learning algorithms now process satellite images, identify anomalies, and flag potential sites — scanning in minutes what would take humans months.

At Pompeii, AI helped decipher carbonized scrolls too fragile to unroll physically. Characters hidden for 2,000 years finally became readable.

Digital Collaboration and Secure Research Access

Researchers today constantly work across borders. They share datasets, images, and findings through secure digital channels.

Protecting sensitive location data is genuinely important—revealing the precise GPS coordinates of unexcavated sites publicly can attract looters within days. Many fieldwork teams now use a free VPN service to encrypt their data transmissions. A free VPN from a proven provider like VeePN is an essential tool for self-protection in the digital environment, especially when working from remote locations with unsecured networks. It’s a simple but critical layer of protection for irreplaceable research.

Photogrammetry: Building Worlds From Photos

Take hundreds of overlapping photos. Feed them into software. Get a precise 3D model. That’s photogrammetry — now standard on serious excavations.

Teams used it extensively at Çatalhöyük in Turkey, one of the world’s oldest known cities. Every excavated layer was digitally preserved before removal. Nothing is truly lost anymore.

Underwater Archaeology Goes Deeper

Remotely operated vehicles (ROVs) explore shipwrecks and submerged settlements at depths no human diver could reach. They carry cameras, robotic arms, and sonar systems.

The ancient Greek shipwreck Antikythera — source of the famous “first computer” mechanism — was revisited using ROVs in 2016. New fragments of the mechanism were recovered. It changed everything scholars believed about ancient Greek engineering.

Isotope Analysis: Reading Bones Like Passports

The food and water a person consumes during childhood leaves a chemical signature in their bones. Scientists measure isotope ratios and determine where someone grew up — sometimes to a specific region.

This technique proved that many people buried at Stonehenge weren’t local. They came from Wales, hundreds of kilometers away. A stone circle suddenly became a story about movement and community.

Citizen Science and Open Data

Technology hasn’t just helped professionals. Platforms like MicroPasts crowdsource artifact identification to thousands of volunteers worldwide.

Regular people classify pottery types, transcribe documents, and tag photographs. VeePN supports the kind of secure, borderless digital collaboration that makes these global research networks possible. Connectivity matters when your team spans twelve countries.

What the Numbers Say

The scale of change is measurable. According to UNESCO estimates, the adoption of remote sensing technologies has increased the discovery rate of archaeological sites by approximately 30–40% over the past decade. Meanwhile, ancient DNA studies published annually jumped from roughly 50 papers in 2015 to over 500 by 2023.

These aren’t incremental improvements. They’re a revolution.

What Comes Next

Quantum computing may soon crack patterns in archaeological datasets far too complex for current machines. Hyperspectral imaging — which captures light beyond the visible spectrum — is already finding invisible pigments on ancient paintings.

The past isn’t static. Every year, technology lets us see it more clearly.

Final Thought

Modern archaeology is no longer just about digging. It’s about listening — to signals in the soil, in satellite data, in ancient DNA, in carbonized scrolls. The tools change constantly.

What doesn’t change is the question underneath all of it: Who were we, and how did we get here? Technology just keeps getting better at helping us answer it.

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Cover Image, Top: Gobekli Tepe.  Immanuelle, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Lessons From Ancient Civilizations For Staying Warm in Hot, Dry Climates

Living comfortably in a hot, dry climate has always required more than endurance. Ancient civilizations understood this well. Long before modern cooling systems, they learned how to shape homes, streets, and entire cities around the realities of heat, sun, and airflow. Their solutions were not crude or improvised. They were thoughtful, refined over generations, and deeply connected to the environments in which people lived.

What makes these strategies so compelling today is how relevant they still feel. As modern buildings consume more energy to stay comfortable, ancient methods remind us that practical design often begins with understanding the climate rather than resisting it.

Thick Walls Helped Regulate Temperature Naturally

One of the most common features of ancient architecture in hot, dry regions was the use of thick walls made from adobe, mud brick, stone, or rammed earth. These materials had strong thermal mass, meaning they absorbed heat slowly and released it gradually over time.

During the day, thick walls reduced the speed at which outdoor heat entered the building. By the time warmth moved inward, the hottest part of the day had often passed. At night, when desert temperatures dropped, the stored heat was released slowly, helping interiors remain more stable.

This natural buffering effect allowed homes to stay cooler during intense heat and more comfortable after sunset. It was a simple but highly effective way to soften the dramatic temperature swings common in arid climates.

Courtyards Created Cooler Microclimates

Many ancient homes were designed around internal courtyards that served both social and environmental purposes. These open central spaces improved airflow, introduced shade, and created cooler gathering areas protected from the harsher outside environment.

Hot air could rise and escape through the open courtyard while cooler air moved through the surrounding rooms. Plants, shaded walls, and occasional water features further improved comfort by reducing radiant heat and adding evaporative cooling.

Courtyards were not decorative luxuries. They were practical design elements that transformed the interior climate of the home and made daily life more bearable in extreme heat.

Wind Catchers Directed Air Into Living Spaces

In parts of the Middle East and Persia, builders developed wind catchers to improve ventilation. These tower-like structures captured prevailing breezes and directed them downward into buildings.

Some systems pass air over water or through cooler underground chambers before distributing it indoors, lowering temperatures further. The result was a form of passive cooling that worked with the climate instead of depending on external energy.

Wind catchers remain one of the clearest examples of how ancient civilizations treated airflow as something to design for intentionally rather than leave to chance.

Building Into the Ground Offered Thermal Relief

Ancient communities also understood the insulating power of the earth itself. In many hot, dry regions, homes included partially sunken rooms or underground spaces where temperatures remained more stable.

Because the surrounding soil shielded interiors from direct sun and daily temperature swings, these spaces stayed cooler during the hottest parts of the day. They offered a practical retreat when conditions above ground became uncomfortable.

This approach reflects a sophisticated understanding of how land itself could become part of the cooling strategy.

Dense Cities and Narrow Streets Maximized Shade

Ancient desert settlements were often compact, with narrow streets and tightly arranged buildings. While visually striking, this layout was also highly functional.

Closely spaced buildings cast shade over streets and neighboring walls for much of the day, reducing direct sun exposure and lowering ambient temperatures in shared spaces. Narrow pathways also helped channel airflow and made movement through the city more comfortable.

These urban layouts show that climate-responsive design extended beyond individual buildings to the planning of entire communities.

Reflective Surfaces Reduced Solar Heat Gain

In many ancient regions, exterior walls were coated with pale plaster or whitewashed finishes. These light surfaces reflected sunlight rather than absorbing it, helping buildings stay cooler under intense sun.

Though simple, this strategy significantly reduced heat gain and remains widely used in hot climates today. It is one of many examples showing that ancient builders often relied on straightforward solutions applied thoughtfully and consistently.

Water Improved Comfort Where Available

Where water was available, it often played an important role in cooling. Courtyard fountains, channels, and pools were integrated into homes and gardens to help lower surrounding air temperatures through evaporation.

In dry climates, even modest water features could make nearby spaces feel noticeably cooler and more pleasant. Combined with shade and airflow, they helped create environments that felt calmer and more comfortable despite the harsh surroundings.

Beyond their practical benefits, these features also brought beauty and a sense of tranquility to daily life.

Ancient Strategies Still Feel Relevant Today

The wisdom behind these ancient methods extends beyond architecture. They reflect a broader understanding that comfort begins with managing heat before it becomes overwhelming.

For modern people who struggle with excessive sweating, that idea remains especially familiar. Long before the issue was discussed in clinical or lifestyle terms, ancient communities were already shaping their environments to reduce heat exposure and physical discomfort. Cooler rooms, better airflow, shaded walkways, and heat-resistant materials all helped lessen the body’s thermal burden throughout the day.

In that sense, these strategies still resonate today. They remind us that thoughtfully designed spaces can play a meaningful role in improving comfort for people who are particularly sensitive to heat

Looking Back to Move Forward

Ancient civilizations lacked modern cooling technology, yet they built homes and cities that allowed people to live well in some of the hottest environments on Earth . They achieved this not by overpowering nature, but by studying it closely and designing around it.

Their buildings reveal a deep respect for climate, materials, and place. More importantly, they show that comfort can come from intelligence and restraint as much as from technology.

As we face rising temperatures and growing pressure to build more sustainably, these ancient lessons feel less like historical curiosities and more like enduring guidance. They remind us that sometimes the smartest path forward begins by paying closer attention to the wisdom of the past.

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Cover Image, Top:  Photo by Pixabay from Pexels: https://www.pexels.com/photo/aerial-photography-of-rocky-shore-266691/

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Arkeopolitics: Unearthing Politics

Erdem Denk is a professor of international law and international relations at Ankara University and the founder of the transdisciplinary research initiative Arkeopolitics, which integrates archaeology, history, political theory, and legal history to reinterpret the long-term dynamics of human societies. His research focuses on the evolution of law and social order since the Paleolithic. He is the author of The 50,000-Year World Order: Societies and Their Laws (2021, in Turkish) and is currently working on three books, in Turkish and English, titled When There Was No StateThe Invention of the State, and The Story of the State.

Standing in the dust of Çatalhöyük—a 9,000-year-old Neolithic site known to archaeology since the 1960s, yet virtually non-existent in discussions about political science and law—a question haunted me: “How come no one told us about it?”

My training at Ankara University’s Faculty of Political Science (Mülkiye) was defined by a dominant doctrinal paradigm: that wherever households and private property exist, equality is a structural impossibility and hierarchy the absolute rule.

Perhaps the founding fathers of the 19th century had the luxury of such grand claims in the absence of data, but we no longer do. Staring at the silence of a society that possessed both property and privacy, yet flourished for 1,500 years with no state, no great houses, and no trace of warfare, I realized our education resulted in a form of systemic blindness. As I highlighted in my previous discussion on the collapse of modern political science, we had ignored 99 percent of human experiences as if they had no relevance to order or law.

At that moment, I knew I had to integrate these findings into my own academic world. While archaeology had long ago unearthed these findings, they remained buried in the silence of political science and law. This was a crucial moment for Arkeopolitics, which set the stage for a double-edged shift: an effort to liberate political theory from its modernist and state-centric limits, while challenging archaeology to engage with fundamental social questions about governance, power, order, and law. It was a necessary way out of the narratives that had reached their dead ends.

The 3D Shift: Reconstructing Law and Politics

From this newfound clarity, I began revisiting the legal and political knowledge that had shaped me—from my foundational years at Mülkiye to my PhD at Cardiff Law School—through this expansive lens. This transition required more than just a new perspective. It demanded a new kind of literacy. I found myself immersed in archaeological reports, where every architectural remain, every object, and every finding began to speak to me like a legal text, carrying within them the very codes of social order.

It was like seeing a 3D image hidden within a flat surface. This shift allowed me to reexamine the core pillars of our social existence from the ground up.

To briefly illustrate this awakening, I began by rethinking the public sphere not as a marble forum but as a 700,000-year-old campfire—the foundational site where the controlled use of fire brought with it institutionalized practices of collective action, socialization, and shared sustenance. In this setting, the essence of democracy was rooted in absolute direct participation—a natural outcome of living in groups that, as we know through the work of Robin Dunbar and other experts, averaged between 35 and 50 individuals. Within this deep-time perspective, redistribution revealed itself not as a “modern market mechanism,” but as a fundamental survival mechanism of collective pooling; a system where the productive components (men and women) shared resources with non-productive components like the elderly and children, in recognition of their vital past and future roles. This prompted me to recognize that such social cohesion was the product of a historic bloc between men and women, whose tens of thousands of years of equality evolved from a pragmatic, symbiotic cooperation.

The radical rupture that eventually shattered this equilibrium has thus become much clearer as a cumulative process unfolding over four to five millennia—from the dawn of the Neolithic to its systemic conclusion. It was the result of the convergence of climate change, sedentarization, and the advent of the plow and irrigation. This long-term transition triggered the surplus accumulation and the invention of warfare technology, which in turn led to the near-simultaneous rise of the state, systemic warfare, patriarchy, and organized religion.

I began to view these not as separate accidents, but as a coevolutionary “package of power” that fundamentally reshaped the human experience—marking the exact turning point when warfare shifted from a rare occurrence to a standard, structural method of problem-solving.

Building the Future: An Academic and Public Platform

While I continue to reexamine these core pillars through the lens of new data, I am simultaneously focused on transforming this intellectual journey into a collective resonance. I have set out to broaden my reach, learning through shared insights and incorporating the valuable feedback of a wider community.

Within this scope, I took the first step in 2021 by publishing a concise overview, where I attempted to build the preliminary framework for a holistic, 50,000-year perspective on world order. Since then, my focus has shifted toward catalyzing collaboration and public engagement.

I have been organizing monthly online talks, which have an annual keynote by professor Mehmet Özdoğan, the preeminent archaeologist whose visionary support was instrumental in the founding of Arkeopolitics and the subsequent training programs. A cornerstone of this effort is the Arkeopolitics summer school, operating since 2024 within the Erasmus+ framework. In 2026, the program is expected to significantly expand its horizons: adding a Budapest session to our established base in Bodrum and bringing together law and political science students from Hungary, Greece, Slovakia, and Austria. I know from personal experience that persuading and recruiting young researchers to commit to this interdisciplinary field is remarkably difficult without formal educational structures and viable career paths. Therefore, this growing network marks a strategic trajectory toward a joint master’s degree, solidifying Arkeopolitics not just as an intellectual pursuit but also as an international academic reality. By institutionalizing this curriculum through our Erasmus+ partnerships, the next generation will hopefully have the necessary tools and formal recognition to navigate the complex intersections of archaeology, law, and politics.

The impact has been satisfactory so far: Participants highlighted how discovering a deep history far older than modern national narratives allowed them to see underlying historical patterns for the first time. This perspective provided a transformative depth, enabling a comparative analysis of law and order that transcends today’s era-specific silos —patterns that are often missing in modern curricula. This momentum is yielding structural results nationally. The concept has officially entered the undergraduate curriculum at TOBB ETÜ University in Ankara—the first time this lens has been integrated into formal degree programs in Turkey.

Beyond the ivory tower, I have sought to ground this theory in the physical reality of the landscape. This mission led me to become a licensed professional guide, transforming ancient mounds into mobile classrooms through specialized, niche Neolithic tours. Much like my community talks, those who join these tours are well-educated individuals who, having reached a certain stage in life, have begun to sense a profound gap between their traditional education and the increasingly unearthed realities of deep history. Through such public engagements, I translate complex archaeological data into a shared, lived experience, testing my theoretical frameworks against the very soil where these ancient orders once flourished. This direct engagement forms the agenda for my AI-augmented social media content, YouTube series, and podcasts, where I aim to reveal the unseen background of our daily lives—arguing that shifting conditions, rather than static ideals, are what truly forge our values.

An Intellectual Restoration: Transcending Disciplinary Walls

I am aware that some still whisper that I have “strayed from my field”—or even abandoned it— while others dismiss my work as a mere hobby. But let me be clear: I view this not as a departure, but as a long-overdue intellectual restoration: a structural deepening of legal and political reasoning by anchoring them in the foundational realities of deep time.

We are facing a multi-layered pan-crisis. The last two centuries have offered no historical precedent for the radical shifts—seen today in examples like climate change or AI—that are reshaping our world. However, the deep history of humanity contains the very survival experiences we need to consider. Arkeopolitics, therefore, is a call to unearth the structural conditions under which order emerges and collapses; by bridging the order beneath with our modern order above, we expand our collective vocabulary to navigate the dense fog of this uncertain era.

This is the second part of a two-part series on Arkeopolitics and its importance in addressing the pan-crisis. You can read the first part here.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top Left: Çatalhöyük after the first excavations. Omar hoftun, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Neanderthals in Central Europe hunted pond turtles

Johannes Gutenberg Universitaet Mainz—Neanderthals hunted European pond turtles (Emys orbicularis) in Central Europe though probably not for food. The careful cleaning of carapace elements at Neumark-Nord indicates that shells were reused, perhaps as small containers or scoop-like implements. This is the finding reported* by an international research team led by Professor Dr. Sabine Gaudzinski-Windheuser of the Institute for Ancient Studies at Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz (JGU) and the Archaeological Research Centre and Museum for Human Behavioural Evolution, MONREPOS/LEIZA, together with Dr. Lutz Kindler of MONREPOS/LEIZA and Prof. Dr. Wil Roebroeks of Leiden University, the Netherlands, now published in the journal Scientific Reports.

The researchers examined turtle shell fragments approximately 125,000 years old, discovered at the world-renowned Palaeolithic site of Neumark-Nord in what is today Saxony-Anhalt. Using methods including high-resolution 3D scanning, they found that many of the 92 fragments bear cut marks on their inner surfaces, indicating that the turtles were carefully butchered by Neanderthals – with limbs detached, internal organs removed, and the shells thoroughly cleaned. “Our data provide the first evidence that Neanderthals also hunted and processed turtles north of the Alps, beyond the Mediterranean region,” said Gaudzinski-Windheuser.

Easy to catch  and perhaps hunted by children

The researchers believe the turtles were not used as a food source. “We can virtually rule this out given the abundance of remains from large, high-yield prey animals at this site. There was in all likelihood a complete caloric surplus,” said Gaudzinski-Windheuser. In total, well over one hundred thousand animal bones or bone fragments have already been recovered at Neumark-Nord, including numerous bones from deer, cattle, and horses, as well as from the largest land mammals of the time – the European straight-tusked elephant (Palaeoloxodon antiquus), which could weigh more than ten tonnes. Last year, Gaudzinski-Windheuser, Kindler, and Roebroeks reported that Neanderthals had operated a kind of “factory” at the site, systematically extracting fat from the bones of large mammals (see press release: “Neanderthals were already running ‘fat factories’ 125,000 years ago“).

“With a weight of around one kilogram, pond turtles have a comparatively low nutritional value,” said Gaudzinski-Windheuser. “However, they are relatively easy to catch and may therefore have been hunted by children. Their shells may then have been processed into tools.” It is also possible that they were hunted for their taste or for an assumed medicinal value, a suggestion supported by findings from studies of later indigenous peoples. “Our current results shed new light on the ecological flexibility and complex survival strategies of Neanderthals, which went far beyond simple caloric maximization,” said Gaudzinski-Windheuser.

The study* now published in Scientific Reports is the latest in a series of ongoing scientific analyses of material from the former open-cast lignite mine at Neumark-Nord. The research projects are carried out by a joint team from the Archaeological Research Centre and Museum for Human Behavioural Evolution, MONREPOS, in Neuwied – a facility of the Leibniz Zentrum für Archäologie (LEIZA) – together with JGU and Leiden University. They are made possible through the continued support of the State Office for Heritage Management and Archaeology Saxony-Anhalt.

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Article Source: Johannes Gutenberg Universitaet Mainz news release.

Men have eaten more meat than women for 10,000 years in Europe

PNAS Nexus—Access to nutritious food is a fundamental pillar of human success, but such access has been unequal throughout history.  In pre-industrial European societies, meat was a highly sought-after food, and access to it was often related to a higher social status.

The ratios of carbon and nitrogen isotopes in human bone collagen can provide data about what a person ate. Nitrogen isotope ratios reflect the amount of meat a person ate, while carbon isotope ratios reveal what proportion of plants a person ate used the C4 carbon fixation photosynthesis pathway, from which one can infer how much low-status millet and variable-status marine foods a person may have consumed. However, comparing isotope ratios across sites is difficult; the use of manure fertilizer, varying climate conditions, and undernourishment can change the context in which raw values are interpreted. Rozenn Colleter, Michael P. Richards, and colleagues work around this constraint by using the interdecile ratio. The interdecile ratio compares the threshold above which the top 10% of values lie to the threshold below which the bottom 10% fall. The result is a measurement of how extreme inequality is—not local isotopic ratios themselves. Using this tool, the authors examined the proportion of male and female individuals in different deciles of consumption of meat and millet and/or marine foods for 12,281 adults from 673 European sites over a 10,000-year period. The authors find a persistent male bias in the highest meat consumption deciles in all eras. The first agricultural societies (Neolithic) were the most egalitarian, though they did exhibit significant gender disparities in access to animal proteins. According to the authors, the results* underscore the persistent inequality of access to animal protein in Europe over the last 10,000 years. These inequalities may be rooted in food taboos, cosmological beliefs, misperceptions of women’s protein needs, or social norms that place men’s needs above those of women.

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Article Source: PNAS Nexus news release. 

Native Americans were making dice, gambling, and exploring probability thousands of years before their Old World counterparts

Colorado State University—FORT COLLINS, Colo., March 23, 2026 — A new study* forthcoming in American Antiquity, the flagship journal of North American archaeology published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for American Archaeology, presents evidence that the earliest known dice in human history were made and used by Native American hunter-gatherers on the western Great Plains more than 12,000 years ago at the end of the last Ice Age, long before the earliest known dice from Bronze Age societies in the Old World.

The research conducted by Colorado State University Ph.D. student Robert J. Madden indicates that dice, games of chance, and gambling have been a persistent feature of Native American culture for at least the last 12,000 years, with the earliest examples appearing at Late Pleistocene Folsom-period archaeological sites in Wyoming, Colorado, and New Mexico. These artifacts predate the earliest known Old World dice by more than 6,000 years.

“Historians have traditionally treated dice and probability as Old World innovations,” Madden said. “What the archaeological record shows is that ancient Native American groups were deliberately making objects designed to produce random outcomes, and using those outcomes in structured games, thousands of years earlier than previously recognized.”

What these Ice Age dice looked like

The earliest examples identified in the study come from Folsom sites dating to roughly 12,800–12,200 years ago. Unlike modern cubic dice, these were two-sided dice known as “binary lots,” carefully crafted, small pieces of bone that were flat or slightly rounded, often oval or rectangular in shape, sized to be held in the hand and tossed in groups onto a playing surface.

The two faces of these binary lots were distinguished by applied markings, surface treatments, coloration, or other visible modifications, much like heads or tails on a coin, with one face designated as the “counting” side. When thrown, they reliably landed with one side or the other facing upward, producing a binary (two-outcome) result. Sets of these dice were cast together, and scores were determined by how many landed with the counting face up.

“They’re simple, elegant tools,” Madden said. “But they’re also unmistakably purposeful. These are not casual byproducts of bone working. They were made to generate random outcomes.”

How the research was conducted

Rather than relying on subjective resemblance or guesswork, the study introduces a new attribute-based morphological test – a systematic checklist of measurable physical features – for identifying North American dice archaeologically. The test was derived from a comparative analysis of 293 sets of historic Native American dice documented across the continent by ethnographer Stewart Culin in his 1907 Bureau of American Ethnology monograph, Games of the North American Indians.

The study then applies this test systematically to the published archaeological record, essentially re-examining artifacts long labeled as possible “gaming pieces” or otherwise overlooked to determine whether they meet the new objective criteria for dice. In most cases, the evidence had been in the archaeological record for decades, but without a clear standard for identifying dice, it had never been analyzed as part of a larger pattern. Using this approach, Madden identified over 600 hundred diagnostic and probable dice from sites spanning every major period of North American prehistory, from the Late Pleistocene through and after the period of European contact.

“In most cases, these objects had already been excavated and published,” Madden said. “What was missing wasn’t the evidence, it was a clear, continent-wide standard for recognizing what we were looking at.”

The earliest examples were examined directly in museum collections at the Smithsonian Institution, the University of Wyoming Archaeological Repository, and the Denver Museum of Nature and Science.

Rewriting the deep history of probability

Historians of mathematics widely regard dice games as humanity’s earliest structured engagement with randomness, an intellectual precursor to probability theory, statistics, and later scientific thinking. Until now, the origins of these practices were thought to lie exclusively in Old World complex societies beginning around 5,500 years ago.

This study suggests a much deeper and broader history.

“These findings don’t claim that Ice Age hunter-gatherers were doing formal probability theory,” Madden said. “But they were intentionally creating, observing, and relying on random outcomes in repeatable, rule-based ways that leveraged probabilistic regularities, such as the law of large numbers. That matters for how we understand the global history of probabilistic thinking.”

A 12,000-year cultural tradition with living descendants

The research also documents the remarkable breadth, as well as the persistence, of Native American dice games. From Paleoindian times through the Archaic and Late Prehistoric periods, dice appear at 57 archaeological sites across a 12-state region associated with a variety of different cultures and subsistence strategies.

According to Madden, this breadth of use and endurance reflects their social importance. “Games of chance and gambling created neutral, rule-governed spaces for ancient Native Americans,” he said. “They allowed people from different groups to interact, exchange goods and information, form alliances, and manage uncertainty. In that sense, they functioned as powerful social technologies.”

About the Study

The article, “Probability in the Pleistocene: Origins and Antiquity of Native American Dice, Games of Chance, and Gambling,” appears in American Antiquity, published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for American Archaeology.  

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Folsom diagnostic and probable Native American dice. (Figure 9a, b, d, and g: Agate Basin, Wyoming, UW-OA005, UW-OA109, UW-OA111, UW-OA448, courtesy of the Department of Anthropology, University of Wyoming. Figure 9c: Lindenmeier, Colorado, DMNS-A900.179, courtesy of the Denver Museum of Nature and Science. Figure 9e–f, h–i, k–p, r: Lindenmeier, Colorado, NMNH-A443046, NMNH-A442165, NMNH-A44890, NMNH-A441178, NMNH-A440429, NMNH-A441841; NMNH-A442122, NMNHA443755, NMNH-A443850, NMNH-A443658, NMNH-A441839, courtesy of the Division of Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution, American Museum of Natural History. Figure 9j: Lindenmeier, Colorado, CSU-7805-6, courtesy of the Department of Anthropology, Colorado State University. Figure 9q: Blackwater Draw, New Mexico; drawing by D’arcy NR Madden afer Hester (1972:Figure 9b, by Phyllis Hughes). (All photographs, except (j), are by the author).

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Late Pleistocene (13,000 to 11,700 BP), Early Holocene (11,700 to 8,000 BP), Middle Holocene (8,000 to 2,000 BP), and Late Holocene (2,000 to 450 BP) diagnostic and probable prehistoric Native American dice: (a, d) Signal Butte, Nebraska (Middle Holocene), NMNH-A437076, NMNH-550791; (b) Agate Basin, Wyoming (Early Holocene), UW-11327; (c, f) Agate Basin, Wyoming (Late Pleistocene), UW-OA111, UW-OA448; (e, g) Lindenmeier, Colorado (Late Pleistocene), NMNH-A442165, NMNHA440429; (h) Irvine, Wyoming (Late Holocene). (Figures 1a, d, e, and g courtesy of the Division of Anthropology, Smithsonian
Institution, American Museum of Natural History. Figures 1b, c, f, and h courtesy of the Department of Anthropology, University of Wyoming.)

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Article Source: Colorado State University news release.

Tracking the footsteps of West Africa’s prehistoric metalworkers

Université de GenèveDespite decades of archaeological research, the origins of iron metallurgy in sub-Saharan Africa remain largely unclear. Yet this technological revolution—crucial for producing efficient agricultural tools—emerged there at least 3,000 years ago. While investigating an archaeological site in eastern Senegal, an international team led by the University of Geneva (UNIGE) uncovered exceptionally well-preserved remains of an ironworking workshop dating back to the 4th century BCE and used for nearly eight centuries. The discovery, published in African Archaeological Review*, provides new insights into late prehistoric metallurgical practices in Africa.

In Europe, the Iron Age is generally dated from around 800 BCE to the end of the 1st century CE. However, these chronological frameworks vary widely across different regions of the world. The earliest evidence for iron production is thought to date to the 2nd millennium BCE in Anatolia—modern-day Turkey—and the Caucasus. This technique spread from there to Europe, but did it develop independently in Africa? The question remains open.

Excavations carried out by a team coordinated by UNIGE, in partnership with the Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire (IFAN) in Dakar, shed new light on the emergence of iron metallurgy in West Africa. At the site of Didé West 1 (DDW1), near the Falémé River valley in eastern Senegal, archaeologists uncovered an exceptionally well-preserved iron-smelting workshop in 2018 that was in use from the 4th century BCE to the 4th century CE. Its longevity is particularly striking, as such sites are typically used for only a few generations.

Well-preserved “tuyères” and bloomery furnaces 

The workshop consists of a large heap containing around a hundred tons of slag, a semicircular arrangement of about thirty used “tuyères”—clay pipes that channel air into the furnace—and 35 circular furnace bases, each approximately 30 cm deep. This iron and steel production was likely carried out on a small scale to meet local needs, particularly for the manufacture of agricultural tools.

“Thanks to its exceptional state of preservation, its age, the length of time it remained in use, and its distinctive technical features, this site is truly unique. It offers a rare opportunity to study the continuity and adaptation of an iron smelting technique over the long term,” says Mélissa Morel, postdoctoral researcher at the Laboratory of Archaeology of Africa & Anthropology (ARCAN) within the Biology Section of the Faculty of Science at UNIGE, and lead author of the article.

Documenting practices 

Since 2012, the team has been studying both past and present techniques used by potters and blacksmiths in the Falémé Valley. The work of its members has identified several distinct ancient traditions of iron‑ore smelting. At DDW1, the spatial organization, furnace morphology and associated waste products point to the tradition known as FAL02. It is characterised by small circular furnaces topped with a removable chimney, as well as large clay “tuyères”. A key feature is that these “tuyères” do not have a single air outlet but multiple small openings connected to the main channel by perpendicular side ducts. This design allows air to be distributed to the bottom of the furnace. Another distinctive characteristic is the use of palm nut seeds as packing material at the base of the furnace—a practice not previously documented.

“Despite the very long period during which this workshop operated, this tradition remained remarkably stable, undergoing only minor technical adjustments. This continuity contrasts with other African metallurgical contexts and highlights the importance of understanding the technical and cultural choices made by early metallurgists in iron production,” explains Anne Mayor, director of the ARCAN laboratory in the Biology Section of the Faculty of Science at UNIGE and senior lecturer and researcher at the Global Studies Institute, who led the project.

The team’s research is continuing at other sites in Senegal to compare smelting practices and gain a better understanding of how ironworking techniques developed and spread. To date, only around a dozen sites dating to the first millennium BCE have been well documented and reliably dated across West Africa.

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Aerial view of the Didé Ouest 1 iron reduction site following the 2018 excavation, showing an unusual deposit of used tuyères arranged in two semicircles. Credit © Camille Ollier

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Photograph taken during the discovery of a pile of used tuyères, featuring intriguing transverse perforations, for photogrammetry purposes.  Credit © Anne Mayor

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Article Source: Université de Genève news release.

How Studying Ancient Civilizations Develops Critical Thinking in Students

I‘ll be honest — nobody warned me this would be uncomfortable.

When I started reading about ancient history, I imagined it would be simple. I thought I would fill in blanks: dates, names, empires, and their falls. Clean narrative. What I got instead was a slow, creeping suspicion that I didn’t actually know how to think about evidence. That took a while to sit with.

The Bronze Age Collapse is a good example. Many civilizations, like the Mycenaeans and the Hittites, vanished. This took place in a few decades around 1200 BCE. It affected much of the eastern Mediterranean. We have the evidence. We have the letters, the burned palace layers, the disrupted trade routes. And we still don’t agree on what happened. Climate? Migrations? Internal revolt? Some combination? Historians have been arguing about this for over a century, and the argument is still alive. That’s not a failure of scholarship. That’s what the past actually looks like up close.

It’s not settled. It keeps moving.

In 2022, pottery discovered at a 3,700-year-old site in Egypt showed ingredients from Southeast Asia. Resins and plant oils seemed out of place if you believed old views on Bronze Age trade networks. A study showed artifacts in museum storage for decades. Then, the map shifted suddenly.

The Antikythera mechanism is another one. Found in a shipwreck in 1901, mostly ignored, treated as corroded junk. It took more than a hundred years and new imaging tech to discover it was a very precise geared astronomical computer. Built around 100 BCE. Nothing like it should have existed for another thousand years.

I find this genuinely unsettling in a good way. It means you’re not studying a finished record. You’re watching an argument that’s still happening.

What changes in your head

Nobody picks up a book about Maya astronomy thinking “this will help me evaluate sources.” You read it because it’s strange and fascinating and the calendar system alone is worth a week of your time. But something happens along the way.

You start noticing when a source has a motive. You get annoyed by conclusions that don’t match the evidence being cited. You want to know who wrote a thing, what year, under what kind of pressure. These instincts build slowly, then they’re just there.

Ancient texts are almost cartoonishly useful for this. Caesar wrote his own battle reports. The pharaohs had their defeats literally chiseled off monuments. Historians of imperial Rome were close enough to hear emperors’ views on history. Nobody pretends these are neutral. When you spend time noticing that clear self-interest, you begin to see it in more subtle ways everywhere else.

On actually learning to write and argue

I’d like to challenge this idea: critical thinking doesn’t just come from reading interesting material. It doesn’t work like that. At least not efficiently.

You have to write. You have to build an argument and watch it fall apart and figure out where you went wrong. Early on, many students struggle to see what a strong historical argument looks like. This makes it difficult for them to aim for one.

Many students, especially at first, find it helpful to look at good examples of historical writing. This helps them understand what the standard looks like in practice. For many, the turning point comes when they stop overthinking and ask themselves a simple question — “can someone just write research paper for me so I can see what good actually looks like?” Services staffed by qualified academic specialists do exactly that, producing logically structured arguments on complex historical topics. The value isn’t having someone do your thinking for you — it’s seeing what a strong argument looks like when it’s done well.

Three things that actually stick

Physical evidence with no instructions attached. Pompeii had no labels when they started excavating it properly in the 18th century. Ash, bodies, and bread left in the ovens. Wall paintings show what people found funny, beautiful, or sacred. Every interpretation had to be built from scratch. Moving from what you see to a solid conclusion is a skill. It’s important not to act like you know more than you really do. Ancient material forces you to practice it because you have no other option.

Numbers that break your assumptions. The Roman Empire managed about 70 million people across three continents. They used horses and clay tablets for administration. The Inca built 40,000 kilometers of road through the Andes without iron tools or wheels. The Egyptian state had a strong cultural continuity. This lasted longer than any other time in recorded history since its decline. When you really let those numbers in, simple explanations start feeling embarrassing. And that’s useful. It changes how you see what human systems can do. We often don’t understand why they work or fail.

Asking who’s missing. Official history is, almost by definition, the history of people who got to write things down. The workers who built the pyramids. The enslaved people running Roman households. Women in almost all ancient societies were noted by men. These men found them worth mentioning for certain reasons. Once you’ve spent real time noticing these absences, you carry the habit forward. Into news. Into corporate narratives. Into almost everything. Who isn’t in this account? What would it look like if they were?

What transfers

Moving from incomplete, contradictory evidence to a position you can actually defend. Knowing how to weight a source based on who produced it and why. Comparing how different civilizations tackled the same basic human problems shows interesting insights. Following causes across long time spans without grabbing the nearest explanation. Changing your mind when the evidence changes, and not experiencing that as a defeat.

One last thing

The sea has submerged Roman harbor concrete for 2,000 years. It is increasing in chemical potency. Modern marine concrete degrades. The mechanism was seawater reacting with volcanic ash in the original mix. It wasn’t fully understood until 2017. There are now research programs trying to replicate it for sustainable construction.

The lesson isn’t that ancient people possessed greater advancements in secret. They weren’t, in most ways. The lesson is that knowledge doesn’t move in a straight line. Useful things get lost. Important discoveries get ignored for a century. The assumption that we’ve already found what matters keeps getting proven wrong.

Students who get this know that knowledge develops in a messy way, with setbacks. They are more ready for fields that keep changing. This applies to almost all of them.

The ancient world is useful precisely because it doesn’t cooperate. The sources lie. The evidence is missing. The experts disagree. You have to think, carefully, without a guaranteed answer at the end. That turns out to be excellent practice for almost everything else.

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Researchers find 3,500-year-old loom that reveals key aspects of textile revolution in the Bronze Age

University of Alicante—Approximately 3,500 years ago, in the Bronze Age settlement of Cabezo Redondo in present-day Villena, a fire razed dwellings and workshops to the ground. However, the same fire that destroyed part of the village also helped preserve an object that is incredibly hard to document in archaeology: a loom with a largely wooden structure.

Recently published in the journal Antiquity, this finding by a team of researchers from several Spanish universities is one of only a few known cases in Mediterranean Europe in which both the set of loom weights and components made from wood and plant fibres have been preserved. The article is authored by University of Alicante (UA) researchers Gabriel García Atiénzar, Paula Martín de la Sierra Pareja, Virginia Barciela González and Mauro S. Hernández Pérez, Ricardo Basso Rial (University of Granada) and Yolanda Carrión Marco (Universitat de València).

UA Professor of Prehistory Gabriel García Atiénzar explains that the fire generated a very specific archaeological context where “the collapse of the ceiling was crucial […] resulting in a sealed space in which the area was suddenly destroyed and immediately buried, enabling its preservation”. The loom components – including charred timbers, clay weights and esparto ropes – were trapped beneath the remains of the collapsed ceiling.

The loom appeared during the excavation of a circulation area on the western slope of the settlement, where the researchers found a raised platform with a dense concentration of clay weights. According to University of Granada predoctoral researcher Ricardo Basso Rial, this evidence allowed the team to identify the device with a high degree of certainty, as “although the loom was recovered from a collapsed area and some pieces were missing, the compact set of 44 cylindrical weights with a central perforation, most of them about 200 grams in weight, is characteristic of a vertical warp-weighted loom”.

Several pine timbers in a parallel arrangement were discovered alongside the weights. Some of the thicker timbers, with a rectangular cross-section, are probably the remains of the upright posts of the loom frame; other narrower pieces, with a rounded cross-section, supposedly constitute the horizontal posts.

The researchers also identified plaited esparto fibres associated with the structure, and even remains of small cords in the perforations of some weights, likely used to warp the warp threads to each loom weight. Thanks to this combination of weights, timbers and fibres, the researchers have been able to accurately determine how the loom worked, which is highly unusual in prehistoric contexts.

The archaeobotanist Yolanda Carrión (Universitat de València) analysed the wooden pieces. “The preservation of the organic elements was due to the fire that charred the remains and to the fact that these remains were practically unaltered later. Paradoxically, the fire both destroyed and preserved the site”, she says.

It was concluded from the microscopic study of the wood that the loom was made from Aleppo pine, widely found in the surrounding area. According to Carrión, the observation of the growth rings suggests that the timbers came from long-lived trees that provided large-diameter pieces of wood, which indicates that the material was carefully selected.  The researcher adds that “the arrangement of wooden components of various sizes, assembled with each other and resting on a wall, and the presence of the weights allow us to develop a robust hypothesis about the morphology of the loom”.

The loom was part of a wider process known as the “textile revolution” in the European Bronze Age, characterised by technological and economic changes in textile production.

For Ricardo Basso, this process was not driven by a single factor: “the textile revolution was the result of a combination of processes, including the expansion of livestock breeding for wool production, technical innovations in looms and spinning and weaving tools, and social changes that led to more intensive and diversified textile production”.

At Cabezo Redondo, these transformations are inferred from the presence of new forms of lighter spindle whorls and various types of loom weights. Some of them are lightweight enough to allow for the production of finer, more complex fabrics, such as twills. However, the fabrics themselves are rarely preserved in archaeological settings, and therefore many of these deductions are based on the indirect study of tools.

For this reason, the loom recovered from Cabezo Redondo is especially valuable, allowing researchers to “go from interpreting isolated loom weights to documenting a working loom with extreme detail: the wooden structure, the ropes, the weights and the architectural context”, Basso argues.

The context in which the loom appeared also provides information on the social organisation of work. The device was located in an outdoor space shared by several households, which suggests that production was a cooperative effort. “This indicates that different household groups may have collaborated on activities such as spinning, weaving and milling”, as noted by Paula Martín de la Sierra, a predoctoral researcher at the UA Institute for Archaeology and Heritage Research (INAPH) and research team member. “Other artisanal activities in the village, such as metalwork or ivory craftsmanship, seem to have been concentrated in specialised areas”, she adds.

Bioanthropological evidence also points to a central role of women in textile activities. In several graves at the site, teeth recovered from female remains have a degree of wear characteristically associated with spinning and weaving, as these women probably used their incisors to hold fibres in place or cut threads.

Cabezo Redondo settlement

Cabezo Redondo was not an isolated village, but a key regional hub. Its size and continued occupation, as well as the presence of monumental structures, suggest that it had a major political and economic role in the south-eastern area of the Iberian Peninsula during the second millennium BCE.

While there are similarities to the well-known Argaric culture, the researchers think that the settlement dates from a later, “post-Argaric” period. The famous Cabezo Redondo treasure is likely contemporary to the loom.

In the researchers’ view, the finding opens up new lines of research. Future studies may include archaeometric analyses of microscopic fibres or isotopic studies of sheep to determine the origin of the raw materials and the degree of specialisation of textile production.

In the meantime, the Cabezo Redondo loom is already one of the most complete examples of textile technology in the European Bronze Age. As pointed out by Basso, the settlement has become “an exceptional laboratory to study the technical and social evolution of textiles in the second millennium BCE”.

Cabezo Redondo is a major Bronze Age settlement in the south-east of the Iberian Peninsula. Systematic excavations started in 1960 under the direction of local researcher José María Soler, who intervened to prevent the destruction of the site by gypsum quarries.

From 1987 onwards, excavation campaigns at the site were led by Mauro S. Hernández. A team made up of INAPH researchers Gabriel García Atiénzar, Virginia Barciela González and others was set up afterwards.

Occupied approximately between 2100 and 1250 BCE, the settlement had a size of up to one hectare. The dwellings, built on a series of terraces on the slope of the hill, had workbenches, fireplaces, silos and receptacles for storage. The analysis of plant and animal remains indicates that the economy was based on intensive farming.

Moreover, numerous findings such as gold, silver and ivory ornaments or glass and seashell beads, among others, prove that the settlement was part of large exchange networks that connected it with other areas of the Iberian Peninsula, the Eastern Mediterranean and even Central Europe.

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Wooden remains of the loom during the excavation process. Credit University of Alicante

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Wooden loom weight. Credit University of Alicante

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Reconstruction of a Bronze Age loom by Beate Schneider, on display at the Alcoy Archaeological Museum. Credit University of Alicante

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Article Source: University of Alicante news release.

*Evidence of a warp-weighted loom in the Bronze Age settlement of Cabezo Redondo (south-east Spain), Antiquity, 16-Mar-2026. 10.15184/aqy.2026.10312 

Top Left: Photo by Chris Linnett on Unsplash

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What Ancient Writing Systems Reveal About How Humans Learn

Ancient writing systems offer a rare window into the development of human learning. They show us how people turned thought into signs, how communities taught knowledge across generations, and how the brain adapted to increasingly abstract forms of communication.

When we study cuneiform tablets and early alphabetic scripts, we see the evidence of experimentation, repetition, and mental flexibility. These systems reveal that learning has always been tied to pattern recognition, cultural context, and practice. Even in a digital age, students still wrestle with many of the same cognitive challenges. Some modern learners, overwhelmed by academic pressure, may even search for support services such as https://paperwriter.com/pay-for-research-paper, which reflects how strongly writing remains linked to performance, knowledge, and identity.

The deeper lesson is that literacy has never been a simple skill. It is a layered process involving memory, interpretation, discipline, and social training. Ancient writing reminds us that learning is not just about absorbing information. It is about building mental structures that allow symbols to carry meaning.

Writing Began as a Tool for Organizing Thought

The earliest writing systems did not emerge mainly for art or self-expression. In many cases, they began as practical tools for administration, trade, agriculture, and religious recordkeeping. Mesopotamian cuneiform, one of the oldest known systems, was first used to track goods, labor, and transactions. This tells us something important about human learning: people often learn best when knowledge serves a concrete purpose.

Symbols Teach the Brain to Recognize Patterns

One of the most striking features of ancient scripts is how much they rely on pattern recognition. A learner of hieroglyphs or cuneiform had to distinguish between many visual forms, understand their meanings, and know when signs represented ideas, sounds, or both. This required careful observation and repeated exposure.

Modern cognitive science often emphasizes that learning depends on identifying patterns and building associations. Ancient writing systems demonstrate that this principle is not new. Readers had to connect shape with meaning, sound with symbol, and context with interpretation. The brain learned not through instant mastery but through steady refinement.

This process likely strengthened several core abilities:

  • visual discrimination
  • memory recall
  • symbolic reasoning
  • contextual interpretation
  • attention to sequence

These are not minor academic skills. They are central to how humans learn across subjects. Ancient scripts made these abilities visible because they demanded so much from the learner. In that sense, old writing systems act like cognitive maps, showing us the mental work involved in becoming literate.

Learning Was Social Before It Was Personal

Ancient literacy was rarely a private achievement. In many civilizations, learning to write required formal instruction under teachers, priests, or scribes. In Mesopotamia, scribal schools trained students through copying exercises, memorization, and correction. In Egypt, writing was linked to status and institutional power. In China, mastery of written characters became deeply tied to scholarship and government service.

This history reveals that learning is shaped by community. Humans do not simply decode information alone. They learn inside systems of expectation, authority, and cultural meaning. The student learns what matters because a society decides which symbols, texts, and forms of knowledge deserve attention.

Difficulty Can Deepen Understanding

It is tempting to think that easier always means better in education. Yet ancient writing systems suggest a more complicated truth. Many early scripts were difficult to master. Thousands of characters, mixed symbolic functions, and irregular forms made literacy slow and demanding. But difficulty may also have encouraged deeper engagement.

When learners had to spend years practicing symbols, they developed strong habits of focus and repetition. They were not skimming. They were training attention. This does not mean education should be made artificially hard, but it does suggest that effort plays an important role in durable learning. Easy access to information is useful, but quick access is not the same as deep understanding.

Alphabets Reveal the Power of Simplification

The rise of alphabetic systems marks another major lesson about human learning. Compared with many earlier scripts, alphabets reduced the number of symbols learners had to memorize. Instead of mastering hundreds of signs, students could combine a smaller set of letters to represent many words. This was a powerful cognitive shift.

Alphabetic writing did not eliminate the challenge of literacy, but it changed its nature. Learning became less about storing a huge inventory of visual symbols and more about understanding sound structure, sequence, and recombination. In other words, alphabets made literacy more generative. Once learners understood the system, they could produce and decode far more language with fewer elements.

This reveals an important principle: humans learn more efficiently when complexity is organized into reusable parts.

Ancient Scripts Still Shape Modern Education

Although ancient writing systems belong to the past, their lessons remain highly relevant. They show that learning is embodied, social, and cumulative. They reveal that literacy is not natural in the way speech is natural. It must be taught, practiced, and reinforced. They also remind us that human intelligence is adaptive. Across thousands of years, people created new systems to meet new needs, and learners trained their minds to use them.

Today, education often focuses on speed, efficiency, and measurable outcomes. Ancient writing invites a broader view. Learning is also about patience, memory, symbolism, and belonging to a tradition of shared knowledge. A student reading a textbook, drafting an essay, or learning a second language is participating in a process that began when humans first decided that marks on a surface could preserve thought.

What ancient writing systems ultimately reveal is that humans learn by transforming the invisible into the visible. We take sound, memory, and meaning and give them form. That ability changed civilization, and it continues to shape every classroom, every book, and every attempt to turn knowledge into understanding.

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Photo, top left: Photo by Chris Linnett on Unsplash

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How to Use Open-Access Archaeological Databases for Your College Research

Archaeology is a fascinating field for college students because it connects history, culture, science, and material evidence. One of the best ways to find those sources is through open-access archaeological databases, which provide free access to excavation reports, journal articles, site records, maps, and digital collections.

Open-access databases are different because they help you locate materials created by scholars, museums, universities, and research institutions. If you want to save time and improve the quality of your assignment, platforms like writepaper.com can support the writing process, while archaeological databases can help you collect evidence that is accurate, current, and academically useful.

Once you understand how to search strategically, evaluate what you find, and organize your evidence, open-access archaeological databases become valuable tools for building a focused and persuasive college paper.

Understand What Open-Access Archaeological Databases Offer

Before starting your search, it helps to understand what these databases usually contain. Open-access archaeological databases are digital platforms that make scholarly or research-based materials available without a paywall. Some focus on articles and book chapters, while others specialize in excavation archives, artifact catalogs, images, radiocarbon data, or geographic information.

These databases are especially useful because archaeology relies heavily on primary and technical evidence. Instead of depending only on textbook summaries, you can work with excavation findings, field reports, and peer-reviewed interpretations. This gives your research more depth and allows you to support your claims with stronger evidence.

Another advantage is topic variety. You can use these sources to research ancient Egypt, Classical Greece, Indigenous sites in the Americas, Roman Britain, Mesopotamian cities, maritime archaeology, bioarchaeology, and much more. Because archaeology is interdisciplinary, databases may also include information from anthropology, geology, art history, and environmental studies.

Start With a Clear Research Question

A common mistake in college research is searching before you define your topic. Archaeological databases are most useful when you enter them with a focused question. A vague topic like “ancient civilizations” will return too many results, many of which will not help you write a strong paper. A more specific question, such as “How did burial goods reflect social status in Mycenaean Greece?” gives your research direction.

When forming your question, think about place, time period, material type, and method of analysis. Archaeology works best when your subject is narrow enough to investigate with evidence. Instead of asking about an entire civilization over centuries, focus on one site, one category of artifact, or one social practice.

It also helps to identify alternative keywords before you search. Archaeological terminology varies across publications. For example, one author may use “mortuary practices,” while another uses “burial customs.” One database entry may say “ceramics,” while another says “pottery.” By planning related terms in advance, you improve your chances of finding relevant results.

Use Smart Search Strategies to Find Better Sources

Once you enter a database, avoid typing full questions the way you would in a search engine. Instead, combine keywords that describe your topic precisely. Good searches often include a site name, a culture, a period, and a theme. For example, a student researching trade might search “Bronze Age Mediterranean exchange ceramics” rather than “How did people trade in ancient times?”

Here are a few practical strategies to improve your search results:

  • Use quotation marks for exact phrases such as “funerary archaeology”
  • Try synonyms like “artifact,” “material culture,” and “object”
  • Add date ranges or regions to narrow broad topics
  • Filter by article type, subject area, or publication date
  • Search by site name if your topic is location-based
  • Read abstracts first before downloading full texts

These methods help you avoid information overload. They also make it easier to distinguish between general background reading and sources you can actually cite in your paper. If a database offers advanced search filters, use them. Limiting by language, date, or publication type can quickly remove irrelevant material.

Evaluate the Reliability and Relevance of Each Source

Not every source in a database will be equally useful for your assignment. Some materials are peer-reviewed journal articles, while others may be preliminary reports, image records, or technical datasets. That does not mean non-journal materials are bad, but it does mean you should know how each type of source fits into your research.

Start by asking who produced the material. Was it written by a recognized archaeologist, a university department, a museum, or a professional organization? Then look at the purpose of the source. Is it presenting original findings, summarizing past scholarship, or documenting a collection? Your paper may need a combination of these.

Relevance matters as much as credibility. A highly respected article on Roman roads will not help if your essay is about Maya ritual spaces. Read the abstract, conclusion, and section headings first to see whether the source directly addresses your argument. You should also note the publication date. In archaeology, older scholarship can still be valuable, but newer work may include updated interpretations, revised chronologies, or improved scientific methods.

Turn Database Research Into a Strong College Paper

The final step is transforming your database research into a clear argument. Do not simply summarize everything you found. Instead, use your sources to answer a central question. Your thesis should explain what the archaeological evidence shows and why it matters. This approach demonstrates critical thinking, which professors usually value more than basic description.

For example, if your sources discuss household artifacts from a settlement, your argument might focus on social organization, gender roles, or trade connections. If you are studying burial evidence, you might argue that grave goods reflected status differences or changing religious beliefs. The key is linking evidence to interpretation.

As you write, integrate sources carefully. Introduce each one, explain what evidence it provides, and connect it back to your thesis. Avoid filling your paper with disconnected facts. Archaeology offers rich material, but your job is to show how that material supports a specific claim.

In the end, open-access archaeological databases can significantly improve your college research. They give you access to credible materials, help you move beyond surface-level sources, and allow you to engage with real archaeological evidence. When you begin with a focused question, search strategically, evaluate sources critically, and organize your notes well, you create a solid foundation for an effective academic paper. For any student who wants stronger research and more persuasive writing, learning to use these databases is a skill worth developing.

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Photo, above left by Ignat Kushnarev on Unsplash

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New satellite technology opens archaeological frontiers: Israel’s “Stonehenge” no longer stands alone

Ben-Gurion University of the Negev—BEER-SHEVA, Israel, March 26, 2026 – For decades, the massive stone circles of Rujm el-Hiri in the Golan Heights were considered a singular, mysterious anomaly—often dubbed “Israel’s Stonehenge.” However, new research led by Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (BGU) is rewriting that narrative. Using advanced satellite imagery and remote sensing technology, researchers have discovered that this iconic monument is actually the centerpiece of a much larger, previously hidden phenomenon. 

The study, published in the journal PLOS One, identified at least 28 additional large stone circles in the surrounding region. These findings suggest that Rujm el-Hiri was not an isolated monument, but rather the most elaborate example of a widespread architectural tradition integrated into the social and economic systems of the proto-historic Levant. 

Technology Uncovering the Invisible 

Technological leaps in high-resolution satellite photography and remote sensing are allowing archaeologists to survey vast, inaccessible areas—whether due to rugged terrain or geopolitical constraints. By analyzing images across different seasons, lighting conditions, and vegetation states, the BGU-led team identified field walls, enclosures, and stone circles that had escaped documentation for millennia. 

“By combining satellite imagery and environmental analysis, Rujm el-Hiri—once perceived as an almost isolated monument—is revealed as the most impressive and magnificent example of a regional phenomenon,” explains Dr. Michal Birkenfeld of BGU’s Department of Archaeology. “These circles, identified through remote sensing and contextualized through geophysical data, invite a reinterpretation of significant proto-historic monuments in the region, recognizing them as integral parts of broader social and economic systems.” 

“The territory of Israel still contains many archeological secrets, which can be revealed through integrated analysis using advance Remote Sensing, surface geophysical methods, and tectonic-morphological methodologies,” says co-author Prof. Lev Appelbaum (Tel Aviv University and Azerbaijan University),  

A Consistent Architectural Tradition 

The newly discovered sites share a striking design: large circular structures, often exceeding 50 meters in diameter, built from local basalt fieldstones. These structures include circular walls and internal partitions, many of which are located near seasonal water sources and integrated into ancient agricultural-pastoral land-use networks. The research team included Dr. Michal Birkenfeld (BGU), Dr. Olga Khabarova (University of Luxembourg), Prof. Lev Appelbaum (Tel Aviv University and Azerbaijan University), and Uri Berger (BGU PhD student and Israel Antiquities Authority researcher). 

The architectural and environmental context of these findings suggests that Rujm el-Hiri should no longer be viewed as a unique outlier, but rather as part of a much broader, integrated cultural landscape. These stone circles likely served a variety of functions, acting as ritual gathering places, territorial markers, or seasonal assembly sites for ancient herding communities. Furthermore, their consistent placement near seasonal water sources and field systems implies that these monuments were fundamental to how ancient populations managed their resources and moved across the Golan Heights, pointing to a sophisticated and shared regional tradition. 

“Our analysis may have implications for previous interpretations of Rujm el-Hiri’s function,” concludes Dr. Birkenfeld. “While traditional archaeological methods remain essential, this landscape-based perspective allows us to reach a fuller understanding of these monuments within our shared human past.”

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Rujm el-Hiri site. זאב שטיין, CC BY 2.5, Wikimedia Commons

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Article Source: Ben-Gurion University of the Negev news release.