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Cracking the Indus Script

When one thinks of great rivers of the world, waterways like the Nile, Mississippi, the Yangtze, Amazon, and Yellow usually come to mind. Not many think of the great Indus River, however. Among the longest rivers of the world, it stretches 2,000 miles, beginning at the Tibetan Plateau and piercing through the Indian subcontinent before finally emptying into the Arabian Sea. It is a vital economic and agricultural lifestream for hundreds of millions of people.

It also carries the name of one of the oldest and most expansive civilizations of the world — the Indus Valley Civilization.

Otherwise known as the Harappan, it was a Bronze Age civilization that dominated the northwestern regions of South Asia from 3300 BCE to 1300 BCE, reaching its greatest florescence from 2600 BCE to 1900 BCE. Of the three earliest civilizations of the Old World outside of China, the others being ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, it was the most widespread geographically, spanning much of present-day Pakistannorthwestern India, and northeast Afghanistan. The Harrapan was noted for its sophisticated urban planning, baked brick houses, elaborate drainage systems, water supply systems, clusters of large non-residential buildings, and techniques of handicraft and metallurgy. Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, its two largest centers identified through archaeological investigations, grew to consist of between 30,000 and 60,000 individuals, with the whole of its geographic extent containing between one and five million individuals at its hight. 

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Map of Indus Valley Civilization, Mature Phase, c. 2600 – 1900 BCE. Avantiputra7, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Excavated remains of Mohenjo-daro, with the Great Bath in the foreground and the granary mound in the background. Saqib Qayyum, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Archaeological Site of Harappa. Amanasad83, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Much about this civilization has been revealed through archaeological excavations and studies. Compared to its contemporary Bronze Age civilization of Mesopotamia to its west and Egypt far to its south, however, less is known of its history and culture. That is at least in part because the script most scholars associate with this civilization, the Indus Script, remains frustratingly undeciphered. Most symbols found have been inscribed on seals, impressions of such seals and graffiti markings on pottery. Thus, most inscriptions are very short, making it difficult to determine if they constitute an actual writing system used to represent a Harappan language, which has not yet been identified. No scripts have yet been found on perishable organic materials such as papyrus, paper, textiles, leaves, wood, or bark. However, by 1977 at least 2,906 inscribed objects with legible inscriptions had been discovered and by 1992 about 4,000 inscribed objects have been identified. Moreover, in 2025 it was reported that around 5,000 inscriptions had been excavated since 1924.

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Seals showcasing Indus script. ALFGRN, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Stamp seals of the Indus Valley Civilization, some of them with Indus script; probably made of steatite; British Museum (London). World Imaging, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Indus stamp-seal 2500BC-2000BC. Geni, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Pashupati seal, showing a seated figure, surrounded by animals. 2600–1900 BCE. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Seals showing unicorns. Mukerjee, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Professionals and amateurs alike have attempted to decipher the script over decades, and the nature of the script has been vigorously debated across several competing camps:

1. The Dravidian Hypothesis

Prominent scholars like Asko Parpola and Iravatham Mahadevan argue the script encodes an ancestral Proto-Dravidian language. They point to the structural syntax of the signs and remnants of Dravidian linguistic influences found in later regional texts.

2. The Indo-Aryan / Sanskrit Hypothesis

Alternative perspectives attempt to align the symbols with early Vedic Sanskrit and northern traditions. However, mainstream archeologists note that central Vedic elements, such as the domestic horse and spoke-wheeled chariots, are entirely absent from Harappan imagery.

3. The Non-Linguistic Token Theory

A sizable minority of modern researchers argue that the Indus script does not represent a spoken language at all. Instead, they believe it operated as a sophisticated proto-cuneiform accounting system—a code for weights, measures, political titles, and property tracking used to facilitate trade across the ancient world.

4. The Computational Search Methodology

Modern computer scientists use machine learning and AI-epigraphy tools to analyze symbol patterns and sign frequencies. Statistical analysis shows the script possesses conditional entropy—an organized structure that mimics the syntax of true spoken languages rather than random decorative symbols.

 

A New Breakthrough?

A promising new attempt has recently emerged to challenge all others. In the following brief interview, Popular Archaeology Magazine posed a number of questions to young computer scientist and engineer Bharath Rao (pictured below), a key player in this effort. The answers could shed new light on finally breaking the Indus Script ‘code’:

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1. What is your experiential/educational/professional background and how does it relate to the work you have done relating to the Indus Script?

A: I have a bachelors and masters in computer science and engineering. I have worked on cryptography as a part of my career. I realized that decipherment must be modeled as a cryptoanalysis problem to obtain the best results. If I have done anything innovative, it is that I have modeled the problem correctly.

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Bharath Rao. Image courtesy Bharath Rao.

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2. What led you to embark on this undertaking?

A: During covid I was in a year long lockdown and needed a long difficult problem to occupy myself. When I ran into the Indus decipherment problem, it seemed like something that could occupy me for years.

3. In your words, why is the Indus Script so important and what is the significance of your work as documented here on the decipherment of the Script?

A: The decipherment of the Indus script unlocks many unanswered and highly debated issues of pre-Iron age India and the Indo-European question. Everything about the Indus civilization is debated from the iconography to the language to their religious beliefs. Is Indian culture continuous since the neolithic? How were the religious beliefs developed? These are debated strongly into present day. Finally, we have some certainty in interpreting these. 

4. In a summary that would be understandable to the general public, what are the key tools, concepts, and methodologies you used to decipher the script and how were they specifically applied to the current record of Script finds?

A: One of the key properties of language and scripts is redundancy, the fact that not all arrangements of letters are valid or likely. Cryptograms, crosswords and many word puzzles work because of this property. Without it, you could enter any letter in a crossword and it would make a valid word. The fact that a small set of values fits in a particular place means that when you have multiple places to test the same value, the set of possible values shrinks very quickly. This is essentially the decipherment done on a large scale. Using computers, thousands of possibilities can be scanned in seconds, which lets us proceed rapidly. The harder parts are resolving which glyphs represent the same signs, reconstructing the sign names, cross checking grammar and so on.

5. How does this approach differ from anything that has been done before and why do you think it is a more valid and effective means to deciphering the Script?

A: So far the Indus script decipherment approaches have been whimsical and ad-hoc. An “I think this sign looks like-” type of approach cannot read anything beyond a few short inscriptions meaningfully. This led to vastly different and incompatible results among various attempts. Indeed, the meaning of readings, if any was from the key that was proposed and not from the inscriptions. Scripts generally may be viewed as ciphers and deciphering a script is similar to solving a large cryptogram of the kind that are found in newspapers. With the help of computers, this effort can be speeded up. Once the values were deciphered using a small set of inscriptions, reading the entire corpus and finding that grammatical constraints such as subject verb agreement, adjective noun agreement, and consistent themes made it clear that the decipherment is correct. Because this is a mathematical decipherment, we can prove its correctness mathematically, showing that the language is natural speech.

6. What are the significant results of the decipherment as it relates to our new understanding of the Script?

A: The language of the Indus script is vedic Sanskrit. The orthography is similar to early Brahmi inscriptions. Analysis of the results show a Zipfian slope of -1, which indicates that the results reflect natural speech.

7. What have been the significant challenges of doing this work?

A: The decipherment, although algorithmic, was tedious and needed manual verification of the translations and grammar in Vedic Sanskrit. Many inscriptions are so degraded over time that it takes careful visual examination to read the glyphs. To a large extent, others have done this work already and created databases. Recently, due to the availability of a grammar library, the corpus translation and grammar is now machine verified. 

8. Where will this paper be published (if not already published?) in terms of peer-reviewed journals?

A: The work needs a bit more polishing after which, it may be published in a suitable journal. As some scholars have pointed out, any work on the Indus script is essentially career suicide because academia seems to resist any and all claims to decipherment.

9. What are the implications of this decipherment for understanding the Indus civilization?

A: The content is similar to the content on seals in the region where the Indus sites that transitioned uninterrupted into the historical era. Even many names see a continuity into the historical era. This result is significant because it shows that Indian culture, history and language is uninterrupted from the era of the earliest settlements. This falsifies any late ingress of language into the Indian subcontinent. We are also able to identify the various deities in the iconography and correlate narrative iconography to lore from Indian texts.

10. What are your next steps/objectives related to this work?

A: There is a need on educating the public about the decipherment process, the contents of the corpus, the symbolism, new names and many interesting facts that have been uncovered. This needs detailed presentation plans and organizational effort. In addition, I plan to engage with cryptographers to get their input on the decipherment.

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Example of one of the Indus scripts being resolved. Courtesy Bharath Rao.  “….We decipher the Indus script by treating it as a large cryptogram as described by Claude Shannon…..Our decipherment can read every inscription and we translate 500+ inscriptions in- cluding the 50+ longest, 50+ shortest and 400+ medium-sized inscriptions including 100+ inscriptions with conjunct signs. We comfortably surpass Shannon’s criteria for a credible cryptogram decipherment. Brahmi glyphs are discovered to be standardized Indus signs. We find significant continuation of Indus linguistic features and cultural elements in post-bronze age India.”  —-  From A Cryptanalytic Decipherment of the Indus script, by Bharath Rao.

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Claude Elwood Shannon (April 30, 1916 – February 24, 2001) was an American polymath who was a mathematician, electrical engineer, computer scientist, cryptographer, and inventor known as the “father of information theory”, and the man who laid the foundations of the Information Age. Shannon contributed to the field of cryptanalysis for national defense of the United States during World War II, including his fundamental work on codebreaking and secure telecommunications, writing a paper which is considered one of the foundational pieces of modern cryptography. Unknown author, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Indus/Brahmi table of scripts. Courtesy Bharath Rao.

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Cover Image, Top: Lajja Gauri Indus Valley artifacts. Eve whiter, CC0 1.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Latnija Cave: Malta’s Game-Changing Revelation

Malta, 2023 — It was a discovery that proved nothing less than astonishing.

Well more than 8,000 years ago, these humans should not have been here.

They hunted, foraged, cooked. Overlooking the sea and a landscape spread out far below them, this was, for this cave’s first human inhabitants, like a “room with a view” — prime real estate.

In the larger sense, it challenged the conventional thinking about what we knew about humans in 6500 BC….

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Latnija

Malta, though comparatively tiny and seemingly isolated in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, is a developed country, boasting a high-income economy. Heavily reliant on tourism, it draws both short-visit travelers as well as a growing expatriate community with its warm climate, numerous recreational areas, and architectural and historical monuments. Notably, among these monuments are astounding UNESCO World Heritage Sites: the Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum, in Valletta, and seven megalithic temple sanctuaries, consisting of structures considered to be among the oldest free-standing structures in the world, built by a Neolithic agriculturally-based population that still remains defined by at least as many questions as answers.

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Malta, satellite image. European Space Agency. CC BY-SA 3.0 IGO, Wikimedia Commons

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Ġgantija Megalithic Temples complex on Gozo in Malta. r Bs0u10e01, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Ggantija, interior space detail.

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Megalithic temple at Ħaġar Qim. Above and below.

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Above, Mnajdra Temple complex, interior detail.

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Archaeologists have uncovered plentiful evidence that farmers settled and exploited this naturally circumscribed landscape as long as 7,400 years ago. Most scholars would consider this a relatively early occupation for a tiny island. Isolated islands are generally known to show evidence of their earliest human presence significantly later than their mainland counterparts, for obvious reasons. So the thought of any humans here before 7,400 years ago was almost unthinkable.

Until now.

Enter Eleanor Scerri (pictured below), who is an evolutionary archaeologist and head of the multidisciplinary Human Palaeosystens research group at the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology in Germany. In this capacity, she also heads the Islandlab Project , mandated to explore questions focusing on the effects of anthropogenic ecosystem fragmentation, using the Maltese Islands as the geographic base for study and research. Thus drawn to Malta in 2017, she and colleagues came initially with questions about the prehistoric ecosystem of the island. Natural evolutionary forces on Malta had created a tiny world of miniaturized megafauna, such as dwarf elephants, pygmy hippos, and small deer. Conversely, some fauna became unusually large, such as giant swans and dormice. Scerri’s team plan was to explore a number of research questions. Among them: were the prehistoric fauna still here when the first farmers entered the scene, and if so, what impact did these early farmers have on these now extinct fauna?

At the same time, the question of an even earlier human presence was not altogether absent from consideration.

“We knew….that it was possible hunter-gatherers had made it to Malta, but that it was unlikely given the seafaring distances involved,” says Scerri. “Even if they had made it, the chances of finding traces of such an ephemeral presence seemed slim.”

When conducting reconnaissance in northwestern Malta, Scerri came across a remarkable geologic feature known as Latnija Cave. 

“When I first went to Latnija Cave it seemed clear to me that if hunter-gatherers had been present on Malta, there was a good chance they had visited the site, given its exceptional qualities,” said Scerri. “Fresh water is present at the site, it features a rock shelter in the lee of the prevailing northwesterly wind, and would have overlooked a coastal plain giving a good vantage point to the people there.”

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Dr, Eleanor Scerri. Credit: Alexandra Pace

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Above and below: Latnija Cave, exterior views.

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Digging into the Mesolithic Horizon

Scerri and her team, along with cooperation and partnership with the University of Malta, began the work of digging to uncover the cave’s secrets.

It was not easy.

“Cave deposits are usually extremely complex, requiring slow and painstaking work,” said Scerri. “We excavate in August and September, which are also the hottest months of the year, and [we] remove 100% of the sediment excavated at the site for processing elsewhere. The conditions of the cave are such that everything has to be carried out [uphill] and taken to the cars, which cannot get near the site since there is no road [next to the cave]. It’s physically demanding and exhausting work.”

The initial test trench within the cave was laid out in 2019, progressing in time through four test trenches. Of these trenches, it was Trench 4 where excavation revealed some remarkable finds. Excavating down, they uncovered the expected artifacts representing, to begin with, the early modern material scattered over the surface and just beneath, then on through Roman, Phoenician, Bronze Age, Late Neolithic Temple Period, and the earliest evidence of Neolithic occupation, including domesticated animals. Evidence for human presence, Scerri thought, would then terminate, leaving remains and evidence attributed to fauna and flora devoid of anthropic (human) impact.

But not at Latnija.

As they dug further they encountered, instead of domesticated animals, skeletal remains of wild animals, dominated by the dwarf red deer, a species thought to have gone extinct long before human arrival on the island. Moreover, many of these bones were burned and blackened by fire — not by nature. And the smoking gun: they were associated with stone tools, made from local limestone.

It was remarkable. Until now, there had never been any indisputably valid evidence of humans on Malta before the early farmers of the Neolithic. So Scerri and her team then did what any archaeologists would do. They submitted samples for initial radiocarbon testing. The results were exciting. The dating showed the samples were pre-Neolithic. 

They were now digging into another world. This was the Mesolithic Horizon, or Middle Stone Age, the transitional archaeological period between the Paleolithic (hunter-gatherer) and Neolithic (agricultural) eras.*

But as a famous scholarly saying goes, “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence”.

They began the work of expanded, full-scale excavation of the site to validate their finding.

Pay Dirt

Beginning in 2021, the team began by expanding Trench 4 from a 1 x 1 meter trench to a 5 x 5 square, employing the full scale of up-to-date techniques and technology, equipment, and recording to investigate the sediments millimeter by millimeter. Excavating to a maximum depth of 1.48 meters, they grouped sediment layers into six phases based on changes in sediment color, texture, composition and structure, as well as changes in the patterns of material culture unearthed in the sediments. A large international team of scientists, specialists, scholars and institutions were employed to provide focused research and analysis in specialized areas such as geochronology, computational modeling, genetics, archaeobotany,  pyroarchaeology, isotope analysis, and radiocarbon dating. Scerri was determined to ‘science this to death’.

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View of the doline roof and looking outward from inside Latnija Cave. Credit: Andres Curras.

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IslandLab team led by Prof. Eleanor Scerri excavating at the Latnija Cave site. Credit: Huw Groucutt

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Prof. Eleanor Scerri digging at the site. Credit: Andres Curras

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IslandLab team led by Prof. Eleanor Scerri at the excavation site. Credit: Huw Groucutt

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Findings

Intense excavations carried out between 2021 and 2023 exposed a series of sediments dated from the early to the mid-Holocene (the current geological epoch, beginning 11,700 years ago). They yielded stone tools, hearths, ash-tips, and a range of flora and fauna such as the extinct red dwarf deer, marine gastropods, fish and marine mammals. Some of the remains had been burned.

A total of 64 ltihics (knapped or worked stone tools) mostly made of limestone, but one made of chert, were excavated from Phase V — III deposits, comprising the Mesolithic Horizon. The materials for the stone tools were determined to have been procured as cobbles and pebbles from beach contexts and others from terrestrial outcrops in the landscape. Most of the tools were simple flakes created by stone hammer percussion activity.

A total of 955 faunal specimens were recovered, as well as many more very small faunal fragments recovered through sieving and flotation. Faunal remains were all wild, including red deer (the dominant species), birds and marine gastropods (10,000 shells). Smaller numbers of the remains of reptiles, fish, crustaceans, sea urchins, and seals, were found.

About 25% of faunal remains that were studied showed evidence of having been burned or charred. They included red deer, birds, tortoises, and marine gastropods.

Everything revealed “conspicuous evidence for anthropic activity”, according to the published study,** and the use and apparent consumption of marine resources at the cave were consistent with  subsistence patterns at other Mesolithic-dated sites in the Mediterranean.

Humans were here, and they were actively thriving in a limited island environment.

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Above, source: Scerri, Eleanor M.L. et al., Hunter-gatherer sea voyages extended to remotest Mediterranean islands, Nature, Vol. 642, 1 May 2025. CC BY 4.0 Attribution 4.0 International

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Above, source: Scerri, Eleanor M.L. et al., Hunter-gatherer sea voyages extended to remotest Mediterranean islands, Nature, Vol. 642, 1 May 2025. CC BY 4.0 Attribution 4.0 International

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How Old?

Radiocarbon dating was conducted on charcoal, seed, and marine shell samples at the Curt-Engelhorn-Centre Archaeometry lab in Mannheim, Germany, with bone sample dating conducted at the University of Georgia Center for Applied Isotope Studies. Accelerator Mass Spectrometry analysis yielded 32 dates on charcoal and one on bone. Both charcoal dates and shell dates were generally consistent with each other.  All in all, report the researchers in the resulting study paper, “the consistent chronological data and highly resolved stratigraphy support the integrity and well-dated character of the Latnija sequence”.**

The results supported an argument that the human occupation of the site began at about 8.5 ka (thousand years ago), significantly before the earliest known dates for occupation of Malta by Neolithic period inhabitants. Human prehistory on the island extended back into the Mesolithic, a time period domain associated with prehistoric hunter-gatherers.

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Dugout Mariners

Given the very early occupation, however, what would support the argument that these were prehistoric hunter-gatherers, as opposed to perhaps a very early, unprecedented presence of Neolithic farmers, extending the Neolithic back in time beyond the traditional scholarly consensus?

The answer is summarized in the April 2025 applicable research report published in the prestigious journal Nature:

“….The evidence from Latnija confirms a Mesolithic occupation of the Maltese islands spanning from around 8.5 ka to 7.5 ka, which differs markedly from younger, agro-pastoral societies in technology, raw materials, diet, and subsistence practices.”**

More remarkable still, however, is the answer to the question of how these early Mesolithic inhabitants got to the island in the first place. Malta at 8,500 years ago was separated by the sea from its closest neighboring landmass, present day Sicily, by a straight-line distance of approximately 85 km.

“….once we began accounting for wind directions, currents, and navigation, it became obvious that we were looking at a minimum distance of 100 km in open water,” states Scerri in her essay published in the April 2025 Springer Nature Research Communities.***

The research reports a startling conclusion:

“These findings….provide evidence of long-distance, open-water sea journeys that were far longer than any previously documented in the Mediterranean, before the Neolithic and Bronze Age, when developments such as the invention of the sail occurred. Such inter-island crossings fall into the category of ‘difficult routes’”….**

Perhaps the most sensational takeaway from the Scerri team investigation leaves a new question:

Would it be reasonable to assume that prehistoric hunter-gatherers could make their way across a stretch of water like this, using technology of their time that likely suggested the use of dugout canoes, no sails, and without the use of modern navigation techniques?

It would be a mighty feat, indeed, but not impossible. And in some ways, not entirely without precedent in the Mediterranean.

Naxos, for example, an island 990 km northeast of Malta in the Cyclades of Greece, has shown evidence of a Paleolithic human presence as much as 200,000 years ago, tens of thousands of years before the hunter-gatherers of Latnija. As many as 9,000 stone tool artifacts have been uncovered within a remarkable stratigraphic sequence dating from about 13,000 to 200,000 years ago. The artifacts also included stone tools (Levallois and Mousterian industries) commonly associated with Neanderthals.

But the Naxos case differs from Malta in a very significant way.

Says Scerri:

“The Naxos presence is significantly older and dates back to the Middle Palaeolithic when there was either a land connection between Naxos and the mainland, or a very short stretch of water. If there was a short stretch of water, then the evidence from Naxos is an important part of the seafaring story, showing an early “seagoing” phase involving short hops. The evidence from Malta pertains to a much later and complex stage of the seafaring story. Here, we see sustained, long distance sea journeys of around 100 km – this up there with the longest distances known to have been crossed by hunter-gatherers.”

Though the finding of early seafaring by prehistoric humans to Malta is remarkable by itself, it also adds to a developing realization among scholars through the discovery of other arguable evidence for open water journeys in the Mediterranean, as well as in regions far beyond the Mediterranean — pushing the timeline even further back, even hundreds of thousands of years, demonstrating that ancient hominins repeatedly crossed open seas using non-sailing watercraft.**** Discoveries of the remains of ancient prehistoric dugout canoes and simple oars at various locations, as well as experimental archaeology demonstrating the feasibility of relatively long-distance seafaring using the technology that likely would have been available to prehistoric hunter-gatherers, have served to reinforce new seafaring scenarios advanced by researchers.***** The Monoxylon Project, for example, showed that humans could successfully achieve cross-island routes in the Mediterranean using a hand-hewn log boat; the Ryukya Expedition achieved an open strait crossing of 110 km from Taiwan to Japan using a 7.5 meter dugout canoe; and the Nale Task Series demonstrated that humans could negotiate open ocean passages from Indonesia to Australia using 4-58 ft bamboo rafts.  

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Stone tools discovered in situ at the excavation site of Stelida, on Naxos. From the Ancient Workshop of Naxos, Popular Archaeology, July 14, 2016. Courtesy Kate Leonard.

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Going Forward

The discovery and telling of the Maltese islands ancient story is far from over. While the Neolithic megalithic wonders of the islands continue to fascinate and mystify, clearly the history, or to be more accurate, prehistory, of the islands’ human inhabitants extend much farther back in time than anyone had ever imagined. The recent discoveries in Latnija cave have opened a new window and a whole new battery of questions.

Popular Archaeology asked Scerri what she and her team have in mind going forward in their ongoing investigations.

Her answer provides a fitting summary for the Latnija Cave story:

“There are many outstanding questions regarding the Mesolithic in Malta, and many decades of research lie ahead. How did these hunter-gatherers survive on such a small and semi-arid island (Malta was one island in the early Holocene)? How often did they visit Malta? Were these seasonal visits or longer occupations? Where else did they live, and where else did they go? We hope to be able to answer these questions and many more with ongoing excavations.”

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*Key Characteristics of the Mesolithic Horizon

  • Climate Shift: Occurring after the last Ice Age, rising temperatures and melting glaciers transformed the landscape into dense forests and marshlands.
  • Microlithic Technology: Instead of large, heavy chipped-stone tools, humans crafted smaller, highly specialized bladelets called microliths. These were often slotted into wood or bone handles to create arrows, knives, and spears.
  • Diet and Foraging: With large Pleistocene megafauna dying out, diets diversified to include smaller game (deer, wild birds), coastal resources (shellfish, fish), and gathered plant foods.
  • Settlement Patterns: While largely semi-nomadic, communities began establishing more permanent or semi-permanent coastal and riverine settlements to exploit consistent food sources.

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**Scerri, E.M.L., Blinkhorn, J., Groucutt, H.S. et al. Hunter-gatherer sea voyages extended to remotest Mediterranean islands. Nature 641, 137–143 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-025-08780-y

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*** Eleanor Scerri, Discovering Europe’s Last Hunter-Gatherers, Springer Nature, Research Communities, April 9, 2025. 

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****Lower Paleolithic Hand Axes on Crete (~130,000–700,000 BP)

  • The Island Reality: Crete has been completely isolated from the mainland by deep-water trenches for over five million years. It was never accessible via land bridges during glacial periods.
  • The Finding: The Plakias Stone Age Project discovered Acheulean-style stone tools (including bifacial hand axes and cleavers) embedded in ancient marine terraces.
  • Implication: Early hominins like Homo erectus or Homo heidelbergensis must have intentionally crossed a minimum of 25 kilometers of open sea to reach the island.

Neanderthal Seafaring in the Ionian Sea (~35,000–110,000 BP)

  • The Island Reality: The southern Ionian islands (such as Cephalonia and Zakynthos) remained true oceanic islands even during periods of extreme sea-level drops.
  • The Finding: Middle Paleolithic Mousterian stone toolkits—unequivocally manufactured by Neanderthals—were excavated across these isolated landmasses.
  • Implication: Neanderthals possessed the cognitive capability and spatial reasoning required to construct watercraft and navigate active island straits.

Melian Obsidian at Franchthi Cave (~15,000 BP)

  • The Island Reality: Melos is a volcanic island situated in the southwestern Aegean Sea, roughly 90 nautical miles away from the Greek mainland.
  • The Finding: Upper Paleolithic strata within Franchthi Cave on the Greek mainland yielded black volcanic glass (obsidian). Chemical fingerprinting traced this material directly to Melos.
  • Implication: Early Homo sapiens were operating coordinated, multi-island seasonal supply lines across the open Aegean Sea long before the invention of agriculture or sails.

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*****Experimental archaeology has suggested that prehistoric, non-sailing watercraft were fully capable of deep-ocean voyaging. Because the sail is a relatively modern invention—emerging roughly 5,000 years ago—human maritime expansion across places like the Mediterranean and the open Pacific relied entirely on muscle, current, and wind drift. Archaeologists use full-scale reconstructions of Paleolithic and Neolithic watercraft to test how early populations crossed open straits without sails.

Primary Vessel Types Tested

Experimental voyages focus on three main hull types used prior to the invention of the sail:

  • Dugout Canoes (Logboats): Reconstructions carved entirely out of single logs using replica stone tools.
  • Bamboo Rafts: Highly buoyant structures engineered from bound lengths of structural bamboo.
  • Reed-Bundle Rafts: Vessels made of tightly wrapped papyrus, totora, or local reeds, functioning via displacement and material buoyancy.

Key Milestones in Non-Sailing Experimental Voyages

Key Breakthroughs & Findings

  1. Realities of Human Performance
  • Advanced Navigation: Early voyages could not rely on passive drifting; success
  • required sophisticated knowledge of tracking celestial bodies, reading wave reflections, and understanding seasonal changes.
  • Paddle Dynamics: Reconstructions consistently reveal that single-bladed paddles, rather than fixed oars, require massive physical endurance and specialized synchronization to prevent the vessel from spinning in open ocean swells.

2. Hydrodynamics vs. Materials

  • Dugout Dominance: Recent studies published in Science Advances demonstrate that dugouts possess the speed and structural hull speed required to punch through massive ocean currents, such as Japan’s Kuroshio Current.
  • Raft Limitations: While buoyant, large bamboo and reed rafts create high water resistance. Experiments show they are exceptionally difficult to steer in high winds, making them less viable for targeted, intentional crossings against strong ocean currents.

3. Social and Technical Frameworks

  • Community Labor: Reconstructing ancient vessels using Upper Paleolithic stone axes proves that boat construction required immense collective labor, forward planning, and specialized spatial reasoning

The “Human” Factor: Physical data from organizations like EXARC emphasize that the psychological endurance and cooperation of a multi-person paddling crew are just as vital to survival as the structural integrity of the vessel itself

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Temples on the Edge

The island country of Malta, about 113 miles south of Sicily in the central Mediterranean Sea, is popularly known as a tourist hotspot, attracting both short-term travelers and an expanding expatriate community because of its warm climate and numerous recreational areas. It also boasts a long and complex history and prehistory, including seven iconic prehistoric sanctuaries built between 3800 BC and 2500 BC. They are numbered among the oldest freestanding stone structures on Earth. Older than both Stonehenge and the Egyptian Pyramids, these UNESCO World Heritage Sites showcase an extraordinary architectural feat achieved by a Neolithic civilization working entirely without metal tools. 

But behind the story of these priceless treasures is another story—one that speaks of endangerment, destruction and cultural loss.

Popular Archaeology interviewed Dawn Adrienne Saliba, Ph.D., an archaeologist based in Malta. Along with her academic work, she is known as an activist, championing the cause for protecting and preserving the current remains of Malta’s prehistoric heritage, and those yet to be unearthed.

What follows is the substance of that interview, followed by a pictorial.

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What is your background and education as it relates to what you are currently doing?  You have extensively studied the Hal Saflieni Hypogeum on Malta.  How do you interpret the significance, purpose and use of this ancient site?  What other archaeological matters are you involved with in Malta?

My background is very multi-disciplinary, yet it all revolves around a central theme: theatre. I have a Ph.D. from SUNY Binghamton where I utilized a cultural-historicist approach to Early Modern Drama, but I also have an MFA in musical theatre writing obtained at New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts—and most of my adult life was spent writing, directing, and performing for the stage. However, I  recently completed an MPhil in Archaeology from the University of Malta, which concentrates on evidence of liminality and proto-theatricality from Malta’s Late Neolithic civilization.

It happened like this: In 2013, as I was finishing up the Ph.D., I took a trip to Malta just to meet family and explore the region. When I visited the Hypogeum of Ħal Saflieni (as a tourist), my heart stopped as I beheld one chamber which seemed clearly purposefully-shaped as a theatre. After the tour, I researched the academic literature to see what had been written about it in terms of its performative dimensions, and no one had really tackled the subject:  so I vowed to move to Malta and study it myself!

Nearly a decade later, my study is complete—it was an incredible journey. Essentially, the study shows how Ħal Saflieni is one of the world’s earliest extant purposefully-built theatre spaces. It precedes the Theatre of Dionysius (often cited as the world’s earliest theatre) by millennia, and the Hypogeum deserves its own  place in the annals of theatre history.

Heritage Malta granted me permission to conduct phenomenological studies within the space, through a process I call “performance fieldwork.” Inspired by David Lewis-Williams’ work in Paleolithic caves, I utilized a multi-evidential stranding methodology that synthesized empirical observations of the area’s architectonic dimensions (spatial measurements, participant-access points, sightlines, soundwave distribution, etc.) with phenomenological study. Drawing on my theatrical background and working with a team of academic colleagues also experienced in performance (music, dance, acting, and recitation), we performed in various sections of the Hypogeum, also recording our observations and experiences as participants and observers. This enabled us to draw conclusions as to how the Hypogeum’s architecture likely affected past performative movements and audience reception.

However, what consumes most of my work today is, unfortunately, advocating against the destruction of several archaeological sites here in Malta, some of which are quite important.

My advocacy started one month after I moved to the country in 2017, when I found out that a site that had held the foundations of one of Malta’s earliest Roman buildings was going to be destroyed for a car showroom. Aghast, I founded the collective, MALTA-ARCH along with some like-minded colleagues and passionate activists and fought for the area’s protection. We only succeeded in saving a fraction of it; although they abandoned the showroom idea, they created a raised building that preserves some of the Roman remains below. But, tragically, many other nearby remains were destroyed to build a supermarket right next to another supermarket in a small town that, at the time, possessed 17 other supermarkets.

And that’s how it goes in Malta.

Sadly, since then the situation has just gotten progressively worse. Today, there are *three development proposals within the buffer zone of the UNESCO heritage site, Ġgantija Temple—one of Malta’s most iconic cultural treasures, as well as one of the most important Neolithic sites in the world! Ġgantija is situated on a plateau near two other areas: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum. Recent developments near these sites have already destroyed important archaeological landscapes, and more are in the pipeline.

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Above and below: Views of the Hal Saflieni hypogeum. Above Public Domain

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Credit: Hamelin de Guettelet, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What is the significance of the Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna megalithic complexes?  What do they say about the ancient culture that once thrived on Gozo?

As I stated, Ġgantija is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world; it’s been protected by UNESCO since1980. As UNESCO writes, the site is important because of its “originality, complexity and striking massive proportions [and the] considerable technical skill required in their construction.”

Ġgantija was built on a massive scale, with enormous megaliths nearly 10ft (3m) tall and walls extending up to 23ft (7m). It is of stunning beauty and reveals some of the world’s earliest free-standing monumental stone architecture, famously predating Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids by at least a millennium (the earliest temple was built somewhere between  3800 –  3600 BCE). Its massive megaliths testify to the extraordinary complex society of Neolithic Malta, revealing a community that was able to mobilize architects, artisans, and laborers in the creation of a communal and, quite likely, sacred ritual space that was linked to a larger network of communities across the islands of both Gozo and Malta that shared a similar culture.

Similar to other temples on Malta’s main island, Ġgantija was situated within a larger monumental landscape that was utilized for over a thousand years. Near Ġgantija are two other coeval structures: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum, both of which have also yielded revelatory information.

The Xagħra Circle hypogeum, especially, was a game-changer in providing new information regarding this prehistoric society. Although most of its main monuments were destroyed in the 19th century, many of the burials were excavated in the 1990s, providing us with the first comprehensive scientific examination of such a Neolithic area in Malta. This study revealed previously unknown elements of funerary ritual, including the disarticulation and sorting of bones, the staining of bones with red ochre, and the movement of bones across the site.

The least famous and protected of the megalithic complexes, Santa Verna, is nonetheless just as important. GPR surveys and excavations from the 2014 FRAGSUS study reveal it once had been a 5-apse structure (likely temple) with unique features, including a hidden pit-like structure made of polygonal stone tiles and a mosaic cobblestone path. But the real value is in the landscape around it. Lead Archaeologist Caroline Malone emphasizes that Santa Verna’s archaeology extends far beyond the megaliths; untouched paleosols are still extant, preserving ancient soils, bones, seeds, pottery, lithics, and environmental material. The site’s landscape (which we’re fighting to protect) is still relatively undeveloped and it also provides a means for the visitor to have valuable phenomenological experiences that give windows into the prehistoric past.

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Above and below: Ggantija. Above, credit Bs0u10e01, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What are the specific issues related to Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna in terms of conservation and preservation?

The entire plateau, where all three sites are located, is being threatened. Worse—structures within Ġgantija’s protected buffer zone are being approved or considered for development: Ġgantija Heights, a 22-apartment development directly east of the temple that the Gozo Regional Council warned would cause “permanent harm” and another 27-apartment complex with an underground parking garage just west of the temple and steps away from the Xagħra Circle.

Even worse, there is a development being planned over a recently discovered extension of the Circle, which has not received any significant protection, despite its classification as a “Class A site.” Indeed, the only protection the human remains were given was simply a tarp thrown over them held in place by some rocks six years ago—no signs or fences were ever installed. Now, the tarp is weathered and torn and the human remains may have disappeared. Absolutely disgraceful.

Then there is the ongoing issue of Ta’ Lablab, a few minutes’ walk from Santa Verna. This area had a beautiful cave system situated right near a Ġgantija-Phase burial pit that had contained human remains, including a line of seven skulls, mostly children’s, interred in a unique way, shedding new light on funerary ritual. However, this pit was partially destroyed by a bulldozer and the entire site would have been destroyed had it not been for the efforts of a local resident who alerted the police, press, and took the matter to court. We also launched extensive awareness-raising events and objection campaigns about this area, resulting in the temporary salvation of 1/3 of the site—however, not the area with the burial pit of caves. At the moment, the caves are already partially demolished and developers are still trying to acquire permission to develop upon the remaining third.

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Above and below: Santa Verna. Courtesy Dawn A. Saliba

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Ta’ Lablab Burial Pit. Carmen Bajada

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Close up of Ġgantija-Phase Human Bones: Carmen Bajada

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Above and below: Ta’ Lablab Caves. Dawn A. Saliba

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Xaghra Circle. Kappa Vision

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Qacca Burials, above 2021, below 2026. Dawn A. Saliba

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What are the implications for the rest of the cultural treasures/resources on Malta and Gozo as a result of the Santa Verna and Ggantija stories?

Nothing here is fully protected. Forces of corruption, cronyism, ignorance, and greed are already destroying some of our most environmentally and archaeologically precious areas.

What would you suggest as a solution or set of solutions for addressing culturally significant sites across Malta and Gozo?

The current Maltese government is intent on dismantling our cultural-heritage protective mechanisms, so, sadly, no help can be found there, though massive protests and court cases led by NGOs do sometimes succeed. But for every one site that gets rescued, it seems a dozen more are destroyed.

There is almost no hope with this current government—in the case of Ta’ Lablab we have almost exhausted every outlet: the courtroom, objection-letter campaigns, Planning Authority presentations, the Environment and Protection Review Tribunal, the national Ombudsman, Parliamentary petitions—all agencies have been bent to serve the will of an authoritative leader who governs unilaterally—despite massive violations of existing cultural heritage protection laws and massive, incessant protests by NGOs and private citizens.

The government simply does not care.

And when a nation-state goes rogue, violating its own laws and conventions, where is there accountability?

What is needed now is efficacious international pressure: a coordinated network of archaeologists, heritage lawyers, UNESCO and ICOMOS officials, European cultural-heritage bodies, investigative journalists, and civil-society organizations capable of documenting violations, publicizing them internationally, and forcing not just Malta, but all regions to answer for violations of cultural-heritage treaties and agreements they have signed, including the Valletta Convention. UNESCO, especially, needs to step in.

The archaeology community can help, because international scholars can do what local citizens often cannot: lend authority, visibility, and pressure to demand that Malta’s prehistoric landscapes be treated not as disposable real estate, but as something that belongs to the history of the entire world.

What are your future plans/goals for your work and mission as they relate to the cultural treasures of Malta and Gozo?

I would very much like to not have to spend all of my time advocating for the protection of sites that should never have been threatened in the first place.

I believe there are potentially future exciting and important implications to my phenomenological performance experimentation in other archaeological sites here in Malta and elsewhere. Archaeologists sometimes miss the human dimension as the pendulum has shifted towards exclusively publishing empirical data. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it isn’t the complete picture—and incorporating phenomenological performance experimentation is just one more multidisciplinary approach that can also illuminate the past.

However, since the likelihood is that these fights aren’t going to end any time soon, my main objective is to use the arts as a means of empowering protest and community-building. In the past five years, we have held four protests that bring together not only politicians and NGO representatives, but also poets, musicians, dancers, film, and visual artists. I am a firm believer in the power of the arts to instigate personal and societal change. When common (or uncommon, as the case may be) citizens use destruction as a means towards creation, it is an act of empowerment—and even if we cannot save our precious sites, we can at least document their erasure and bring to life something new.

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Dawn A. Saliba, as she looks on at Ggantija in the background.

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The Megalithic Temples of Malta: A Pictorial

Still undiscovered and unexplored sites like these ancient Neolithic megalithic structures still lie buried beneath the protective shroud of earth. Malta and Gozo (the second-largest island in the Maltese archipelago) are treasure houses of ancient culture that must be protected before it is too late. The following images reflect only a small portion of what can be seen today of these megalithic wonders on the islands.

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Above, and 5 images below: views of Ggantija temple complex

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Above and below: The temple complex of Ħaġar Qim, interior views.

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Above and below: Detail views of the Mnajdra temple complex.

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Above and below: Tarxien. Photos courtesy Anastasia Adeler

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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Before the Pyramids: Malta’s Prehistoric Landscape and the People Who Keep It

Anastasia Adeler is a writer and contributor to Popular Archaeology Magazine on travel and museums. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

We arrived in late April, and every morning Noel came for us.

That detail turns out to matter more than it should. When you travel with an archaeological expedition, as I did again this time, accompanying Dan McLerran, editor-in-chief of Popular Archaeology, with whom I had traveled once before, and with Tatiana along as my companion and photographer, the official itinerary is usually the least interesting thing about the trip. What you keep afterward is everything that happens between the scheduled stops, and most of all the people who translate a place for you into a feeling more than a fact.

Noel was our driver for the whole time we were there, and I would not call him an old man, because at perhaps his mature stage of life, he was far from old, and in any case one of those people who seem to exist slightly outside of age. He arrived each morning at the Westin Dragonara in St. Julian’s, where we were based, impeccably dressed in a suit, courteous and humble and entirely without hurry, and drove us out across the island in a spotless Mercedes van.

Noel, foreground. Photo credit Anastasia Adeler

As we drove he talked, about the families who had held which land and for how long, about where to find the good fish, about what had changed on the islands and what had stubbornly refused to, and through all of it ran his family, mentioned constantly and with a respect for it that you could feel without his ever having to spell it out. We invited him to join us, for lunch, for dinner, for whatever we were doing, and every time he declined with some small variation of the same answer, that he had already had some tea, or that he would stop here and have some tea, so that the tea became a kind of polite boundary he kept between his life and ours, and a sign of how completely he belonged to himself. He was well-bred in the old sense. You could smell the real man and the professional in him at once.

I thought about Noel a few days later while standing in front of stones that were old before the Egyptians built anything at all. Malta, as every brochure will tell you, is sun and sea and the Knights of St. John, baroque churches and English-language schools and tourist marinas, and all of that is true and none of it is the part that kept me awake. Because Malta is also the site of some of the oldest freestanding stone structures anywhere on earth—seven prehistoric sanctuaries raised between roughly 3800 and 2500 BC—which is to say before Stonehenge and well before the pyramids—by a people so complete and so distinct that they surface in the record almost fully formed and then disappear from it around 2500 BC for reasons no one has settled. Noel had lived among these stones his entire life and was not especially impressed by their age. He had simply always known they were there, as familiar to him as his own street.

An island that undersells itself

Most people who fly into Malta come for the coast and the warmth, for medieval Valletta, for the traces of a crusading order that once ran the central Mediterranean from this small archipelago of two inhabited islands. These are real things, and the island’s history since the sixteenth century is dramatic enough on its own, the Great Siege and Napoleon’s brief and unwelcome occupation and the long British colonial period that ended only with independence in 1964, and the strange hybrid identity all of it left behind. The Maltese language is itself a kind of archaeological object, Arabic in its bones and overlaid with Italian and Sicilian and a thick recent layer of English, spoken in a cadence that resembles nothing else in the sea it sits in, which is why the island has become one of the places Europeans now come to learn English.

The older story, the one that begins long before the Knights, sits off to the side of all this. The megalithic temples appear on the official maps and in the heritage brochures and are perfectly accessible, and they are also not what most visitors come for, so they pass close by without stopping or stop briefly and move along. This would be unremarkable if the things they were passing were not, in the judgment of the people who study such things for a living, among the most significant prehistoric sites in the world.

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The megalithic temple sanctuary of Ħaġar Qim. Nitramserolf, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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And the deep past here has lately gotten deeper. Until very recently the first Maltese were thought to be the Neolithic farmers who arrived around 7,500 years ago and went on to raise the temples, but in April 2025 a team led by the archaeologist Eleanor Scerri, of the Max Planck Institute for Geoanthropology and the University of Malta, published findings from a cave called Latnija in the north of the island that pushed the human story back a full thousand years, to Mesolithic hunter-gatherers who reached Malta around 8,500 years ago by crossing some hundred kilometers of open sea from Sicily, beyond the sight of land, presumably in dugout canoes, the longest such crossing yet known anywhere in the Mediterranean. We were meant to spend time with Scerri, and that is its own small story, told further down, and the discovery deserves a fuller account than I can give it here. It will receive this in a separate story. What matters for the moment is the gist of the thing: even the temple-builders, old as they are, turn out not to have been the first.

The crossing

We reached Gozo by ferry from the northern tip of Malta, a half-hour crossing that runs every thirty minutes and carries everything the island needs moved: cars and trucks and tourists and schoolchildren and the day’s deliveries. We went up to the open deck because the sky was clear and the water was that particular blue the central Mediterranean turns in late April, which I have given up trying to name. The limestone cliffs of Gozo came up out of the sea slowly, pale and irregular, and as the ferry swung in toward harbor the island composed itself into something at once very old and entirely ordinary, a baroque dome floating above a town the color of bone.

We passed the Blue Lagoon, whose color is so improbable that it makes you briefly distrust your own eyes, the turquoise going down into cobalt as if someone had decided the sea should look the way it looks in other people’s holiday photographs and then overshot. There are places where the Mediterranean turns out to be exactly the thing it is in the imagination, and the channel between these islands is one of them.

Dawn, our archaeologist host, met us on the other side.

Ġgantija, which means giantess

The name is Maltese, and it is the right name, because for a very long time the local explanation for these walls was that giants had raised them, that being the only theory adequate to the size of the blocks. The two temples of the Ġgantija complex sit on a plateau above the town of Xagħra, and even half-ruined they stop you where you stand. The outer walls reach several meters, individual blocks run up to fifty tons, and all of it was quarried and shaped and moved and stood upright by people working without metal tools and, if the official chronology holds, without the wheel.

The temples have been known to locals since antiquity, which is part of what is wrong with them. Excavation began in the eighteenth century, before archaeology had learned to be careful, and so much of what was there got disturbed in the digging, stones shifted to suggest a completeness that may never have existed and smaller rubble heaped on top to give the walls more height and dignity for the visitors. What stands at Ġgantija today is, as Dawn put it cheerfully while waving at the scaffolding currently holding up one of the outer walls, a collaboration between the original builders and several thousand years of other people’s opinions about them.

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She said this while reaching out to lay a hand flat against the stone, running her palm over a surface pitted by millennia of sea wind, in a gesture somewhere between inspection and affection.

Dawn Adrienne Saliba is a researcher at the University of Malta, whose published work concerns acoustics and ritual at the prehistoric temples, and she is also among the more vivid people I have met anywhere in some time. She wears her curly hair loose, talks with her hands and her whole upper body, laughs constantly, and when she is standing inside a five-thousand-year-old ruin telling you why she is sure the apse chambers were built for sound, she gives off a faith that is at once scholarly and entirely personal. On the day we saw Ġgantija she was wearing a faded Knicks T-shirt, and the arrangement of ancient stones and UNESCO scaffolding and an archaeologist in a basketball shirt explaining Neolithic ritual acoustics struck me as a very Maltese sort of composition, the old and the offhand crowded into a single frame.

The dating of the temples is where the genuinely interesting problem lives. Ġgantija is given as roughly 3600 BC, which puts it among the oldest freestanding structures on the planet and more than a thousand years ahead of the pyramids, and that figure rests heavily on what was found near the stones rather than on the stones themselves, so that objects of a given period turn up at a site and the site is assigned to their period. The limitation is plain enough, since it tells you when people were using a place and not when the place was made, and at Ġgantija, where the digging was early and rough and the reconstruction has muddied the original layout, the date is an estimate resting on an estimate. None of this is a cover-up, whatever the more excitable corners of the internet would prefer; it is just what any science looks like at the edge of its evidence, and the honest people in the field say so without being asked twice.

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What the museum knows, and the man outside

The interpretation center beside the Xagħra Circle, the Gozitan hypogeum where the remains of hundreds of Neolithic people were excavated and studied, holds objects that repay slowing down for. None of them looks like much at first glance. There is a skull on a plinth that forensic specialists studied in order to reconstruct how the woman it had belonged to looked while she was alive, and there are ceramic bowls cracked and pieced back together that still carry the trace of whatever was eaten or offered out of them six thousand years ago, and there are faceshell necklaces laid out on conical stands beside a large triton shell and a cow’s toe bone worked until it became a human face. The stylized limestone figurines have had their features worn nearly to nothing while their bodies stayed disproportionately full, and the seated clay figures are so small and so round and so oddly pleased with themselves that they seem to be commenting on something the language for which has been lost. One panel shows a wooden reconstruction of Neolithic furniture built out from the Sleeping Lady, the most famous figurine in all of Maltese prehistory, who lies on her side on what looks like a low couch with her robes folded around her in a sleep deep enough to seem ceremonial, and the label notes that she is the best evidence we have for furniture in the Neolithic, which is a small and unexpectedly moving thing to learn, that we know someone once lay down with that much care for the arrangement only because someone else thought it worth recording in clay.

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It was outside this museum, while I was alone at the little souvenir stand buying bracelets as a gift for Tatiana and one for myself, that the trip handed me something I am still turning over. Tatiana had strained her back, and there was a delay while Dan and Noel went looking for medicine for her, and in the middle of it an old Maltese man was standing nearby, in a suit and glasses, smoking, ageless in the way Noel was ageless and strikingly handsome. He had spoken with Tatiana and knew about the back, and then he and I fell into conversation, and it drifted away from the back and toward life, the way conversations with certain strangers will. I was already sitting in the van when he came to the open door, leaned in, and said that eventually it stops, that the pain stops. He was not talking about the back anymore. He did not spell out what he meant, and we drove away, but I understood him, because a man does not lean into a stranger’s van to talk about a sore back, and I took the meaning he had intended for us. I did not need it said any plainer.

The hole in the ground

What I was not ready for, on the day of our visit to Gozo, was the construction site.

Dawn took us to it, and I am sorry now that I did not write down the exact address. What I can describe is a raw cut into pale limestone, two pits opened in the bedrock of the kind that come before foundations, with a finished apartment building standing directly alongside and the blue of the sea visible past it, and wildflowers already coming up through the disturbed soil at the edges, and a sheet of heavy canvas thrown over one of the openings, whether for safety or for appearances I could not tell.

Dawn stood at the lip of it and described what had been there before the machines came and what might still lie under the level the machines had reached, and her voice while she did this was steady in the way a voice goes steady once it has explained the same thing often enough to have worn through anger into something colder and more durable.

This, she said, was not unusual. This was the pattern.

The Maltese islands are saturated with archaeological potential, the density of prehistoric sites both dug and undug being remarkable for an archipelago this small, and development presses against the edges of the protected zones nonstop and now and then straight through them, because the legal protections exist on paper while the enforcement is a separate and weaker matter. Dawn has staged concerts inside temple precincts and put on theatrical performances and gathered residents and written articles and filed objections and built coalitions, all of it alongside her actual research, so that she is effectively running two careers at once, one of them proving what these places were and the other trying to keep them from being destroyed before the first one is finished. Standing at the edge of that pit and looking at a building whose foundations had gone into ground no one had surveyed, I could see the whole thing settled into a very Maltese kind of tragedy, a place that survives six thousand years only to be undone by a planning permit.*

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The room beneath the room

The Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum is the only known prehistoric underground temple in the world. It lies beneath a residential neighborhood in Paola on the main island, and it came to light in 1902 when workers cutting rock for a new cistern broke through the ceiling of a chamber they had no idea was under them, after which the discovery was kept quiet for several years before anyone investigated it properly. What they eventually found was a complex of three levels carved out of living rock, with chambers and niches and curved apses reaching about ten meters below the surface, and the remains of somewhere between seven and eight thousand people deposited there across several centuries, the Sleeping Lady among the things recovered.

Access is tightly controlled now, the number of visitors per session capped and the interior climate monitored and photography forbidden, so what I can give you is only the feeling of going down into it, a slow controlled descent through limestone that cools as you drop, a gradual loss of the ordinary logic of surfaces and daylight, and a steadily growing awareness that the walls around you were shaped by hands following a plan we have only partly recovered.

We went down twice.

The first time was the standard visit, a fixed route and explanatory panels and controlled lighting, informative and at moments genuinely affecting, because the scale of the communal burial and the thought that someone organized all of it, the carving and the placing of the dead and the arrangement of the objects, with a coherence that predates writing and metal and nearly everything we use to measure how complex a civilization was, is not a thing the mind takes in quickly.

The second visit was Dawn’s.

Dawn’s version

She had arranged a private session, and the difference lay less in what we saw than in what we heard. Her published research is specifically about how sound behaves inside the Hypogeum, how the carved chambers resonate at some frequencies and swallow others, how a voice placed in one position would have produced an effect that could be predicted and repeated, and she has done the formal acoustic testing there, with instruments and with human voices, and that work is documented and serious.

What she adds in person is the part the journals render more cautiously, which is the imaginative leap from the measurement into the scene. Standing in one of the chambers she described how a chant would have traveled through the stone and how a procession might have wound through the sequence of passages and what the gathered people would have felt as the sound stopped being something heard and became something physical, pressing on the chest, blurring the line between where the body ended and the chamber began. She described it with the precision of someone who has measured it and the conviction of someone who has also, plainly, felt it, and I could not always tell which of the two was speaking, the instrument or the believer, the woman who had run the tests or the woman for whom the place had long ago stopped being a hypothesis.

Some of what she said sat squarely on the acoustic data. Some of it had drifted out past the data into the particular faith of a person who has loved something so thoroughly and for so many years that the membrane between what can be shown and what must surely be true has gone a little permeable, and at times it was, to be honest with you, very funny, and I would not say so to her face, because the funniness and the seriousness were the same thing seen from two angles. She was the best possible guide to a place like this, since she had lived with its questions so long and turned them over from so many directions that standing near her you could feel the entire weight of what is still unknown, which is rarer than expertise and a good deal harder to come by.

Tarxien, a short walk away

A few hundred meters from the Hypogeum, in the ordinary streets of the town that gives them their name, stand the temples of Tarxien, and the two sites belong together for more than their nearness, since both were brought to light by the same man, Themistocles Zammit, the Maltese physician who turned to archaeology and excavated the Hypogeum in the first years of the twentieth century and then opened Tarxien in 1915 after local farmers kept striking large stones with their ploughs. The complex is four linked temples raised across the same long stretch of centuries as the others, and what sets it apart is the decoration, the great blocks worked with running spirals and, on one famous slab, a procession of carved animals, rams and a sow with her litter and what reads as a bull, the closest thing the temple-builders left to a picture of the world they lived in.

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The thing everyone remembers is the statue, or what is left of it. Near the entrance stands the lower half of a colossal figure, a broad pleated skirt and two heavy calves above small feet and nothing at all above the waist, the upper body lost so long ago that you are left with the foundation of a giant and asked to supply the rest, which when whole would have stood two or three meters tall. The Maltese call her, with the directness the island applies to all these figures, the fat lady, and like the smaller figurines she is built around an abundance the people who made her clearly read as holy. There is evidence too of what was done in these rooms, a hearth and a stone niche where a flint knife and the bones of animals were found together, which is about as close as the silent record comes to telling you outright that things were killed here and offered.

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What you remember most at Tarxien, though, is the houses. The temple precinct sits hemmed in on every side by the modern town, ordinary dwellings with their washing out and their televisions audible, their walls running up to the edge of some of the oldest decorated stone in the Mediterranean, and the contrast is so complete that it stops feeling like contrast and starts feeling like the ordinary condition of Malta, where six thousand years are not kept at any respectful distance from each other but are stacked in the same few meters of rock. Centuries after the temple-builders had vanished, Bronze Age people who had nothing to do with them used this ground to burn and bury their dead, a second and unrelated population laying its ashes down on top of the first, and then they too disappeared, and then the town grew up over the whole of it, so that the washing now dries above ground holding the later ashes and the older spirals together beneath it.

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Ħaġar Qim and the wind off the sea

The temples of Ħaġar Qim and Mnajdra stand on the southern coast about three hundred meters from the water, in a landscape so open to the horizon that the wind off the sea never quite lets up. They live under large protective shelters now, the coral limestone they are built from being soft and the salt air having been patient with it, and the effect is strange, ancient stone sheltered under modern construction, a solution to one problem that quietly raises a different question about what preservation is for and whom it serves.

Here, as at Ġgantija, antiquity and restoration lie layered visibly on top of one another. The doorways cut from single blocks of stone are among the hardest features to account for, an engineering decision that cost enormous effort and serves no structural purpose anyone has since identified, and there are theories, and Dawn had views. The solstice alignments are documented, the way the light enters a particular opening on the shortest day and falls on a particular stone, and this is read by some as deliberate astronomy and by others as a coincidence thrown off by circular rooms that happen to point in various directions, and the argument between them is real and not settled. Standing inside the complex with the protective shelter overhead and the sea audible through the gaps in it, I could see why both sides keep their defenders, because the place feels intended in ways that slip out from under any attempt to say so precisely.

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Mdina, my favorite

Late one day we went to Mdina, and it remains the place on this trip I loved most. If Valletta is loud and crowded and pressed for time, which it is, and which we mostly were while we were in it, Mdina is its opposite, calmer and more polished, a walled hill town of churches and beautiful streets where horse-drawn carriages still go by and the whole thing arranges itself into the Mediterranean exactly as you imagine the Mediterranean before you have ever been to it. The history is enormous and worn smooth. We were there for several hours, which is itself a kind of luxury given how restricted we were on time everywhere else, and we walked it slowly, Dan and Tatiana and I, with Dawn not along for this one.

We had lunch at the Fontanella Tea Garden, one of the oldest places in the city, sitting outside on the terrace, and the impression while we sat there was that we had somehow slipped over into Tuscany, that Malta had quietly handed us off to a different country for an afternoon. The wine was a good local one. The pumpkin soup was extraordinary, and I am not in the habit of remembering soup. There were salads and small dishes to begin, all of them wonderful, and the place is famous as well for its desserts.

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A slow lunch at the edge, and the cities we only glimpsed

There was one other meal like that, on the Dingli cliffs, where the limestone drops straight into deep water, at a restaurant whose plainness took confidence rather than neglect, simple linens and direct sun and food that tasted like exactly what it was, the octopus having been in the sea recently and the oil pressed from olives that had not traveled far and the wine cold because the afternoon had earned it. The three of us, Dan and Tatiana and I, sat there a good while longer than we needed to, the sea flat below us, and we did not once discuss archaeology. The Blue Lagoon, which we saw on another part of the same coast, belonged to the driving and to Noel, but this lunch was ours, and it was one of the two times on the whole island we were allowed to slow down enough to actually taste where we were.

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The rest of Malta we mostly glimpsed. The Three Cities, the old fortified harbor towns across the water from Valletta, we did quickly, looking down from the bastions over the marina and the yachts, an impression rather than a visit. Valletta itself, which we came to on the third and last day, we took at speed, walking streets that narrowed and dropped toward the water, looking at façades, looking for somewhere to eat, until we turned a corner and came on a small restaurant where a waitress was setting the outside tables with the focused pleasure of someone who enjoys the preparing as much as the thing prepared. I spoke to her, and she told us to wait a little, and when she looked up her face opened so completely into welcome that I wrote in my journal that evening that I had wanted simply to hug her and go home. These cities are wonderful and we were restricted on time, and the contradiction between those two facts is most of what I carry away from them.

Every evening we came back to St. Julian’s, to the same hotel, and sat in the lobby and went back over how the day had gone, which became a ritual of its own, the fixed point we returned to no matter how far out across the islands the day had taken us.

A brief appearance, and a much older Malta

Eleanor Scerri, whose discovery at the Latnija Cave had reset the island’s whole chronology a year before we came, was scheduled to spend real time with us, though in the end circumstances forced her to materialize near the cave for only a few minutes before some prior obligation pulled her off in a direction we could not follow, so that there was a wave and an introduction and the first half of a sentence about the site’s importance and then she was gone, which was the most efficient possible delivery of a character, a person with somewhere else to be, a different shape of devotion from Dawn’s and no less real for being briefer. We did explore the area around the cave, and it was Dawn who was with us there, on the cliffs near Latnija, the sea enormous and pale-blue behind us and Comino floating off in the distance.

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What Latnija means is best left for the fuller account in another article, but the short version is worth carrying out of here: the temple-builders, who themselves predate the pyramids, were not the first people on Malta after all. A thousand years before them, hunter-gatherers crossed a hundred kilometers of open sea in what were likely hollowed-out logs, beyond the sight of any land, to reach this rock, and came back, and came back again. The island keeps turning out to be older than the last person to measure it believed.

What the island is deciding

From almost any cliff on the southern coast you can see, by turning inland, both what Malta has been and what it is in the middle of becoming, the old rubble walls still dividing the farmland into small holdings while the apartment blocks climb toward them, and the church domes rising over every village out of all proportion to the populations they serve, which is a large part of their grandeur, standing now beside new construction that makes no reference to anything that came before it.

None of this is peculiar to Malta, since every island and every old city is somewhere inside the same negotiation between what it inherited and what it can sell, and what makes the Maltese version feel sharper than most is the age and the density of what is at stake, because the prehistoric sites are not lonely monuments out at the edge of the inhabited world but belong to the ordinary life of the place, sitting above villages and reachable by farm lanes and ringed by fields and rubble walls that hold fragments of the same vanished culture. Preserving any of it is therefore not a matter of fencing off a single ruin but requires a constant and politically awkward refusal to decide that the past is worth less than a parking space, which Dawn understands, and so does the Gozitan resident we met who has spent years documenting the building going up near Ġgantija, and so in his own way does Noel, who when I asked him what had changed most in Malta over his lifetime answered, after a moment, that it was the building, and then after another moment, that there was too much of it.

The stones that outlasted their builders

Malta’s temples survived because they were made of something that outlasted the people who intended them. The builders of Ġgantija and the Hypogeum and Ħaġar Qim are gone so completely that we do not know what they called themselves or what they spoke or what exactly happened around 2500 BC when they dropped out of the record with a thoroughness no one has neatly accounted for, and what is left is only the work, the aligned stones and the carved chambers and the acoustic geometries and the dead laid down among their necklaces and figurines and bowls. They were not building for posterity in any way they could have named, and yet they built to last, which says something about them even now that we cannot hear them say it.

The question Malta is answering at present, slowly and unevenly and under real economic and political pressure, is whether it values the same things its first builders did, and the evidence on that runs in both directions at once, the excavations continuing and the development continuing and Dawn staging another concert and filing another objection and taking another small group down into the Hypogeum to hear what the stone still does with a voice.

I keep going back, though, to the old man outside the museum on Gozo, leaning into the van in his suit and his glasses, telling me that eventually the pain stops, and meaning by it something he never named and did not have to, because I understood him. He had the same quality the island has, of saying something enormous in passing and then letting you drive away before you can ask what it was built on. Malta is full of that. The stones do it, and the people do it, and you leave with the last line withheld, which may be the only honest way to leave a place this old.

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In the remarkable sea-side setting surrounding Latnija Cave: author Anastasia, far left, Dan, middle, Tatiana, far right.

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Unless otherwise noted, all images credit Anastasia Adeler.

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Alba Longa: the City that Gave Birth to Rome

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

All travelers to Rome    before going on to Florence, the cradle of the Renaissance, and thence to Venice and its streets of water:the 21st century version of The Grand Tour—it would be wise to fit into the Italian sojourn an extra day or two to enjoy an overnight stay in a hilltop village that is enchanting and friendly beyond words.

Crowning a steep bank of a crater lake, a half hour by car to the southeast of Rome, Castel Gandolfo is a shy, elongated town of but a few streets that seem to begin from nowhere but all end in the charming main square, the Piazza della Liberta. 

Famed in our time as the summer residence of the Popes, this peach-colored Papal retreat was known thirty centuries ago as Alba Longa, which claimed as its founder, Ascanius, son of the Trojan hero/refugee, Aeneas.  Wreathed in legend from early on, this mountain settlement was destined to be the mother city of Rome.

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Castel Gandolfo and associated town/structures spreads in elongated fashion across the ridge overlooking Lake Alba, in the footprint of the ancient Alba Longa.  Marek Mróz, CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Castel Gandolfo. Heribert Pohl, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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From Virgil and his epic poem, The Aeneid, we learn of the town’s origins and the reason for its peculiar name – Alba Longa. Latin for:  The Long White (city).  An oracle, the poet tells us, prophesied that Aeneas’ son would establish “a royal city of lasting fame, near the edge of a gentle flood.” and name it for the snow white sow and its thirty sucklings that he would come upon at his arrival there.  Ascanius added the second word “Longa”, since the new city stretched in a lengthy narrow strip along the southwestern rim of the lake, to which he gave the name, Lacus Albanus (Lake Albano).  All this took place in the twelfth century before Christ.

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The boy Ascanius weeps and Venus hovers nearby as the physician Iapyx treats the wound of Aeneas (wall painting from Pompeii, 1st century AD). Marie-Lan Nguyen, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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For the next four hundred years, Alba Longa served as the religious and political capital of the Latin Confederation, a loosely knit alliance of the region’s forty seven small city-states, linked by a common language, a primitive Latin.  It was at the end of this span of time, according to a legend, that a descendant of Ascanius, a Vestal Virgin named Rhea Silvia, having been “visited” by the war god Mars, bore twin sons, Romulus and Remus.  The former, Romulus, two decades later founded a modest colony of thatched huts on a hill called “Palatine”, near the banks of the Tiber river.  Called Rome in honor of its founder and first king, this humble hamlet would, across the next thousand years or so, expand into a far-flung empire to which the whole world would pay homage.  (Remus had intended to partner with his brother in building a new colony, but on the Aventine Hill instead. This resulted in a fierce quarrel and a breakup of their partnership.)

The third king, Tullus Hostilius, who –  Roman lore informs us    reigned from 672-640 BC, waged a horrific war against the mother-city Alba Longa over rights to the fertile land that lay between the two states.  The Roman troops demolished the Alban forces and devastated Alba Longa, sparing only the sacred temples.  (One could consider this conflict to have been a civil war, since the descendants of the Albans were battling the then current Albans in their hilltop domain.)

Today many Classical scholars believe Alba Longa to have been nothing more than a myth, tying all Romans to a Trojan ancestry.  Nonetheless, there are also those contemporary scholars who firmly believe in the actuality, the reality of ancient Alba Longa.  Among the more prominent ones are Alexandre Grandazzi, Jacques Poucet, Stefania Quilici-Giglii, and Anna Pasquilini.

Grandazzi, a French prof and specialist of Archeology and Roman History, after years of extensive research, is convinced that Alba Longa was not mere fiction but rather an absolutely real city, citing ancient authors as well as archaeological and topographical evidence to support his claim.

Poucet examined closely the traditions that stemmed from an ancient, pre-Roman town and came to the conclusion that, like most legends, these also evolved from a kernel of truth, from a core of reality that over the ages was exaggerated and hyperbolized out of proportion by both the written word and by tradition. (I.e. word of mouth).  Professor Poucet is the author of the highly acclaimed book, Les Origines de Rome.

Quilici Gigli, professor of Ancient Topography and Classical Studies at the University of Naples, did in situ research of the area around Lake Albano and came away insisting on the actual and factual existence of Alba Longa, and that it was indeed most likely the capital of Latin colonies throughout the old region of Latium (today’s Lazio).

Pasquilini put forth archeological evidence and cited the many other colleagues that cling to the belief in the real existence of Alba Longa, despite the admitted mythological aura surrounding it.

Then there is the Italian archaeologist Rodofo Lanciani (1845-1929), who discussed the sight where the city once stood.  He also maintained that the town extended out in a long narrow strip “along the southwest ridge of Lake Albano.”  As proof, he mentioned fossil graveyards in the region, along with the unearthing of many ancient, pre-Roman hut-shaped columbaria, containing funereal urns of  ashes, on a road near the lake which was once a volcanic crater.  The hut-shaped tombs, which he felt were probably likenesses of the type of housing in Alba Longa, Lanciani dated to four centuries before the legendary founding of Rome in 753 B.C.

Lanciani was persuaded by this, that Alba Longa had surely been a prominent thriving community and most likely the religious and political capital of the neighboring small city-states, and also the birthplace of Rhea’s twins who rebelled against their native town and took a multitude of fellow Albans with them to populate the new village they were planning, settling them on the Coelian Hill across the valley from the Palatine. Thus he considered the Albani immigrants to be the first true Romans

In addition to these modern Classicists, there were numerous Latin writers in antiquity who alluded to Alba Longa as a real place.  Cato the Elder (234-149 B.C) in his history of Rome, “Origines,” suggested that Alba was a metropolis and mother city of the one founded by a native son, Romulus, whose lineage Cato traces all the way back to Aeneas, who established the city of Lavinium, named for and in honor of his wife, Lavinia, and to his son Ascanius, who built the city of Alba Longa in the twelfth century before the Christian era.

The great orator and writer, Cicero (105-43 B.C.), left us a written but unspoken defense of Titus Annius Milo, a prominent Roman politician and demagogue who served as a tribune for the plebians in 57 B.C.  Milo was convicted of conspiracy in the assassination of Publius Clodius and driven into exile in the Gallic seaport of Massilia (today’s Marseille).  Cicero accuses Clodius of destroying the shrines and sacred groves of the ancient city of Alba Longa.  In his lengthy essay, De Republica, Cicero also refers to Alba as a strong and powerful city “for those times.”

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The historian Livy (59 B.C. to A.D. 17), in his magnum opus “The History of Rome”, describes Alba as the “Mater Urbs” of Rome and tells of its location in the shadow of Mount Albanus:         

His Ascanius fuerit certe natum Aenea…abundante Lavinii multitudine florentem iam erant opulentem urbem matri reliquit,novam ipse aliam sub Albano Monte condidit quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Alba Longa appellata.  Inter Laviniam et Albam coloniam deductam triginita ferme interfuere anni.

(This Ascaniuis was for sure the son of Aeneas.  He left to his mother (Lavinia) the city of Lavinium which was a wealthy city with an overflowing population, and built another in the Alban Hills. It stretched out along the hillside and was called Alba Longa.  Between the founding of Lavinium and that of Alba was a span of thirty years.)

Legends say that when Aeneas and his fellow refugees fled Troy and arrived by sea in Italy, a white sow leaped from the ship into the water and upon reaching land rumbled up the mountain and gave birth to thirty white sucklings, thus resulting in the naming of the mountain as Mons Albanus.  For this reason, Ascanius came up with the name of Alba Longs, the Long White (City).

Also mentioning this city was the prolific biographer Plutarch.  In his “Life of Romulus” he refers several times to “Alba”, a city he treats as a historical reality.

The poet Ovid writes about “illustrious Alba” and lists the Alban kings, starting, of course, with Ascanius.  In his book Fasti, Ovid (43 B.C. – A.D. 17) tells the tale of a certain Alban this way:

Sed Proculus veniebat Iulius Alba, luna fulgebat nec facius usus erat..

“But Julius Proculus was coming from Alba.  With the moon shining so bright a torch was of no use.”

Ovid also points out that the region of Latium (Lazio) and the city of Alba were given their names by Ascanius, “founder and first king of the city above the lake.”

The historian Dionysius (60-7 B.C) of Halicarnassus (modern day Bodrum in Turkey) made his way to Rome and spent the rest of his life there working on his book, “Roman Antiquities.”  In the first volume he pens this line:

“After leaving Lavinium, Ascanius built a larger city, girded by lofty walls.  This city he named, Alba”.

And the Roman author Dio Cassius (A.D. 165-235), in discussing the origins of Rome, also brings up the subject of Alba Longa and chronicles the royal families that ruled over it.  He goes on to say that the Vestal Virgin, Rhea Silvia, came from there.

According to legend Romulus reigned over Rome for thirty-seven years, from 753 to 716 B.C.  At his death he was apotheosized by his subjects and the Senate, and was thereafter worshiped as the god Quirinus.  A temple was built and dedicated to him.

He was succeeded by the beloved pacifist Numa Pompilius whose long reign, 715 to 673 B.C., was devoted to the cause of peace and to the cults of Rome’s deities.  He created the reverent sisterhood of the Vestal Virgins who conducted the sacred rites of Vesta, goddess of the hearth and home.  His successor was the fiery king, Tullus Hostilius who wasted no time in living up to his name by waging war against the ctiy-state of Alba Longa (if later chroniclers are to be trusted).  His powerful army leveled the capital of the Latin Confederation, sparing only its sacred temples.  This conflict, one might say, was a civil war, with the Alban descendants of Rome’s army battling with the then current Alban people still living up in the hills, again over possession of the fertile campagna that lay between them.  In the aftermath of the war Alba Longa faded into history (or into mythology, in the opinion of many modern scholars),  Yet numerous Latin writers, as we have seen, sought to perpetuate the belief that the hilltop city indeed once existed.

The centuries, almost three millennia in fact, came and went, B.C. gave way to A.D., yet some of Rome’s later historians continued to write about the fabled city by the crater lake, especially when the tyrannical Emperor Domitian (A.D. 81-96), son of Emperor Vespasian and brother of the Emperor Titus, built over the venerable site a controversial sprawling (115 acres) sumptuous country vacation estate, to which he gave the name Villa Albana, overlooking the lake.

The highly respected writer Pliny the Younger saw the villa not as a peaceful retreat but as the headquarters of despotism, debauchery, and corruption, of reckless extravagance, of self-indulgence, of the shameful raiding of the state treasury while the lower classes of his subjects suffered    ill fed, ill housed, ill treated, ill governed.  Pliny further characterized the luxurious villa of the paranoid ruthless ruler as a symbol of pure evil.  Here Domitian made up his list of political enemies, scheduled them for execution, and then harassed their families. Here he even framed a Vestal Virgin, the chief priestess Cornelia, the mother-superior if you will, for violating her vows, and sentenced her to be buried alive.  Pliny the Younger maintained that she was completely innocent.  The same writer had his own titles for the property he disdained, calling it “The House of Terror,” and the “Arx Albana” (The Alban Fortress).

Pliny expresses disgust at the tyrant’s slothful behavior, at neglecting the affairs of state, at his whiling away hours each day practicing his archery, at his sadistic joy of snatching flies and stabbing them with a sharply honed stylus, at being illa immanissima belus (that monstrous beast), at Domitian’s suppression and banishment of philosophers, viewing them as hostile intellectuals and a threat to his absolute authority. 

The satirist Juvenal (60 B.C. to A.D. 138) rants about Domitian’s persecution of Jews and Christians, of his frightening schizophrenia and fits of rage, of his sycophantic coterie of scared-to-death senators whom he considered his cabinet, often housing them at Villa Albana.

Statue of Domitian. Steerpike, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

The Roman historian Tacitus also weighs in on Domitian and his lofty village in the hills, on the site of the old, devastated town founded by Ascanius, also calling the property the “Alban Citadel” i.e. a stronghold whence Domitian plotted against his senatorial opporents, the aristocracy, and all others whom he perceived to be conspiring against him.  An incurable paranoiac, he spent a considerable amount of time at Alba, where he felt more protected from his throng of foes than at the Imperial residence on the Palatine.

The biographer Suetonius also shows disdain for the beleaguered Domitian for seeing danger lurking everywhere, even up in Villa Albana.  In Suetonius’ much acclaimed book, “The Lives of the Twelve Caesars,” the biographer says that it was there where the seething, insecure emperor hit on the novel idea of scorching his political enemies’ bodies to make them divulge “the whereabouts of other rebels still in hiding.”  Domitian was not only cruel but short-tempered and depraved, the writer says.

The epigrammist Martial, however, parts company with Rome’s writing colony, composing very flattering verses about Domitian and his villa in Alba, often comparing him to the gods.  He spoke reverently about the ruler as an avid patron of the arts, as a virtuous leader who governed in a kind and generous way, as the propagator of humanitarian deeds, as the vigorous defender of the Roman people.  In private conversations Martial’s fellow authors spoke of his compliments for Domitian as self-serving and absurdly exaggerated.  Martial also drew ridicule for his excessive praise for the villa up in Alba, calling it a majestic estate fit for the Roman divinities.  He also expresses admiration for the elegant yachts on which the emperor would cruise up and down Lake Albano to while away the languid summer afternoons.

Professor and Classicist at Oxford, Robin Darwall Smith agrees with Martial and suggests that Domitian gets a “bad press” from most ancient writers, unfairly so, and sets about rehabilitating his political image.

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*The tyrant would be appalled at what now occupies the site of his beloved “Albanum”, as he also called his hilltop hangout.  In the twelfth century A.D., the whole area came into the ownership of the powerful Gandolfi family from Genoa.  Otho Gandolfi, who then held the rank of senator in Rome, built a castle on the ruins of Villa Albana, along with small stone dwellings for the peasants who worked his surrounding fields, olive groves, and vineyards.  The new town, which once again stretched in a narrow strip on the same site where Alba Longa once stood, took on the name of Castel Gandolfo, by which it is still known.  The vast property afterwards passed into the hands of the wealthy and influential Savelli family and it was eventually sold to the Holy See.  Pope Urban VIII in 1604, adopted the land as a Papal summer residence and had the architect Carlo Maderno design a palace to be raised over the remains of the castle.

A common spectacle in those High Renaissance times was a convoy of horse-drawn carriages swaying up the pine and poplar-lined mountain road, bringing red-robed Cardinals to conferences with their white-robed Pontiff.

Maderno’s Papal Villa was laid out on a beautiful tract of 120 acres, its lush gardens crossed by broad lanes lined with Ilex trees and curving graveled walks. He added a soothing sound track via the crystal murmur of many fountains.  The palace itself was built around an immense rectangular courtyard which was to serve as an outdoor hall for audiences with the pope.

Huge throngs of pilgrims began to make the trek from Rome in order to see and be blessed by the Holy Father.  This gave birth to a whole new local industry of inns, restaurants, and religious article shops.  Suddenly, an active community once again stood on the location of old Alba Longa i.e. the southwestern hillside of Lake Albano.  Aerial photographs show the town to be, mirabile dictu, a narrow community ala the original ancient “long white” city.

A church was now needed where the local faithful could worship.  Also needed, was a town square where the inhabitants and visitors could gather for social life. Gian Lorenzo Bernini, whose architectural gems are to be seen all over Rome, tended to both needs, laying out a gracious, cobblestoned piazza, anchored on the north end, by the Papal Palace.  Toward the other end he built the imposing Baroque church of San Tomasso, and punctuated the whole scene with a fine, central,  perpetually flowing fountain.

During World War II, under orders from Pope Pius XII, the Papal Villa was put to use as a shelter for more than 15,000 Jews fleeing the Holocaust.  On the night of February 10, 1944 the serenity of Castel Gandolfo was disrupted by blasts of bursting bombs from American planes.  The bombardment was meant to be dropped on the nearby Nazi marshalling yards, where supplies kept pouring through for Hitler’s armies assaulting their way through southern Italy.  Today all is serene again where the long, white city once stood.

How delightful it is to linger here awhile – to stroll the sunny Piazza della Liberta, to browse in the myriad little shops, to sit at outdoor tables under colorful umbrellas, to study the pastel tones of the sandstone buildings, to observe the handsome Swiss Guards in their red, yellow, and blue-striped uniforms, guarding the entrance to the Pontifical home.  Then gaze from numerous vantage points    down at legendary Lake Albano, 500 feet below, its still waters reflecting the dark green of the surrounding hills and the warm blue of the sky.  Small wonder is it that Ascaniius, the Roman Emperor, and the Popes of the last five centuries have all loved the area, its soft air and cooling breezes.   Nota bene  do not forget to visit the Papal gardens which offer spectacular views of the ruins of Domitian’s lair.

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The pontifical palace in Catsel Gandolfo, with two domes of the Vatican Observatory on top. H. Raab, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Sunrise view of Castel Gandolfo overlooking Lago di Albano. Sudika, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Pontifical Gardens, Castel Gandolfo. Sonse, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Cover Image, Top: Scene from early Roman myth. ArchaiOptix, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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A Tale of Loyalty Carved in Stone: The Dog Stephanos and the Tears of Rhodope

Bülent Ortakcı is a freelance and ghostwriter based in Turkey. As an independent writer with a deep passion for history and archaeology, he focuses on creating compelling articles rooted in thorough research and inspired by the rich heritage of Anatolia and surrounding regions.

His writings often explore lesser-known archaeological sites, the legacy of ancient civilizations, comparative religious beliefs, and folklore involving supernatural or paranormal phenomena.

In the rugged heights of the Taurus Mountains, where the ancient city of Termessos clings to the cliffs of Mount Güllük—a city so defiant it once turned back Alexander the Great—history is usually told through monumental theatres and heroic resistance. Yet, among the grand tombs of warriors and kings, there lies a much smaller, humbler limestone sarcophagus. It tells a story far more profound than conquest; it is a story of a broken heart, proving that the bond between human and animal is a language far older than empires.

This is the eternal resting place of Stephanos—a dog whose name means “Crown” or “Gift”—and the memory of the woman who refused to let his soul fade into the dust of Pisidia: Aurelia Rhodope.

 

“Buried Like a Human”

When archaeologists first unearthed this small-scale sarcophagus, they assumed it belonged to a beloved infant or a child of the nobility. However, as the 11-line Greek epigram on its side was deciphered, a startling and touching truth emerged. This was a grave commissioned by a wealthy, likely solitary woman for her canine companion.

In the 3rd century CE, an era where animals were largely viewed through the lens of utility—as hunters, guards, or shepherds—Rhodope defied every social norm. As explicitly stated in the inscription, she buried Stephanos “just like a human.” This was not merely a disposal of remains; it was a sacred rite of passage, a final act of dignity for a being she considered an equal.

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Rock-cut tombs in Termessos. Ingo Mehling, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Sarcophagus in the Termessos necropolis. Dosseman, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Lament on the Stone

Rhodope’s grief did not end with the commission of a tomb; she had the following lines carved onto the stone using hexameter, the most prestigious poetic meter of the ancient world:

“Those who played with him called him ‘Lovely Stephanos,’ The joy of Rhodope. But death took him suddenly; Now this tomb hides him, the one who vanished away. I am the dog Stephanos; Rhodope built this tomb for me. She wept for him and buried him just like a human.”

Stephanos’s departure left a void that Rhodope chose to fill with art. At the end of the poem, following a poignant ancient tradition, Stephanos “speaks” from within the grave to greet passersby: “I am the dog Stephanos; Rhodope built this tomb for me.”

 

Two Tombs, One Eternal Bond

The story becomes even more haunting when we look at Rhodope’s own fate. In the necropolis of Termessos, her own sarcophagus stands with a solitary inscription: “Aurelia Rhodope built this tomb for herself alone.” This line suggests a woman who lived her final years without a spouse or children, leaving Stephanos as perhaps her most significant emotional tether.

While Rhodope’s own tomb still overlooks the vast canyons of Termessos, Stephanos’s sarcophagus now finds its home in the Hall of Sarcophagi at the Antalya Museum. This small stone chest serves as a “lesson in humanity” from 1,800 years ago; it shows how, even in the hardened, martial world of the Roman frontier, there was room for pure mercy and unconditional love.

From the wind-swept paths of Termessos to the silent corridors of the Antalya Museum, this story whispers that archaeology is not just about stones and wars. Though the tears shed by Rhodope 1,800 years ago have long since dried, that small tomb remains—a sentinel of a loyalty that time could not erode. If you ever find yourself before that small sarcophagus, look closely at the verses; you will see not just the name of a dog, but the purest and most ancient reflection of the human soul.

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Teotihuacán, a City of Life

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

Who built Teotihuacán, whose name in the Nahuatl language means “the place where the gods are created”? Although researchers have spent the past hundred years conducting fieldwork to uncover the city’s history, much remains to be discovered and understood. The Mixe and Zapotec cultures seem to be among the earliest to appear in the archaeological record, around 200 BC. The Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs named the city Teotihuacán in their creation myths, for their gods were born there and created their spiritual universe centuries before the founding of their capital, Tenochtitlán, in 1325. Veronica Ortega posits that the Aztec Codex Xolotl contains a pictogram depicting the triple combination of sun-temple-ruler signs, which translates as “Tehuacán” (INAH, 2018). Indeed, the Tehuacán-Cucatlán Valley is home to Mexico’s oldest ethnolinguistic culture, that of the founders and inhabitants of Teotihuacán, birthplace of the Fifth Sun of the Aztec god Nam Olin, depicted on the Sun Stone (AA V.27/143, 6/2024).

In most Mesoamerican cultures, the Sun is revered as the highest deified symbol of permanence, in contrast to the Moon, which symbolizes impermanence for its phases; however, both were understood to be inseparable and complementary. In the Tehuacán Valley, Teotihuacán was a hub of diverse languages, including Otomi, Totonac, and Zapotec, spoken on its streets. Otomi was the predominant language before the arrival of Nahuatl speakers and later ethnic groups from Chupicuaro, Oaxaca, and the Maya region. There are scant written records, aside from those of the Maya, Mixtec, and Zapotec peoples, and few details are available about their lives and governing policies. Field research over the years, however, reveals how the city-state was governed and how its citizens lived and died. We also learned that the early governing political groups, which included nobles and priests, who ascribed the city’s birth and fate to the gods, were headed by the Sun.

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Pyramid of the Sun.  @MariordoRoberto, CC BY-SA  4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Teotihuacán’s rise followed the destruction of Cuicuilco, on the southern shore of Lake Tlapacoya in the southeastern valley of Mexico’s central plateau, which was burned around 200 BC by ash flows from the eruption of the Xitle volcano. It is estimated that three-quarters of Cuicuilco’s population, along with those of neighboring towns, fled to the Tehuacán Valley after the disaster. This volcanic event and subsequent human migrations were compounded in 90-80 BC by the massive eruption of Popocatepetl. People from towns and villages again migrated up the Tehuacán Valley to Teotihuacán, fifty miles away, thereby profoundly impacting the city’s growth. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma notes that centuries of experience, migration, and advanced knowledge in areas such as calendars, religion, astronomy, agriculture, social organization, and warfare enabled the ruling elite of the growing city to develop an eight-square-mile town housing thousands of people (1990). Teotihuacán lies northeast of the vast Lake Texcoco, at elevations ranging from 7,300 to 9,300 feet. It is also the shortest route between the Gulf Coast and the lacustrine complex of central Mexico’s central plateau. The city of Teotihuacán is nestled between three hills: Cerro Gordo (north), Cerro Palachique (south), and Cerro Chiconaula (west). On its eastern border lies a chain of long, low hills. The area’s primary water source was supplied by three rivers: the Huixulco, the San Lorenzo, and the San Juan, which today flows through the village of San José Teotihuacán before reaching Lake Texcoco. These were widely used by the inhabitants, who built an elaborate canal system to harness the rivers’ assets. They also exploited a hundred springs and a complex irrigation system along the east-west San Juan River, which bisects the north-south “Avenue of the Dead,” a name coined by the Aztecs, whose original name is unknown. It is a misnomer because the residences of the city elite, which were built on either side of the northern part of the avenue, were thought by later migrants to be burial grounds; for this reason, they were not sacked for fear of the dead’s wrath. Furthermore, the city’s monuments celebrate the Sun, the Moon, and life; there is no reason the main thoroughfare would have been associated with death, given the city’s dual concept of architecture and symbolism, which strongly emphasized spiritual life over death.

Volcanic rocks from the mountains in the city’s vicinity supplied stones for monuments and housing complexes, including obsidian from Cerro Soletepec for tools and knives, spearheads, and blades for everyday tasks and rituals, as well as weapons such as war clubs (macuahuitl) lined with obsidian. Hills around the city were covered with pines, oaks, cedars, and other tree species. The location’s pivotal feature was the abundance of water from marshlands and springs, used for agriculture. Average rainfall in the region was just above 500mm, the bare minimum for the main staple, maize. At the city’s latitude, production of the primary food depended on the timely arrival of rain and its persistence throughout the growing season. Vegetation was burned, and the ashes were used to fertilize the soil, while the land was planted in the spring and harvested in the fall.

The city’s foremost monument, the Pyramid of the Sun—referred to as Tonatiuh Itzacual in Nahuatl—faces west, aligning with sunset and the light passing into the underworld, from which it will rise again at sunrise. The Pyramid of the Sun was built over a 330-foot-long tunnel, where geological evidence suggests a subterranean river once flowed. A man-made cave was found there, believed to be the mythical gate to the underworld, a common belief in other cultures of the time that linked the world above with the world below. Mythological factors were integral to the city’s architectural and spiritual identity during the Patlachique (BC 100-0), Tzacualli (AD 0-150), and Miccaotli (AD 150-250) phases. During the last two periods, Teotihuacán’s cultural characteristics were established. Like many cultures of that era, the city in its earliest days was aligned with the four cardinal directions, reflecting the four quadrants of the Mesoamerican spiritual universe. From the Plaza of the Moon, the broad north-south Avenue of the Dead—over a mile long and 130 feet wide—crossed the east-west canal, which directed the San Juan River waters on the Ciudadela north side. The construction of the Pyramid of the Moon, Metzli Itzcoatl in Nahuatl, began during the Tzacualli period and was completed in stages by the mid-Miccaotli. However, we do not know the original names of the pyramid or of other structures now lost to history. At the end of the Miccaotli or beginning of the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), the city may have expanded to about 12 square miles. In the late fifth century, its population may have exceeded 90,000, making it the largest city in ancient Mesoamerica. Its main appeal to newcomers was the rivers and the hundreds of springs, which provided a reliable water source. Over time, population growth may have contributed to lower spring levels and water flows, especially during droughts. In the late thirteenth century, when the Aztecs first set foot in the ruined city, they believed that the closely spaced, large hills on both upper sides of the “Avenue of the Dead” were burial mounds. These were later identified as two- or three-level pyramidal structures used by the nobility for administration or residence, long buried under centuries of sand.  Over the years, for fear of the dead’s wrath, looters refrained from probing into these mounds.

*During the Tzacualli phase (1-150), Teotihuacán was divided into four “quadrants” or neighborhoods by the great east-west Avenue and the north-south “Avenue of the Dead.” The hub was the Ciudadela, and the huge marketplace, or Great Compound, across the Avenue of the Dead on the west side, was an important center for commerce and administration (Moctezuma 1990, 83). The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, with the Temple of Quetzalcoatl, was built in the large quadrangle of the Citadel, facing west, as does the Pyramid of the Sun. The foundation and first section of the Pyramid of the Moon, which faces south, marks the cyclical return of nature and likely dates to that period. Like other significant structures, the Pyramid of the Moon is oriented toward fertility, while Cerro Gordo Mountain lies to the north. The pyramid was built in three parts: a four-tiered central platform, followed by a middle three-tiered platform, both erected during the Tzacualli period. A five-tiered platform was added to the intermediate riser-style structure, which was likely built during the mid-Tlamimilolpa period (250-450). Rulers’ input into the pyramid’s design over a century and a half of construction may also explain the multiple delays and structural changes that occurred during that period. The seven-tiered pyramid stands 141 feet tall and has an asymmetrical base measuring 482 feet east-west and 427 feet north-south. The monument emphasizes its religious dedication to the Moon associated with the Great Goddess, whose ten-foot-high statue formerly stood near the main stairway of the pyramid. The Aztecs called her Chalchiuhtlicue, the wife of the powerful rain god Tlaloc, with whom she ruled the paradisiacal water kingdom, the Tlalocán. She was associated with childbirth and bringing fertility to crops. Situated at the northern end of the “Avenue of the Dead,” the pyramid features broad staircases and intermediate upper platforms that served as venues for ceremonies on dedicated occasions and for ritual sacrifices involving non-local sub-adult and adult males, as well as small animals. Notably, no female remains have been identified to date. For major religious structures, each construction phase involved human and animal sacrifices before the next level was built.

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Pyramid of the Moon  @georgefery.com

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Burials were found in five of the seven levels of the pyramid. Rectangular stone receptacles contained human remains, together with the bones of birds and snakes, painted ceramics, and small clay figurines. In Burial 4-Level 5, human skulls were found with the first cervical vertebra in anatomical position, suggesting decapitation as part of the ritual celebration marking the completion of Level 5. The Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in Teotihuacán. At the foot of the main stairway, the Plaza of the Moon is among the most impressive in the city for its main altar, which features internal divisions composed of rectangular and diagonal bodies in a shape referred to as the “Teotihuacán Cross.” As archaeologist Sugiyama observes, the central part of the city’s urban grid is divided by the “Avenue of the Dead,” which runs straight south from the Plaza of the Moon, with the Pyramid of the Sun and the massive Ciudadela on its east side (2013).

The Pyramid of the Sun, however, faces west over the city, enhancing its spiritual and mythological significance. Its outer, or first, level was probably begun during the Tzacualli period and completed during the late Tlamimilolpa. At that time, the pyramid measured 224 feet in height and, like the Pyramid of the Moon, was asymmetrical, with a base of 761 feet by 721 feet; its height maintained a constant angle of 32.5 degrees. In the corners of each level, archaeologist Batres (1906) found a sacrificed young boy in a seated position. A small temple and a tall statue of Tonatiuh, the Sun God, clad in gold sheets, once stood at the summit of the pyramid’s platform. The statue may have been renamed by the Aztecs as the fire god Huehuetotl, and the Spaniards most likely destroyed it. It was found, stripped of its precious metal, in a covered pit atop the pyramid.

In 1971, archaeologist Ernesto Taboada discovered a depression at the level of the Pyramid of the Sun’s main stairway. This discovery revealed an ancient, partially destroyed primary stairway that led to a tunnel, perhaps an ancient waterway. The tunnel ran beneath the structure, ending in four man-made chambers arranged in a cloverleaf, symbolic of the four cardinal directions. Doris Heyden suggests that “…the pyramid was built over this natural cave, which the priests claimed as the mythic place of human emergence into this world” (1997). 

The Pyramid of the Sun was oriented to align with the sunrise (east) and sunset (west), the day-night cycle associated with the birth and death of all life forms, emblematically affirming the eternal return. Both the Sun and the Moon pyramids, however, were built with alignment to celestial and topographical features, underscoring their allegorical aspects of immanence and impermanence. As Guillemin pertinently underlined, these ceremonial centers aimed to appease natural and supernatural forces through donations from agriculture, the basic source of food, and the blood of ritually sacrificed humans and animals. For this reason, the Moon cult is inseparable from the Sun, for without the Sun, there would be no Moon (1968-34). These ceremonial precincts were carefully designed to awe and compel people with the sheer weight of divine power. The monumental structures, with their intricate designs and rich symbolism, reflect a profound understanding of astronomy, agriculture, and life cycles. Toward the end of the Tlamimilolpa period, in 450, the city expanded by constructing new buildings over older ones; those that would not be destroyed were ceremonially “killed.” Monumental architecture, featuring towering pyramids and an intricate urban grid, showcased the advanced engineering and astronomical knowledge of architects, stonemasons, and priests. The construction of pyramids and major structures is characterized by the talud-tablero architectural style, which features alternating sloping aprons (talud) and vertical rectangular panels (tablero) bearing allegorical figures and symbols. Teotihuacan’s rapidly growing population spread into newly built districts, connected by large and narrow paved alleys. Most of the initial residents were Nahuatl-speaking Chichimec migrants from the arid north who arrived between the fourth and second centuries BC. Later, other settlers arrived, including Tarascans, Totonacs, and others. By the Tlamimilolpa period (250-450), Teotihuacán traders and the city’s political influence, together with its proxies, exerted far-reaching hegemony as evidenced by sites in the Maya lowlands, such as Tikal, 600 miles away in Guatemala. The historical record reveals endemic political and military conflicts between the powerful Maya southern kingdom of Calakmul in Campeche and its allies, such as Caracol. In 378, the Teotihuacán warlord Sihyaj K’ahk (“born of fire” in Maya language) defeated Yax Mutal, the powerful Maya kingdom that would later be called Tikal. As a Teotihuacán proxy, Tikal fought Calakmul for years over control of the important trade routes in the Usumacinta-Pasión River watershed.

Scholars emphasize Teotihuacán’s multi-cultural society, evidenced by the discovery of objects and instruments associated with distinct cultures. Caravans carrying products and materials also brought people to the city to work in ethnically affiliated communities, where daily food and work were assured. Human remains indicate that many Teotihuacanos experienced nutritional stress in infancy (White, Price, Longstaffe, 2007), which often persisted in adulthood. Between 450 and 600, Teotihuacán reached its splendor and prosperity, with more than 2,000 structures beyond pyramids and temples, including residences, workshops, medical facilities, and nurseries. The city’s residential and working districts, established during earlier periods, included Tetitla, Yayahuala, Atetelco, Tepantitla, Zacahuala, La Ventilla, and Teopancazco, among others. Most were stone-built two-story, 200-square-foot buildings connected by walls.  Residential areas typically had one or two access points, with rooms facing small courtyards that provided natural light and ventilation. The stoned alleyways collected rainwater, which was then channeled through an underground duct system. Narrow corridors linked rooms and were occasionally connected to small inner temples or places of worship, such as at Tepantitla. In affluent residences, walls and floors were plastered and ornamented with painted, colorful designs of flowers, deities, or mythic animals. In modest homes, both walls and floors were also plastered, but not so lavishly decorated. The blocks of houses were connected by walkways, while some narrow streets became waterways during the rainy season. Each ethnic residential area had a place of worship dedicated to its culture’s deities, as well as workplaces and living quarters. A district was a complex feat of architectural engineering, as was the vast network of canals and underground ducts connected to large water reservoirs for collective use in residential compounds.

Teotihuacán must already have been an impressive sight by the early fifth century, with imposing ritual areas along the “Avenue of the Dead,” a powerful priesthood, and a military caste that controlled most aspects of life. Archaeologist Beatriz del Mazo Fernandes’ analysis of neighborhoods focuses on residents’ daily lives and their impact on the city’s socio-economic outcomes, drawing on professional expertise and production (2011). From the beginning, the town included people from the Mexican central plateau, the Puebla-Tlaxcala, the Tehuacán valleys, and the Gulf Coast. During the Late Tlamimilolpa period, three neighborhoods were peopled by foreigners who came to work or for spiritual reasons, as well as traders from western Mexico (Gomez, 1998). The Zapotecs primarily inhabited the Tepantitla district, trading exotic goods, including mica and other minerals. Their expertise is evident in the vibrant murals painted on stucco in the Teopancazco district. Marriage alliances with Gulf Coast communities brought artisan women and their knowledge in making fine-woven apparel and large, delicately ornamented shawls. Teotihuacán pursued a multi-ethnic policy to meet internal needs while building trade and political ties with Mesoamerican elites.

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Atetelco Residence  @georgefery.com

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Between the towering pyramids and sprawling plazas lay smaller temples and altars, which served as focal points for periodic communal rituals, fostering a deep connection among enclaves of diverse ethnic minorities that made up the city’s spiritual and social fabric. Painted murals are prominent features that help us understand community life. Matos Moctezuma underlined that “Teotihuacán art is joyful, elegant, and, at the same time, intensely religious” (1990:88). There were various techniques for painting murals, among which was “alfresco” in which paint is applied to a wall of fine wet plaster, allowing paint to set more deeply. The large, finely painted walls suggest schools where artists and expert teams collaborated under the guidance of priests and scholars. Teotihuacán.III, Xolalpan period (350-550), saw the city at its zenith, when temples and palaces were lavishly decorated with elaborate paintings. The presence of jaguar and puma murals in the Zacahuala Palace, along with priests scattering seeds at Tetitla, characterizes this phase. Later in the city’s final period, the murals in the courtyard of the Painted Patio at Atetelco and the Patio of the Jaguars, located behind the Quetzalcoatl Palace, were completed. As Doris Heyden points out, since the city was painted inside and out —from remarkable works of art in homes and temples to the red and white outside walls —Teotihuacán should be called “the colorful city” (1997).

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Zacahuala Mural   @georgefery.com

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The most remarkable painting is the celebration of life and water seen on the magnificent Tlalocán mural at Tepantitla. At the bottom-right corner of the panel, a frog-like figure disgorges a long stream of water that flows to an area identified as parcels of land surrounded by canals (chinampas). The water continues to the left, then curves down toward the bottom before rising into a kind of pyramid of waves, identified as the rain god Tlaloc’s paradise, the Tlalocán, where small human figures swim, play, and sing, volutes indicating speech or sound emanating from their mouths. The people depicted in the mural are of low social rank, perhaps peasants, celebrating harvest or another event, as each of the little figures is barefoot and wears only a loincloth (máxtlatl), with no adornments. Archaeologist Matos Moctezuma observes, “…there is little doubt that the mural depicts people enjoying themselves near cultivated fields. With its farming theme, featuring flowering plants and butterflies, this mural highlights the centrality of water in Teotihuacán’s recurring concerns and religious constructs. (1990:179-181). Remarkable paintings are also found at Teopancazco, in the city’s multiethnic southeast district near the Ciudadela. Its delicate murals underscore its occupants’ affiliation with elite social groups who lived and worked there. Teopancazco was divided into residential spaces for artisans and specialists. On its large plaza was a temple dedicated to the gods of the oceans. Archaeologist Linda Menzilla notes that this district was closely associated with the seas, as evidenced by the colorful, detailed designs of nobles’ and priests’ attire and accoutrements (2019). Teopancazco became wealthy by importing cotton-made blankets, as thousands of members of the city’s elite wore them, in contrast to ordinary people who wore garments made of ixtle, a plant fiber from agave and yucca.

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The Tlalocan   @georgefery.com

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Over time, the city’s institutions expanded, as did political control over a growing, multiethnic, and at times antagonistic population. This led to sporadic social conflicts and increasing civil unrest, exacerbated by food shortages, especially during prolonged droughts. Over the years, the military’s influence over government policies grew increasingly dominant, exacerbating political antagonism.

It is during the Miccaotli Phase, 150-250, that Teotihuacán was partitioned into four “quadrants” or precincts by the great north-south “Avenue of the Dead” and the east-west avenue. On the eastern side of the avenue, parallel with the Pyramid of the Sun, is Ciudadela, seat of civil and military government, whose vast quadrangle harbors the Feathered Serpent pyramid, built during the early Tlamimilolpa phase, 250-450 (Sugiyama 1998). The pyramid’s six levels are the earliest representations of the god Quetzalcoatl. On its west side, across the Avenue of the Dead, is the Great Compound, aka “the marketplace” and the seat of traders. On the pyramid’s eastern, or sunrise side, its seven-step levels are adorned with colossal stone heads dedicated to the Feathered Serpent, the earliest representation of the god Quetzalcoatl, whom the Aztecs would later adopt. This massive temple is notable for its vibrantly painted murals and sculptures depicting the god’s face, serpents, sea snails, and shells (Moctezuma, 1990). The most important finds are human burials and their offerings. The first stage of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built facing west (toward sunset), bordering today’s dry San Juan River, bisecting the avenue. It is the city’s third-largest structure, after the Sun and Moon, and was constructed between 200 and 250 during the Early Tlamimilolpa phase and is notable for its vibrantly painted murals. Below the pyramid, a three-hundred-foot tunnel was found, dug beneath the water table, underscoring the pyramid’s connection to the sacred underground realm associated with the origin of water and life. However, a pyramidal terraced structure was built in front of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid after the military faction fell. 

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Feathered Serpent Pyramid  @DiegoDelso, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Human remains were found in the Feathered Serpent Pyramid complex. As Matos Moctezuma notes, burials of soldiers and their offerings were found symmetrically arranged at the foot of the pyramid’s outer wall, in ditches dug into the lava stone (tepetate), dated 150-200. The position of the bodies, joined as if bound together, is evidence that they were sacrificial victims (Moctezuma, INAH, 1990). Ninety-three burials have been unearthed to date, and all exhibit similar characteristics. The seventy-two men were dressed in military attire, sitting upright, facing outward, from the outside wall of the structure with their arms behind their backs and crossed at their wrists, suggesting that they were bound at the time of death. Their position and symmetrical placement might appear to protect the state (Spence and Pereira 2007). At the center of the pyramid were high-status individuals who, unlike the warriors, had not lived in the city long before their deaths. The victims inside were probably selected from their home regions to attest to the Tetihuacán influence and its powerful ideology. Studies of other remains within the complex indicate that the individuals were both male and female, aged 16 to 45 years old. Some may have held high rank, evidenced by skull deformations, and several individuals had mutilated teeth incrusted with greenstone and turquoise. This observation is consistent with the hypothesis that the Feathered Serpent Pyramid’s sacrifices were made to mark the inauguration of a Teotihuacán ruler, reaffirming both ideological power and military capacity to protect it (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan, 2007). It also underscored the military’s vital role in the early stages of state development.

During the late Xolalpan period (450-550), civil unrest culminated in repeated insurrections and the city’s collapse, leaving fewer than 20,000 inhabitants at the end of the period. At that time, Teotihuacán’s religious and residential precincts were burned, for the evidence of destruction is compelling; the city never recovered. Buildings along the “Avenue of the Dead” were sacked in a violence that extended to most structures and residences of the elite. Religious images were removed or defaced; however, minor damage was reported in working districts. So, what triggered the city’s demise? Consecutive droughts that led to famine could have precipitated incursions by groups, thereby intensifying internal unrest (V.C. Smith, 2020). Archaeological evidence indicates an increase in the proportion of juvenile skeletons exhibiting signs of malnutrition in the sixth century. The hypothesis of recurrent famines is among the more plausible explanations for Teotihuacán’s decline, exacerbated by extended drought. Archaeologist Moctezuma notes that farming was a crucial factor in the city’s economy, so control of water became increasingly significant in both political and economic terms. War, too, was a driving factor in state policies and should not be discounted. As in other societies of the time, military castes expanded to such an extent that they influenced policy and played a significant role in social and political interactions, provoking deep resentment among locals and vassals alike. (1990:88). By the mid-Metepec period (650-750), the population had plummeted to 5,000 or fewer inhabitants. In the final period, ongoing civil unrest and destruction caused Teotihuacán’s collapse; it was never rebuilt.

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Moon Plaza and Avenue  @georgefery.com

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We know that the city’s four districts adhered to the traditional belief of a four-quadrant spiritual universe. However, as archaeologist Evans emphasizes, the north-south straight avenue “of the dead,” with a slight decline towards the south, was divided by the east-west San Juan River on the north side of the Citadel. The Pyramid of the Moon stands at the north end of the avenue facing south. The city’s master plan defined the avenue’s length and width, which was designed to address both practical and mythological purposes of space and time. So, what was its real purpose in the master plan? As in other ancient cultures, the Moon was associated with the powers of water, rain, and reproduction, that is, life, not death. The Pyramid of the Moon plaza opens onto the avenue, where each northern side features two to three tiers whose stone-built pyramidal residence walls lined the avenue on both sides. A design whose purpose was to channel the powerful tropical downpours of the June to September rainy season into the avenue, which then became a canal (Hobbs, 2024; Evans, 2006). Waters collected in the vast Pyramid of the Moon Plaza then flowed south on the “Avenue of Life,” now assumed to be its real name. The design of the Pyramid of the Sun likewise features a vast plaza, intended among other things to collect and direct water toward the avenue. The planned dual water-collection system efficiently directed large volumes of runoff along the avenue, increasing flow toward the south. Those waters then reached the perpendicular San Juan River, which cuts across the avenue north of the Citadel, where the waters joined the Huixulco and San Lorenzo Rivers and dispersed into crop lands with rites glorifying the Great Goddess. The fast-running waters of the rainy season once more renewed life, underscoring the significance of the Avenue of Life and the Moon’s powers, alongside those of the Sun, rulers of all life forms.

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The Avenue of Life  @S. Huntington Hobbs IV

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References 

Eduardo Matos Moctezuma, 1990 – Teotihuacán the City of Gods

K. Berrin and E. Pasztory, 1993 – Teotihuacán, Art of the City of the Gods

Christian Duverger, 2007 El Primer Mestizaje

S. Huntington Hobbs IV, 2024 – The Rise and Collapse of Teotihuacan

Karl E. Meyer, 1958 – Teotihuacán

Octavio Paz, 1990 – Teotihuacán, Splendor of 30 Centuries

Linda Manzanilla, 2019 – La Vida Cotidiana en Teotihuacán

A. López Austin, 2016 – La Cosmovisión de la Tradición Mesoamericana

Tatiana Valdez Bubnova, 2019 – Los Oferentes de Teopancazco

L. Barba, A. Otiz, A. Pecci, 2019 – Las Innovaciones de Teopancazco

 

Cover Image, Top: Teotihuacán. emilioarteagavaz, Pixabay

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Hasmonean history is combined with the enigma of the Qumran calendar – to solve an ancient mystery of the Dead Sea Scrolls

Tel-Aviv University—A new study from Tel Aviv University proposes a solution to a historical mystery that has puzzled researchers for decades: Was the unique calendar of the Qumran sect, based on a 364-day year, ever used in practice, or was it merely a theoretical model?

The study hypothesizes that the calendar was indeed used by the sect in its early years, and even stood at the crux of the controversy that drove the sect to isolation in the desert. However, the calendar was later abandoned due to an inherent problem that made it impracticable over time, as well as warming relations with Hasmonean leadership under Alexander Jannaeus.

The study was conducted by Prof. Eshbal Ratzon of the Department of Jewish Philosophy and the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas at the Entin Faculty of Humanities. The paper was published in the Tarbiz Quarterly for Jewish Studies.

The Qumran calendar differed from the lunisolar calendar that served as a basis for Jewish life during the Second Temple period. It consisted of exactly 364 days – a number that is perfectly divisible by seven, and thus every year included 52 full weeks, and every holiday always fell on the same day of the week. For the Qumran sect, this reflected a perfect divine order. In the political sense, the calendar represented a rebellion against the political and religious leadership at the Temple in Jerusalem, which determined all significant dates. The sect believed that these dates had already been set by God during the creation of the world, and humans must not interfere.

Yet the Qumran calendar’s mathematical perfection created a serious difficulty: it diverged by one day and a quarter from the 365-day astronomical year. This difference may appear negligible, but it accumulates rapidly. For instance, if the Qumran calendar was used for twenty years, the festivals would shift by almost four weeks relative to the seasons. After several decades, a spring festival would end up being celebrated in winter, or even in the fall. For a community that regarded festivals as agricultural events connected to the harvest, first fruits, and seasons of the year, this posed a fundamental problem.

To understand the significance of the gap, one can compare the calendar to a clock that deviates by one minute every day. At first, no one notices the problem, but after months and years, such a clock no longer represents reality. The study explains that this is exactly what happened to the Qumran calendar: while ideal from a conceptual and mathematical perspective, over time it drifted further and further away from the natural cycles it sought to govern.

Over the past decades, researchers have proposed various solutions to this enigma. Some maintained that the Qumran sect periodically added days or weeks to its calendar, while others claimed that the calendar had never actually been used in the real world, serving only as a theoretical framework. Prof. Ratzon argues that neither option is supported by the Dead Sea Scrolls. According to her study, the evidence indicates that the calendar was regarded by the sect as a key component of their religious identity and a major point of contention with the Jerusalem establishment.

The study notes that almost twenty of the scrolls found in Qumran deal with calendars and astronomy – an exceptional number that attests to the topic’s immense importance for the community. The Book of Jubilees, a central work in the Qumran library, fiercely attacks the prevailing lunar calendar, presenting the 364-day calendar as the original calendar received by Moses on Mount Sinai.

*Based on this body of evidence, Prof. Ratzon proposes a new historical reconstruction: she contends that the Qumran calendar was actively used during the sect’s formative days in the second century BCE, exacerbating its conflict with the religious leadership in Jerusalem. However, as the years went by, the calendar’s accumulating digression from the seasons could no longer be ignored. In addition, the sect’s relations with the ruling Hasmonean dynasty warmed during the reign of Alexander Jannaeus, who supported a halacha similar to their own and opposed the Pharisaic leadership. This enabled the Qumran sect to relinquish their previously adamant position and adopt the more practical calendar used at the Temple. They retained their own calendar as a theoretical concept that had been valid at the time of Creation and might be used again in the End of Days.

Prof. Ratzon concludes: “The Qumran calendar has long been regarded as one of the Qumran sect’s defining features, but also as one of the most baffling mysteries of the Dead Sea Scrolls. This study proposes an alternative for the seeming contradiction between a functional calendar and a theoretical one. It is quite possible that the calendar was in fact used for a certain period of time, but then, losing its practical role due to both inherent problems and political changes, became a religious ideal and a symbol of identity. This would explain both its centrality in the Qumran scrolls and its gradual disappearance from historical reality.”

Cover Image, Top: Qumran living quarter. Wilson44691, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The real Moana story: Why the Polynesians suddenly sailed east

University of Southampton—Major drought forced people to migrate across the Pacific beyond Samoa and Tonga and towards the Americas, scientists have discovered.

With the new live action Moana film hitting cinemas on Friday [10 July], a team of geographers and climate scientists from the Universities of Southampton and East Anglia has discovered the true history of the tale.

Moana tells the story of a young Polynesian girl who leaves her threatened home island to sail past its barrier reef to save her island and its people.

The story is built on a period of history called the ‘Long Pause’. Around 3,000 years ago the ancestors of modern Polynesians arrived in Samoa and Tonga, and for 1,700 years they did not sail further east into the Pacific. Then around the years 900-1050 AD, they voyaged east and within 250 years settled the remaining island archipelagos of the South Pacific including Tahiti, Hawai’i and the continental Americas, in what was the greatest seafaring migration in history.

David Sear, Professor of Physical Geography at the University of Southampton and lead author of the study, said: “We have confirmed the theory that the end of the Long Pause coincided with a period of mega drought in the homeland islands of Samoa and Tonga – and also a period of increasing rainfall in the receiving islands. As they headed east, they found wetter islands with nobody on them.

“There was a huge explosion of migration, and within 250 years they had landed and settled every little dot in the South Pacific, from tiny coral atoll islands to larger lands. It was a very rapid process.”

Analysing samples from mud

The research team analysed mud samples from deep beneath swamps and lakes in Samoa, Tonga, French Polynesia and the Cook Islands.

They used ‘biochemical fossils’ produced by freshwater algae and leaves to measure the isotopic ratio of hydrogen to determine historic rainfall levels. This data consistently showed evidence of a severe and prolonged drought just before and during the period of migration.

“Hydrogen in rainwater contains heavier and lighter isotopes, the proportion of which is determined by the amount of precipitation in the tropics– which we were able to analyse in the mud,” explained Dr Mark Peaple, research fellow in paleoclimate at the University of Southampton, who undertook the geochemical analysis. “So analysing the ancient biomarker fossils we can reconstruct rainfall changes from thousands of years.”

When the Long Pause ended, it was the driest period in the last 2,000 years for these islands, so the islands’ populations were forced to move.

Climate modelling

The scientists also used climate modelling to understand the drivers of the dry conditions found in Samoa and Tonga.

Manoj Joshi, Professor of Climate Dynamics at the University of East Anglia, led the climate modelling. He said: “Our research shows that changes in sea surface temperatures across the Pacific Ocean over many decades drove an eastward shift in the vast rain belt that lies over this whole region, causing the dry conditions found in Samoa and Tonga.

“The climate changes we identified would have transformed daily life on these islands. Reduced rainfall would have affected freshwater availability, food production and the resilience of communities, creating powerful incentives for people to seek opportunities elsewhere.”

Dan Skinner, research fellow at the University of East Anglia who undertook climate modelling experiments said: “We now know that the climate – and specifically a period of severe drought for many years, even decades – is a definite factor in forcing this impressive migration.

“These findings illustrate how sensitive human societies can be to long-term changes in climate. Even highly skilled and adaptable communities may be driven to undertake extraordinary journeys when environmental conditions deteriorate over many years.”

Professor Sear added: “Other factors would also have contributed to the tipping point that made the costs of sailing into the eastern Pacific worth risking. There was an increasing population, meaning resources had to stretch further. Also, they had probably developed advanced sailing technology for their voyaging canoes by this point, adapting from U to V-shaped hulls and improving their rigging, which meant they could sail into the wind, which is predominantly east to west across the South Pacific.”  

The research is published in the Journal of Pacific Archaeology.

Prof David Sear (l) and Dr Mark Peaple (r) coring a swamp in Polynesia to collect mud samples that contain records of rainfall over thousands of years.  Credit: University of Southampton

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Swamp and lake sediments are found across the Pacific islands often in remote volcanic crater lakes or mountain rain forests like here on Tahiti.  Credit: University of Southampton

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Article Source: University of Southampton news release.

*How Did changing climate in the tropical South Pacific contribute to the eastward migration and settlement of Polynesia? Journal of Pacific Archaeology, 5-May-2026. 10.70460/jpa.v16i2.399 

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A common culture of cave dwellers

Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan—Tens of thousands of years ago, our own species, Homo sapiens, coexisted with Neanderthals, Homo neanderthalensis. Many of us living today carry a small amount of Neanderthal DNA, indicating that the two species may have shared much more than just the same land. Now, a breakthrough archaeological discovery has revealed that the two species did not merely cross paths: they possibly shared a common culture that spanned over 20,000 years.

Humans migrated from our original home in Africa to other parts of the world in the Out of Africa event, but human fossils around this time have been scarce in the Levant, a primary corridor between Africa and Eurasia. In search of more evidence of both modern humans and Neanderthals, an international team of researchers — including scientists from Türkiye, France, and Japan, including Kyoto University — headed to Üçağızlı II Cave in southern Türkiye for excavations.

At this site, five years of meticulous millimeter-by-millimeter excavation revealed evidence of both species living in the same space, utilizing identical stone tool technologies and survival strategies. Remarkably, the evidence also suggests this shared behavior extended beyond practical aspects and included the use of non-utilitarian materials.

The researchers found that both Neanderthals and modern humans selectively collected a specific type of marine seashell that had virtually no value as food, and which had previously been associated exclusively with modern humans. This shared preference for a non-utilitarian, potentially symbolic object suggests that cultural exchange occurred across the biological divide, transcending species barriers.

“Our findings indicate a deep level of cultural interaction,” says a corresponding author Naoki Morimoto of KyotoU. “These two distinct but closely related human groups were not just adapting to the same environment: they were probably sharing symbolic preferences.”

The modern human fossils recovered from Üçağızlı II Cave date to a period between approximately 50,000 and 60,000 years ago, placing them broadly within the pivotal Out of Africa timeframe, which has been pinpointed genetically. This suggests that these individuals found between Eurasia and Africa may represent a close relative of the founding lineage of all living non-African populations today. Alternatively, they could be previously unknown survivors of an earlier, preceding wave of modern humans migrating into the Levant.

By capturing this critical window of co-existence, the discoveries at Üçağızlı II Cave fill a long-standing gap in the global archaeological and paleontological record, potentially rewriting our understanding of how early human species interacted, communicated, and shared their worlds with each other.

About Kyoto University

Kyoto University is one of Japan and Asia’s premier research institutions, founded in 1897 and responsible for producing numerous Nobel laureates and winners of other prestigious international prizes. A broad curriculum across the arts and sciences at undergraduate and graduate levels complements several research centers, facilities, and offices around Japan and the world. For more information, please see: http://www.kyoto-u.ac.jp/en

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The research team performing excavations at the cave site in 2024.  Credit KyotoU / Naoki Morimoto

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New genomic study uncovers family ties linking Scythian elite burials across the Eurasian steppe

Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology—A new ancient DNA study* published in Science Advances provides evidence that political power among Scythian elites may have been inherited through family lineages that extended across multiple burial sites. By combining archaeology, anthropology and genetics, the new study offers fresh insight into how social inequality and political authority developed among ancient nomadic societies.

The Scytho-Siberian archaeological horizon emerged during the first millennium BCE and stretched from the Altai mountains to the Black Sea. The Scythians have been portrayed as highly mobile horse-riding nomads who traveled the vast Eurasian steppe during Iron Age. Across the Eurasian steppe, the Iron Age witnessed the appearance of large burial mounds, built for high status individuals. These elaborately constructed monumental graves often contained richly adorned women and men accompanied by gold ornaments, weapons and scarified animals.

In contrast, other individuals were buried in much smaller and simpler mounds with few or no grave goods. Such striking differences have long been interpreted as evidence of growing social inequality and the emergence of powerful elites among the Iron Age population. However, one essential question has remained unanswered: how was elite status maintained and transmitted? Were positions of power earned through individual achievement or were they inherited?

The new study analyzes genome-wide DNA from 85 Iron Age individuals, including 38 elite and 47 non-elite individuals from across Central Eurasia. The study includes 46 newly sequenced genomes and the first genome-wide data from the famous Scythian Saka “Golden Man” of the Issyk archaeological site in Kazakhstan, one of the most outstanding archaeological discoveries of the Central Eurasian steppe.

Golden Man

One of the most significant discoveries from the Central Eurasian steppe is the Issyk kurgans in Kazakhstan, located about 50 km east of Almaty. Excavations of this royal burial complex associated with the Iron Age Saka culture revealed the “Golden Man” burial dating to 400–300 BCE. The individual was buried in a wooden chamber containing more than 4000 gold ornaments, weapons, gold embroidered headdress, zoomorphic artifacts, and a silver bowl with unknown writing.

In this study, genome-wide data from the “Golden Man” provides the first genetic insight from this iconic individual. The results place him within the genetic variation of Iron Age Saka individuals and also helps to resolve a long-standing question by indicating that the individual was most likely male than female.

Family ties across elite burials

By analyzing ancient genomes from individuals buried in elite Scythian graves and comparing them to non-elite burials, a team of international researchers have identified evidence of close family relationships linking elite individuals across multiple cemeteries, in some cases more than 100 km apart, as well as signs of unions between relatives. These results indicate that elite status was maintained within interconnected family lineages, that shaped political authority and social organization across Central Eurasian steppe.

“We did not expect to find that social status was passed down from generation to generation but it was clear that high-status individuals were more related to each other, even when buried at different archaeological sites, than to people of lower status who were buried at the same sites with the elites” says Ainash Childebayeva, Assistant Professor of Anthropology at UT Austin and a researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and the Institute of Genetics and Physiology.

The researchers found no clear evidence that elite status was associated with either patrilocal or matrilocal residence patterns, suggesting that social organizing among Scythian elites were more complex and not based on gender differentiation.

Elite women in Scythian society

The study also sheds new light on the role of elite women in Scythian society. “An important observation from our study was the noticeable presence of elite women” says Ayshin Ghalichi. “Nearly half of the elite individuals in our dataset were female, indicating that women held high social status within Iron Age Scythian society.“

The presence of elite women in richly furnished graves, together with genomic evidence linking high-status individuals across burial sites, points to a social world in which status, authority and kinship were closely connected. The findings suggest that political authority among Iron Age Scythian groups may have been organized through extended elite family networks rather than through simple residence patterns based on either male or female lines.

Leyla Djansugurova from the Institute of Genetics and Physiology in Almaty, Kazakhstan, explains the broader cultural significance of the study: “Scythians and Sakas are collective names for nomadic tribes of the early Iron Age who inhabited the Central Eurasian region from the Danube to the Altai. The ancient Greeks called them ‘Scythians’ (Herodotus coined the term), while Persian and Indian sources called them ‘Sakas’. Historically, the term Scythians more often refers to the western tribes (Black Sea region), and Sakas to the eastern ones (Central Asia, Altai). All these tribes were united by the so-called Scythian-Saka animal style in art, a distinctive military skill, and nomadic herding. They did not have their own written language, but they left behind grand burial mounds, the study of which has shaped the global understanding of the culture of the nomadic peoples of Eurasia during this period. The most striking example of the Scythian-Saka culture is the ‘Golden Man’ from the Issyk burial mound, which has become the national symbol of Kazakhstan. Many other Golden Men/Women finds by Kazakh archaeologists are known. The value of this genetic study not only estimated by the fact of obtaining the first reliable DNA data on numerous objects belonging to the Saka elite, such as the Golden Man from the Issyk burial mound, the Urzhar Princess, the Shilikty Golden Man, and others, but also by the fact that Scythian-Saka elite individuals were being examined alongside non-elite individuals found at the same sites. This approach has allowed to determine the specifics of elite marital relationships and identify related necropolises. Thus, this genetic study significantly enriches our knowledge of the Scythian-Saka culture.”

By integrating archaeological, anthropological and genomic evidence, the study reveals that Scythian elite society was shaped by family ties extending across burial sites and regions. These findings provide new insight into how high status was maintained, how political authority developed, and how social inequality emerged among ancient nomadic societies of the Eurasian steppe.

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Burial mound “Kurgan Shilikty 16” in Kazakhstan before the excavation works took place.  Credit © Rinat Zhumatayev

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Burial mound “Kurgan Shilikty 16” in Kazakhstan after the excavation works took place.  Credit © Rinat Zhumatayev

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Eleke Sazy gold artifacts.  Credit © Zainolla Samashev

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Reconstruction of the “Golden Man”.  Credit © Gulmira Mukhtarova

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology news release.

Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas likely targeted large prey such as mammoths instead of smaller animals

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—The earliest human societies in the Americas likely hunted specific animals such as mammoths and giant ground sloths rather than general prey that was abundant at the time, according to new research. These findings could shed light on how early Paleoindians adapted their habits to expand across these continents successfully – a question that has been debated by experts in the field. The debate centers around two opposing ideas that suggest either that Paleoindians were megafauna specialists (i.e., they targeted specific large herbivores) or that they were dietary generalists (i.e., they exploited prey that were abundant within a specific habitat). Recent studies have produced conflicting results, highlighting the need for more comprehensive analyses of archaeological evidence. Here, Ben Potter and colleagues focused on records of the earliest continent-wide cultures in Eastern Beringia, the Clovis complex in North America, and the Fishtail Projectile Point (FPP) complex in South America. The researchers evaluated both the specialist and generalist models based on faunal records, estimated abundance, and Paleoindian technology use and behaviors. Analysis of animal remains at archeological sites revealed that Paleoindians showed a dietary preference for large herbivores such as mammoths and giant ground sloths over smaller mammals such as deer. Clovis and FPP technologies found at these sites included darts and throwing spears, as well as tools for butchering large animals. By contrast, there was no evidence of tools or implements that would be useful for trapping smaller prey or processing plants. In addition, kill sites and camps indicated that early Paleoindians were very mobile and frequently ranged over large distances. Potter et al. propose that these findings are consistent with specialist hunters who tracked their preferred prey into new regions, facilitating the population’s spread across the continent. The authors also speculate that this dietary preference may have contributed to the subsequent extinctions of megafauna during the Late Pleistocene era.

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Time-transgressive Paleoindian focus on key megaherbivores in Beringia, North America and South America.  Credit: Image created by Ben Potter from data in Potter et al. (2026).

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

*Hemisphere-wide evidence of Early Paleoindian megaherbivore specialization, Science Advances, 1-Jul-2026. 10.1126/sciadv.aef9628 

Image Top: Mammoth at sunset. Kyraxys, Pixabay

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Were Clovis foragers in Late Pleistocene North America big-game hunters, or just big-game scavengers?

Kent State University—There are currently 15 well-documented Late Pleistocene localities in North America in which Clovis points are found associated with proboscidean remains (of mammoth, mastodon, and gomphothere). Archaeologists routinely assume these localities represent evidence that Clovis people hunted these multi-tone animals, and in turn invoke that evidence to claim humans had a role in the extinction of these large mammals. Yet, archaeologists have not thoroughly tested their assumption, nor fully considered the possibility that Clovis foragers were facultative scavengers, which might as readily account for the association of artifacts with proboscidean remains at some or even all these localities. A significant obstacle to differentiating hunting from scavenging archaeologically is the challenge of equifinality.

Five researchers from Kent State University, Southern Methodist University (SMU), the Smithsonian, the University of Michigan, and the University of Utah explored whether Clovis foragers hunted, scavenged, or did both, and whether it was possible to tell the difference archaeologically. The new research* is now published in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports.

To set a broad foundation for considering the question, they began their study showing the near ubiquity of scavenging among non-human animals. They document the fact that the paleoanthropological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic records showed that scavenging was also quite common among human groups past and present. Following that, they consider the many opportunities scavengers have – and Clovis foragers might have had – in exploiting proboscidean carrion. Lastly, they assess the proposed archaeological evidence for Clovis hunting and scavenging and show that Clovis foragers likely practiced both.

“Researchers cannot currently distinguish the two archaeologically and thus cannot reliably show how many Clovis proboscidean sites represent hunting versus scavenging events,” said Kent State’s Metin I. Eren.

“While Clovis foragers likely hunted mammoths, it would be odd indeed if Clovis foragers – alone among ethnohistoric and ethnographic human groups and nearly all omnivores and carnivores – did not scavenge,” said SMU’s David J. Meltzer. Meltzer added that “scavenging also could possibly explain the high δ15N values recently reported for the Anzick child, which could readily result from his mother eating maggots and not mammoth meat.” The researchers concluded that given the present state of knowledge, the Clovis archaeological record cannot be used to argue that Clovis groups routinely hunted proboscideans, or that there are sufficient “kill sites” to support a human role in proboscidean extinctions.

The Smithsonian’s Briana Pobiner, the University of Utah’s James O’Connell, and the University of Michigan’s John D. Speth were the other contributing authors to the study.

“If we cannot definitively conclude that proboscidean killing took place at any single Clovis site because there is archaeological equifinality with scavenging, then proboscidean overkilling is not supported either,” Eren said. “Despite some archaeologists’ and other scientists’ long-standing beliefs, there is just no definitive scientific evidence for a human role in the North American Late Pleistocene extinction of proboscideans.”

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Clovis fluted points from Blackwater Draw, New Mexico.  Credit: Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports

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Article Source: Kent State University news release.

*10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.105896

Image, Top: Mammoth. Kyraxys, Pixabay

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Origin of atlatl hunting in North America

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—Clovis hunters likely did not use atlatls to hunt megafauna as previously thought, according to a study*. Late Pleistocene humans in North America who were assigned to the Clovis culture are thought to have hunted megafauna using atlatls, which are handheld, rod-shaped devices with hooked ends that were used to throw flexible spears or darts with enhanced velocity and range. However, direct evidence of atlatl use by Clovis hunters has not been documented in the archaeological record. Metin Eren, Briggs Buchanan, and colleagues reconstructed the history of atlatl use in western North America by applying chronological modeling to 66 radiocarbon dates of preserved atlatl or dart specimens from Holocene contexts. Statistical modeling of the 10 oldest dates, ranging from around 9,300 to 6,100 years ago, suggested that the first appearance of the atlatl in North America was likely 9,996 years ago. The latest documented date for Clovis sites is 12,710 calibrated years ago, suggesting that the first Americans did not bring atlatls over from the Old World and did not use the weapons when hunting megafauna. The atlatl weapon system that later emerged in the Early Holocene Americas can instead be considered a case of technological convergent evolution with the atlatls of Upper Paleolithic Europe. According to the authors, archaeologists should explore the use of alternative weapons by Clovis hunters, with distinct effectiveness, hunting risks, and associated tactics.

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Illustration of Clovis fluted stone point. Credit Michelle R. Bebber.

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Late Pleistocene Clovis atlatl hunting fails a chronological modeling test,” by Metin I. Eren, Michelle R. Bebber, Robert S. Walker, C. Reagan Johnson, and Briggs Buchanan. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 29-Jun-2026. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2607964123

Image, Top: Atlatl use illustration. Sebastião da Silva Vieira, CC BY 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

Archaeological Discoveries That Changed Our Understanding of Ancient Sports

While sports may be thought of as a relatively modern form of sport and competition, archaeological digs reveal various athletic competitions are ingrained in the human experience for thousands of years. Archaeology has changed how we see past competition as being spacious and similar for both the rich and poor, from sites of ancient stadiums to ball courts, athletic equipment to artwork. These discoveries illustrate that sports were more than just games but rather served as significant aspects of religion, politics, social identity and cultural traditions.

Importance of Archaeology For Studying Ancient Sports

Ancient civilization left really few or no written records so trying to understand ancient sports is complicated. Texts may be extant, but they are often elite perspectives that leave key details about quotidian athletic practices absent. Archaeology assists in throwing light on these gaps through physical evidence that can be studied and scrutinized.

Research includes not only stadiums but also training facilities, sporting equipment, inscriptions and artwork, as well as human remains. Combined, these results help shed light on the organization of sports, who participated and what made athletic competition important in ancient societies.

Ancient Olympic Sites of Greece

Among the most important archaeological references to sports, excavations in Olympia in Greece are as significant as any. Olympia, long known from written sources, was revealed by systematic excavations that uncovered temples, training facilities, lodgings for athletes and places to compete.

These finds exposed the Olympic Games as being much more nuanced than most historians had assumed. It recorded the trace of systemised training procedures, planned sports centres, and mass-scale competitions that could cater for athletes and spectators drawn from all over Greece.

These results illustrated that ancient Greek sport was intimately associated with religion, national pride, and political connections. The power of the Olympic games wasn’t just as physical prowess, but also as a major cultural event that brought people from all different walks of life together.

The Mesoamerican Ballgame: Not a Sport

Archaeological findings around Central America have reshaped a perception on one of the world’s oldest organized sports. Archaeological digs have uncovered hundreds of ball courts across modern-day Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, Honduras and El Salvador.

Researchers have found stone courts, reliefs of carved monuments, representations of players in art, and even the remains of rubber balls. Discovering these results illustrated that the game wasn’t only entertainment. It was also tied to religion, state power and social order.

Dozens of ball courts were built at major ceremonial centers, suggesting that these competitions played a pivotal role in culture. Archaeology shows us that many sporting events functioned as public spectacles which helped foster and reinforce individual neighborhood, regional, or national identity and beliefs.

Football in Ancient China: Cuju and Early Traditions

One artifact explaining this is discovered in China’s archaeological records about Cuju, an ancient type of football game. Historical evidence, artwork, and artifacts indicate organized ball games were played centuries before most people think.

Excavation, along with scholarly research, has identified structured playing methods and the use of specialized equipment by both military personnel and civilians. This information puts to rest the notion that organised ball sports developed in isolation.

Comparing archaeological and historical evidence, researchers have a more expansive view of how civilizations independently established the same non-Rugby-like athletic competitions based on skill set, teamwork, and physical endurance.

Roman Arenas and Athletic Culture Outside the Games of Gladiators

Roman sport is often equated with gladiatorial combat in the minds of people. Yet the archaeology has indicated a far deeper sporting culture. Stadiums, training grounds, and other public recreation areas have been excavated that indicate different sorts of athletic competition were widespread throughout the Roman world.

Excavations have revealed training gear, gymnasia and inscriptions in honor of competitors. The results are consistent with the theory that physical fitness and high-performance sports had more important functions in Roman society than as violent spectacles.

Another finding concerns how public sporting events fostered a sense of civic identity. Competitions fostered a sense of community by getting people together while sharing the same strength, discipline, and achievement.

Physical Contest Evidence From Ancient Egypt

Athletic activities in Ancient Egypt are some of the first visuals that we can find as evidence. If you plan on studying art history you should know that tomb paintings to relief carvings show wrestling matches, archery contests, running events and other physical competitions.

This artistic evidence, alongside archaeological analysis, seems to indicate that some form of institutionalised athletic competition existed centuries before classical Greece. Scholars suggest that physical training may have played a role in the military, ceremonial and leisure context.

The findings also deepen our perspective on sports history because they demonstrate that athletic competition developed separately in different cultures for differing purposes within society.

What Ancient Sporting Equipment Reveals

Sporting gear that has been salvaged from archaeological sites allows us to understand how men and women participated in the sport of the times. Researchers have discovered balls, shoes, gear and training equipment from materials like leather, wood, plant material and rubber.

These artifacts illustrate the way ancient societies modified available material in order to develop competitive equipment. Analysing ancient materials, including metals and fibres, traditionally helps historians tell us about technological innovation and manufacture.

Hermann Potocnik, better known as Hermann Northrup, one of the fertile minds behind what many modern discussions about sportswear and equipment design are often directed towards today (most recently by Karl Popper as our PDF sits under his scrutiny). Even businesses like USportsGear which have sweet hoodies, sweat pants and shirts for the baseball or softball player in your life fit into a long history of items designed to improve performance on the field or court and show support for school teams.

Ancient Clothing and Athletic Identity

Archaeological evidence is also a significant indication in terms of athletic wear. Sculptures, paintings, textile fragments and written accounts document how athletes dressed to compete or train.

Athletic clothing type provided integrated, economic functions and cultural messaging reflecting social status, or sociologically subordinate. In terms of sports history, clothing was often an important category as it reflected the values and traditions more broadly in society.

Ancient textiles remain a fertile area for research into how materiality, craftsmanship and cultural status interacted in athletic environments.

The Lives of Ancient Athletes: Bioarchaeology

In this regard, new technology has allowed for the analysis of ancient skeletons in terms of being bioarchaeological competition among ancient athletes: Bioarchaeology researchers examine bones for signs of repeated physical activity, trauma, muscle growth and general health.

These studies give us insights into training load, conditioning and longevity in participation. For some athletes, such as in the case of ancient Greece, potential specialization and training programs are confirmed by skeletal indications.

Cross-referencing human remains with archaeological artifacts can complete a holistic picture of athletic life from times past.

Continuing Discoveries and Future Research

Ongoing excavations are still redefining our insights about sports from centuries ago. Ground-penetrating radar, 3D reconstruction techniques, and advanced material analysis provide clues to researchers that were never able to see the light of day before.

Current digs throughout the globe keep uncovering more athletic arenas, gear and cultural links. They fit into the narrative of how humans have turned to athletic competition as an expression of identity, a means of community building, and a celebration of physical prowess.

Final Thoughts

Archaeology has revolutionised our perception of sporting practices in antiquity. The remnants of sites such as the olympic stadiums of Greece and the ball courts unique to Mesoamerica, along with historical traditions from China, Rome and Egypt attest to just how much humanity has embedded sports within the human experience. These discoveries show how athletic competition was intimately connected to religion, politics, culture and social identity. As further archaeological research progresses, the discoveries that will be unearthed in the years ahead will further enhance our understanding of our ancient sporting heritage.

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Image, Top: credit ArsAdAstra, Pixabay

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How Archaeologists Reconstruct Ancient Clothing from Tiny Fragments

Ancient clothing can teach us about the lives, the technologies, and the cultures of peoples thousands of years ago. However, unlike stone tools or pottery or metal objects, textiles are among the most fragile of archaeological finds. Not surprisingly, surviving fabrics are extremely rare as these organic fibers break down more or less completely over the years. Nevertheless, archaeologists have devised all sorts of advanced means to reassemble garments from mere shreds of fabric.

By bringing together archaeology, laboratory science and experimental research underpinned by digital technology it becomes possible for researchers to reveal incredible details about how people dressed throughout history, how they expressed their identities in a time and place, and how they adapted to their surroundings.

Why Ancient Clothing Rarely Survives

The majority of ancient clothes have deteriorated long before scientists could ever hope to find them. Natural fibers such as cotton, linen, wool, silk and others get affected by moisture, bacteria, insects, sunlight and fluctuating environmental conditions. Fabrics decay and disappear over centuries or millennia due to that machinery.

Some environments are just quite good at preserving textiles. Some of the most extremely dry deserts that have frozen landscapes and also waterlogged peat bogs along with sealed burial chambers often create conditions that suppress decomposition as well. These one-of-a-kind preservation environments have provided researchers with access to some of the most significant textile finds in human history textiles that would otherwise be lost forever.

Textiles Found at Archaeological Site

Textile fragments are frequently discovered in graves, ancient settlements, ceremonial locations, and storage sites. Often, archaeologists will not find whole pieces of clothing but small scraps of cloth clinging to metal artifacts, frozen in layers of soil or found next to human remains.

Rebuilding The Tint And Ornamentation Of Gothic Design

Many ancient textiles have faded through the ages, but dye analysis often reveals past hues with brightly colored garments. That means that researchers rely on chemical testing to hunt for pigments from plants, insects, minerals and other nature-derived sources.

Embroidery, woven designs, print patterns and colorful trims have been used by ancient people to decorate the apparel. This ornamentation included decorative elements that, in many cases, were meaningful in a cultural or religious sense.

There is still a keen interest in studying historical textile traditions, among researchers and museum professionals and specialists in the field. Organizations and educational resources around textile history, such as those surrounding contemporary fabric manufacture through 4inbandana specifically showcase that the importance of textile design & production spans every era.

Completing the Picture with Clothing Accessories

The story is rarely complete by textile fragments alone. Other artifacts that help archaeologists reconstruct what was worn include pins, brooches, belts, belt buckles, and jewelry.

In some cases, a brooch in a burial can tell you where the cloak was fastened. Belt fittings belts make garments from fitting, while decorative accessories can be used for adornment and social status or cultural identity.

When textile evidence is fitted with these sorts of supporting artifacts, researchers are at least able to derive ever more nuanced reconstructions of ancient clothing systems.

Experimental Archaeology and Clothing Reconstruction

Experimental archaeology is a key aspect of the story to help reconstruct ancient textiles. Researchers are re-enacting the spinning, weaving, dyeing and sewing techniques with period-accurate materials and tools.

Such experiments assist in answering the right questions. What was the time taken to weave the apparel? How much skill was required? What are the strongest fabrics and what methods did you use to achieve it?

Ancient garments can be reconstructed, and the researchers use these creations to put their theories in practice and learn more than just what the artifacts reveal. This experiential learning often reveals things that are not openly spoken about in the textile industry and everyday life.

Modern Reconstruction Techniques and Digitized Technology

20th Century technology has changed how ancient clothing is studied. Advanced microscopic imaging, three-dimensional scanning and digital technology allow the examination of textile remains with unprecedented resolution.

Modeling computers helps experts to also recreate incomplete clothing and how they might have looked when originally presented by once wearing them. Digital reconstructions are being utilized by museums to bring understanding to national culture through textile craft.

They also enable the examination of fragile artifacts without endangering them, guaranteeing preservation for future generations.

Famous Discoveries That Shook Our Understanding of Clothing in Ancient Times

From decades and even centuries before, multiple astonishing archaeological finds have greatly increased our understanding of ancient clothing. Ötzi the Iceman, whose remains were found to have been preserved in Alpine ice for more than 5,000 years, had sophisticated animal hide clothing and other natural materials all over his body. Linen garments made in ancient Egypt were woven using advanced techniques and systems of textile production.

Findings of extraordinary textile craftsmanship and colorful dye technologies from the Americas region of the Andes, as well as evidence for trade in Viking grave burials, have documented trends in status while contributing to regional fashion traditions.

Each of these discoveries adds essential knowledge to our understanding of the technology, identities and cultural transmissive relationships in the ancient world.

Final Thoughts

Clothes have always been beyond just basic weather protection. Clothes have been signifiers of standing, trade, faiths and culture, even identity throughout the ages.

Archaeologists use textile fragments to reconstruct ancient garments, and from doing so learn about the daily life of past people. It fills some major lacunae in the archaeological record, and gives us a unique, intimate link between us and those who have lived before.

Most ancient clothing survives only in the form of small scraps, but modern analytical techniques enable archaeologists to piece together what these scraps tell us about history. Thanks to the teamwork of scientists, conservators, and archaeologists, clothing from ancient civilizations that had been lost for hundreds or even thousands of years continues to open new doors to our common past.

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Image, Top: Credit: boutiquegirlish21, Pixabay

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How Archaeology Uses Modern Technology Beyond Excavation

Most people who think of archaeology picture workers gently removing dirt from artifacts at a dig site. Although excavation is a core method of archaeological research, the topic of modern archaeology encompasses much more than digging. Archaeologists today depend on a plethora of advanced technologies for discovering, documenting, analyzing, preserving and sharing the past.

Archaeology in turn has become an incredibly interdisciplinary discipline due to technological innovations. Wrapped in layers of 3D scanning, artificial intelligence until its last surface is explored and virtual reality, the ancient space exploratories are tracked by historic satellite imagery so that it can be latched away to future generations whilst preserving their cultural legacy. Integration of technology has become an unavoidable necessity for almost all skills as the tons of data churned out from archaeological projects grows bigger in size and better accuracy.

The Digital Transformation of Archaeology

This sentence will be paraphrased to: Archaeology has seen major change with the advent of digital technology in the last few decades. Classic approaches like paper mapping, handwritten records and manual indexing are often being replaced by stronger digital systems.

Digital technologies help archaeologists document information as it is being recorded, share their findings with international research teams and even create permanent archives that can be accessed for future study. Such a transformation has led to better research but also offers an increase in transparency and collaboration across the archaeological community.

Gis And Site Mapping

Another critical technology of modern archaeology is GIS (Geographic Information Systems). GIS allows scholars to obtain, input, examine, and display geographic data about archaeological sites.

GIS enables archaeologists to map excavation areas, monitor the find-spots of artifacts and analyse the relationships between ancient settlements and their surrounding environments. Researchers who layer various types of information including topography, vegetation and historical maps to find patterns that might otherwise evade detection.

GIS is used for long-term preservation by documenting archaeological sites digitally in detail. Records can be used in future research, conservation planning and education.

Lidar: Revealing Hidden Landscapes

LiDAR or Light Detection and Ranging has changed the game of archaeological surveying. This technology captures very low-resolution surface contour maps using laser pulses.

The ability of LiDAR to penetrate dense canopies is one of this technology’s greatest strengths. Ancient structures, roads and other settlements can remain invisible from the ground or regular aerial photography in deep forested areas. These features may be still hidden, but LiDAR shows us them wonderfully well.

LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) is a technique Archaeologists used to see the ground without disturbing the landscape that has helped identify previously unknown cities, ceremonial complexes, and transportation networks – greatly expanding our understanding of ancient civilizations.

3D Scanning and Digital Reconstruction

Three-dimensional scanning technologies have high prosperments as archaeologists or architectural historians of site managers by documenting structures. These scanners can take accurate measurements and generate detailed digital models that allow fragile objects to be examined without handling them.

Digital reconstruction gives an opportunity for researchers to recreate damaged monuments, buildings and artifacts from archaeological data. These reconstructions make historians imagine how the structures might have looked like if in place then providing them new grounds on interpretation.

Now, with 3D models being increasingly used by museums and educational institutions to build interactive exhibits, archaeological finds are becoming more open to the general public.

Remote Sensing and Satellite Imagery

Remote sensing techniques allow archaeologists to explore landscapes from new heights. Satellite imagery, aerial photography, and drone surveys can uncover subtle changes in the landscape pointing to potential archaeological features.

Such methods are broadly useful for detecting areas where excavations might be undertaken or monitoring regions that may now be under threat from urban expansion, agriculture, and environmental changes.

Since remote sensing is a non-destructive way of obtaining information, it enables researchers to gather rich metadata while causing minimal disturbance to culturally significant sites.

Digital Documentation and Collection Management

The need for accurate documentation in archaeological research. Noting every artifact, feature and observation would have to be done so as not to lose the scientific value of its absence.

Today, archaeological materials are documented more by digital databases in modern collection management systems. They are used by proponents of museums, research institutions and heritage organizations to keep accurate records and increase accessibility for researchers.

Numerous institutions also utilize identification tools, visitor credentials and collection management workflows to further promote operational efficiency. The availability of identification solutions by organizations like 4inlanyards reflects modern institutional traumas of dependence on regimented management systems for educational and cultural settings.

And we can up those preservation efforts by having cloud-based archives to ensure key records are not lost if the physical documents degrade.

Artificial Intelligence and Data Analysis

Artificial intelligence has started to become an important interface with archaeology. In addition, AI can sift through massive amounts of data, helping researchers find patterns to help process data faster.

Machine learning can classify artifacts, identify architectural features, and pinpoint likely archaeological sites from satellite imagery. These technologies allow the archaeologists to parse through billions of data points which can not be manually processed.

With new technology comes excitement; however, human expertise is irreplaceable. Archaeology demands interpretative cultural knowledge, context sensitivity that is beyond what technology alone can offer.

Virtual Reality and Augmented Reality

Public archaeology: how Virtual Reality (VR) and Augmented Reality (AR) are changing the way people experience archaeology (Kiki van Fousek Meta Koiliou). They enable users to traverse reconstructed historical spaces and engage with digital replicas of archaeological sites.

They allow people to experience a cultural heritage site they may never have the chance to visit. Educational programs utilizing immersive experiences to allow students perspective on ancient societies and historical events.

Both VR and AR contribute to the public appreciation of cultural heritage by making archaeological discoveries more engaging and accessible.

Technology and Cultural Heritage Preservation

One of the biggest challenges worldwide today is preservation of archaeological sites and artifacts. Modern technologies integral vital function to conserve cultural heritage against environmental deterioration, natural catastrophes and directly human influences.

Environmental monitoring systems are capable of tracking temperature, humidity and other variables related to artifact preservation. Physical sites can be damaged, and digital documentation ensures that records are detailed enough and remain so.

Technology also plays a role in the response to emergency events by enabling conservation teams to assess risks and prioritise preservation approaches for vulnerable heritage.

Challenges and Future Considerations

While technology has its benefits it poses some threats to archaeology too. However, some equipment is expensive and sometimes hard to come by when it comes to regions where researchers work in resource-poor situations.

Data management is another concern. Over years, archaeological projects produce massive quantities of information that then has to be archived, safeguarded and saved. Digital ownership, cultural sensitivity and access to heritage data in the public domain are also ethical aspects.

Technology will continue to grow and change, leaving archaeologists to innovate responsibly.

Final Thoughts

Modern archaeology is not just about digging. Geographic information systems (GIS), LiDAR, 3D scanning, satellite imagery, artificial intelligence and even virtual reality are some of the technologies that have opened up ways for researchers to research or preserve the past. They allow archaeologists to get information more accurately, protect cultural heritage and send discoveries to audiences around the world.

The potential of such technological innovation when combined with archaeological expertise means that researchers hope to continue uncovering our past whilst ensuring cultural resources are protected for future generations.

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New Archaeological Discoveries in Israel Reveal Insights into Early Human Life and Byzantine-Era Christian Artifacts

New York, June 24, 2026 – Israel’s rich history, which spans thousands of years, continues to be revealed through ongoing archaeological work led by the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA), the University of Haifa, and independent researchers across the country. So far this year, there have been many groundbreaking discoveries, from 1,500-year-old bronze scales to ancient tunnels unearthed beneath the walls of Jerusalem. These discoveries highlight Israel’s storied and layered history.

“Few places in the world offer the opportunity to witness history being uncovered in real time, and these discoveries highlight the extraordinary depth of Israel’s cultural and historical heritage,” says Yoram Elgrabli, Tourism Commissioner for North America at the Israel Ministry of Tourism. “What makes these findings especially exciting is that they continue to reveal new chapters of a story that spans thousands of years, from the earliest evidence of human life to civilizations and faiths that have shaped our world. There is something truly remarkable about standing in a place where history is still emerging from the ground and helping us better understand our shared past. Whether exploring ancient archaeological sites, world-renowned museums, or the vibrant cities that blend the past with the present, visitors to Israel can experience a destination where every stone has a story to tell. These discoveries inspire curiosity and wonder, offering visitors a deeper connection to the people, cultures and events that have shaped human history.”

Some of the artifacts uncovered by archaeologists and the general public in Israel in 2026 include:

Two 1,700-year-old Roman Marble Statues Discovered Near Binyamina

Two marble statues dating back to the Roman Empire were discovered during an excavation led by the IAA as part of a coastal high-speed railway project. These two sculptures, which depict historical figures from the Greco-Roman world, were found buried in a wine collection pit of a Roman-Byzantine winepress. A Greek inscription bearing the name “Lycurgus” was preserved on one of the statues. These spectacular statues will be unveiled for the first time at the “Center VII -The Domestic House” annual archaeological conference at Tel Aviv’s MUZA – Eretz Israel Museum this month and will be on display to the public throughout the summer months.

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Credit: Israel Antiquities Authority

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Rare 1,500-Year-Old Scale Discovered in Susya

A rare bronze scale pan dating to the late Roman–Byzantine period was uncovered during a community archaeological excavation in the residential and commercial area of ancient Susya, led by the IAA in cooperation with regional partners. The discovery was made when a second-grade participant, together with his father, spotted the artifact during the dig. The object has been identified as part of a portable hanging balance scale (trutina). A system widely used in ancient Israel for commercial weighing, consisting of small bronze pans suspended from a balancing beam. The recovered pan features perforations along its rim used for attachment to suspension cords. Researchers say such scales were common tools in everyday trade, providing insight into the economic activity and measurement practices of the settlement during the period.

A 2,000-Year-Old Ancient Sling Bullet Discovered Near the Sea of Galilee

Archaeologists from the University of Haifa uncovered a rare Hellenistic-period sling bullet near the ancient city of Hippos, bearing the Greek inscription “Learn,” believed to be a taunting or sarcastic message directed at an enemy.  Researchers note that during the Hellenistic period sling bullets were typically mass-produced by casting lead into simple stone molds, a method that allowed for rapid production even during military campaigns. The find offers insight into both the psychological aspects of ancient warfare and the use of slings as effective long-range weapons, likely employed by Hippos’ defenders during periods of conflict.

A Rare, Pre-Historic Cave Dating 400,000 Years Uncovered Near Haifa

A prehistoric cave dating back between 400,000 and 250,000 years was recently uncovered on the outskirts of the town of Fureidis, south of Haifa. The excavation of the cave depicts a time capsule that remained sealed for hundreds of thousands of years since the time of the Acheulo-Yabrudian culture, a time just before modern humans became dominant in the world. The site, among the most significant of its kind, offers new insight into early human life at a critical point in human evolution.

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Credit: Israel Antiquities Authority

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Ancient Tunnels Uncovered Beneath the Soil of Jerusalem

An excavation led by the IAA led to a monumental discovery of ancient tunnels near Kibbutz Ramat Rachel in Jerusalem. Researchers are still unsure about the purpose of this tunnel which measures approximately 16 by 10 feet, though they believe it was intended to reach a chalk layer suitable for quarrying building stones or producing lime. Possible evidence supporting this interpretation includes a shaft carved into the tunnel’s ceiling, which may have been used for ventilation, as well as quarrying debris discovered on the tunnel floor, although this interpretation, too, remains uncertain.

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Credit: Israel Antiquities Authority

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A 1,300-year-old Marble Bowl Found in the Golan Heights

Discovered in a cathedral in the Golan Heights, a 1,300-year-old marble bowl was found by a team of archaeologists from the University of Haifa. Experts suggest that this bowl was once used as an offering table for early Christian settlers in Israel.

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For more information about Israel’s tourism offerings, visit israel.travel.

About the Israel Ministry of Tourism

The Israel Ministry of Tourism (IMOT) is Israel’s national tourism agency responsible for planning and implementing marketing and promotional initiatives to position Israel as a preferred travel destination. IMOT aims to increase tourism traffic to enhance and diversify the visiting experience. IMOT works to promote Israel’s impressive assortment of historical, cultural, culinary, and religious attractions – each the perfect blend of tradition and modernity. IMOT offices in North America are located in New York, Los Angeles, Atlanta, Chicago and Toronto. For details on upcoming events and attractions in Israel, visit IMOT’s website at israel.travel. Follow us on Facebook, X and Instagram to receive the latest updates.

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Article Source: Israel Ministry of Tourism news release.

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