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The Minoan Connection

There is no question that the ancient Levant could be described as a major crossroads of civilization. Over and over again, dig sites throughout Israel, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria have turned up artifacts left by the armies and settlers of one empire after another. Through this interview conducted by Popular Archaeology Magazine, Dr. Eric H. Cline, Co-Director of excavations at the site of Tel Kabri in northwest Israel, explains why this site stands out from the rest. The unfolding story of investigations at this site continue to intrigue scholars and the public alike………..   

 

Q: What brought your attention to this site [Tel Kabri] in the beginning?

A: I became involved because of its international relations 3,700 years ago. That’s my professional interest — international relations in the ancient world, particularly between Greece and the Near East. Kabri, which is a Canaanite palace, has Minoan wall and floor paintings in it.  So I was intrigued by the question: Why would a Canaanite ruler have a Minoan artist painting his walls and floors? And is there any evidence that there were Minoans living at the site, or Cycladic artisans, and what does it say about the ancient world?

We already knew about this site because Kabri had been excavated before by Kempinski and Niemeier from 1986 to 1993, and they found a painted floor and about 2,000 fragments of painted plaster.  

Q: Were they [the painted floor and fragments] recognized as possibly Minoan or Aegean at the time of the discovery?

A: Yes, absolutely. Niemeir [an expert in identifying Aegean/Minoan artwork] joined the project back then when they started to find these things, but their project was over in 1993 and the site then lay unexcavated.  

Assaf Yassur-Landau, the excavation Co-Director, excavated there as a volunteer in 1990 and thought at the time that he wanted to come back and dig there himself.  We [ Assaf and I] were both excavating at Megiddo, so we knew each other. He did some preliminary testing at Kabri in 2003 with some geophysical equipment and saw indications that the palace was perhaps as much as twice as big as Kempinski and Niemeier thought. So when I ran into him in 2004 he asked if I wanted to re-open the excavations at Kabri with him. I said yes.  In 2005 we did a very preliminary season of excavations just to see if the geophysical indications were correct:  Was the palace realy twice as big?  And was there anything worth a new multi-season excavation?  During the excavations, we found walls and floors at a good distance from the previous excavations. So the answer to both questions was yes.  

Before we really started to do any digging we needed to do a regional survey of the area.  In 2006 and 2007 we surveyed what we thought would have been the kingdom of Kabri and came up with some interesting data that indicated that it was probably a fairly large [Canaanite] kingdom, but that it only lasted for about 250 years. It apparently had a meteoric rise and just as meteoric a fall after the palace was destroyed by unknown people.

Q: Were the Aegean/Minoan paintings discovered previously by Kempinski and Niemeier dated to that 250-year time period? 

A: Yes. The palace was only occupied for about 250 years and it goes through about four phases. It looks like the paintings date to one of the middle phases. We believe they were up on the wall and on the floor, and then they were torn down during a renovation phase before the palace was destroyed. It seems that somebody liked them so they put them up. Then somebody didn’t like them and they took them down. Or they may have simply fallen off. 

It should be noted that there are only four other places [archaeological sites] in the Near East that have these kinds of paintings. One is Kabri, the only one in Israel. Another is Tel Dab’a in Egypt, and then in Turkey there is Alalakh which Sir Leonard Woolley excavated. Finally there is Qatna in Syria, which is being excavated right now by a German/Italian/Syrian team. 

Q: How does the Canaanite structure at Tel Kabri compare to the Canaanite structure found at Hazor, considered the largest known Canaanite site?

A: The one at Hazor is larger. In terms of size, Kabri is about the third largest in all of Israel. But it is dated only to the Middle Bronze period. 

We also have an interesting situation where the excavations at Hazor have shown that the temples for the same time period show a Syro-Mesopotamian influence. But Kabri appears to show a Western influence. We have published two articles attempting to explain that. The answer, we think, may be as simple as the fact that Hazor was larger and wealthier and could afford the goods and services from Mesopotamia. Perhaps Kabri could not afford that, so it looked elsewhere for innovation. Perhaps artisans from the Cyclades were cheaper. During our excavations in 2009 we found 100 more pieces of plaster at the site supporting this view to add to the Kempinski/Niemeier record. Sixty of these were painted fresco pieces.

Q: You went back to the site in December 2009/January 2010 to excavate. What emerged from that excavation?

A: There is a certain feature at Kabri that the previous excavators [Kempinski and Niemeier] had uncovered. They suggested that it was the bottom of a staircase. When we started excavating there, it became clear that it was not a staircase. It was a plastered corridor. In 2008 we started digging just to the east of it and we found what looked like a drain connected to it. So in the summer of 2009 we started excavating more to find out why there was a drain associated with it. It turned out that plaster, which is of the same time period as the painted floors, was on top of this ancient corridor. The corridor had pottery in it, strewn all at one depth, as if something sudden had happened. In the side of the corridor, hidden in the wall, was at least one entrance and perhaps as many as three entrances. One of the entrances had a cracked block that, had we been excavating in Greece, I would have said it was the lintel block to the entrance to a tomb. So we could see this cracked block with soil beneath it, in what was otherwise a solid stone wall. Next to it was another faint outline where the stones looked like they were horizontal and vertical, indicating the possibility of a blocked opening in the wall, and then another one [blocked opening] on the other side, as well. We didn’t know what this was. But it was in the middle of the palace, it was a hidden entrance in a wall, which one could not have seen unless one was actually in there.  This was interesting because at the site of Qatna in Syria they had just found similar openings in their palace.  Those openings led to a royal tomb.

In December 2009/January 2010 we returned to conduct some additional probes.  We took the top off of the associated wall, and found that the lintel block was just the first of seven. We could see that what we really had was a corbeled passageway that went directly through the wall.  It was a hidden passageway, but it didn’t lead to a tomb as at Qatna. It led into a room that we didn’t know existed, either in another part of the palace or outside the palace. The room to which it led is plastered with a very thick floor and the pottery there in that stratigraphy pushed the dating of the palace back by another 50 years.  It was an earlier part of the palace.  And although we had not found the entrance to a tomb [as at Qatna], we found something very peculiar, as it is a secret passageway made through a wall in the basement of the palace. We think it could have been a sally port [a secret back entrance] so that if the enemy is attacking the front gate, for example, defenders within the palace can go out the sally port at the back and come back around and destroy the attacking enemy.  Or, as a subterranean way to get from one part of the palace to another, could it have been used for secret purposes?  We have no idea.

The pottery in the corridor continues to be a mystery. It was at the entrance to this passageway. Does it represent some sort of ritual? Now we are thinking that when they filled in the corridor and plastered it over, they may have used it as a garbage dump before filling it in and plastering it. We will be investigating that further. So there may be another opening or two, but they are probably not connected to royal tombs.

[Another significant outcome of the December 2009/January 2010 excavations was the discovery that the palace was built some 150 years earlier than previously thought, making it one of the earliest Middle Bronze Age palaces found in Israel to date.]

Q: Getting back to the Aegean-style paintings: We know that the volcanic eruption at Santorini (ancient Thera) ocurred around 1628 B.C.E., and that it may have caused an exodus of people who then spread to other places in the Mediterranean area. Is there any possibility, given your Aegean-style fresco painting findings, that a group of Minoans escaping this eruption may have settled at Kabri?

A: There is no evidence so far that Minoans, or any other Aegean people, such as those in the Cyclades or mainland Greece, migrated to and settled at Kabri as a group. We don’t have enough Minoan pottery to support that. I suspect that, yes, the eruption at Santorini may have caused a migration of people from the island, including artisans who may have painted at Akrotiri or Knossos and were in need of employment, staying at Kabri temporarily. Certainly the paintings at Kabri look an awful lot like the ones on Santorini [ancient Thera].  So it may have been a refugee situation, but that would be mere speculation. The one thing we can support right now is that, if there was a group of Aegean people at Kabri, they were only living there temporarily.

But that does not discount the possibility that a group of ancient Minoans lived permanently at Kabri after an exodus and resettlement. Here is an interesting case in point:

Ancient tablets of Assyrian origin were found at the site of Kanesh in Turkey (ancient Anatolia). Back in the 19th century B.C.E. merchants from Assyria went and lived at Kanesh in Anatolia, trading textiles for silver and tin, and we would never had known that there were Assyrians there, if not for the tablets. The tablets record that they were there. When the Assyrians arrived at Kanesh, they completely adopted the Anatolian ways, so it may be that Minoan people migrated to Kabri and simply adopted Canaanite ways, in which case we would never know that they were there, except for the paintings.  

And here is another possibility: The one thing about pushing the timeline of the palace back earlier [as we discovered during the 2009/2010 excavations] is that it is conceivable, pending Carbon 14 datings, that the paintings at Kabri are a little older than we think. It was at one time thought that the paintings were 16th century (B.C.E.). We are now quite sure that they are 17th century. In fact, we think that the paintings we found may possibly be the oldest discovered in the Near East. Any date earlier than the 17th century would suggest that the influence had gone from east to west.

Q: Is there evidence at the site that might support that?

A: No. It is very unlikely that the Kabri frescoes are earlier than the late 17th century, but Sir Leonard Woolley had originally suggested that this technique of painting on fresco came from the East and went west to the Aegean. That was later discounted and determined that it went the other direction. But there is an outside chance that Woolley was right, and I would not rule out the possibility that it started in the East.  For example, the inlaid daggers found at Mycenae have also been found elsewhere, and their antecedents are at sites like Byblos in the Near East. The whole idea of inlaid metal is actually eastern that gets taken later to the Aegean. It is therefore possible that the fresco painting technique originated in the East and went west, as well. So there are all kinds of possibilities. And this would apply to explaining the Aegean influence at Kabri. 

Q: What is it about the frescoes/paintings that clearly identify them as Aegean or Cycladic in nature?

A: There are a couple of things: One is this whole technique of painting on the plaster wall while it is still wet. That is an Aegean technique. In the Near East, they more often painted after the plaster was dry. Second, there is a technique of using strings to help in the painting process. For example, the Minoans took a string and just tightened it so that it contacted the wet plaster and created a perfectly straight line. We have plaster at Kabri that shows that. The other thing they did was take string and dip it in, for example, red paint, and tighten it quickly against the plaster. The red paint thus makes a perfectly straight line. That is how the floor at Kabri was created. That is a Minoan technique.

Q: Have you found any symbols or designs, things or animals, etc. in the fresco paintings that would tell you that they are Cycladic or Aegean?

A: Yes and no.  The first excavators, Kempinski and Niemeier, found a floor with a pattern of red squares with flowers or vegetation in it. There is something that looks like an Iris and other floral motifs — maybe Aegean, maybe not. The 2,000 fresco fragments that they found, when placed together using ancient Santorini artwork as a model, does look very much like the miniature fresco at Santorini. Little pieces that look like ships and other pieces that look like architecture were found. There are a couple of pieces that look like they are part of the wing of a griffin.  In one of my lectures where I talk about Aegean style paintings I laugh a bit because other excavators at other sites have found bits and pieces of what they say come from a griffin. So imagine our surprise last season when we came up with 5 or 6 pieces of a fresco that have a deep rich blue background (a typical Aegean-style fresco color that has never been found in Israel before), with a figure in the foreground in white with black outlines (also typically Aegean), and as we are looking at it we are thinking that we have seen this before.

Q: What is it?

A: There are a number of possibilities. One could be the wing of a flying fish, like that found at Melos. It could also be a palm tree. It could be a woman’s white hand, but there are no fingernails. Compared to a griffin piece found at Mycenae, however, there is a close resemblance. We think we may have the wing of a griffin, in which case it is really funny that I have been making fun of everyone else about the griffin interpretation. There are another couple of pieces that add to the interpretation of it as part of a griffin. But the problem is that this griffin image type is dated to the 14th century B.C.E., and we are looking at 17th century fragments. A three-hundred year difference may be a little too large.  But if our find is a griffin, it is interesting to note that griffins are in both Near Eastern and Aegean cultures.

These fresco finds have told us something else that is important, however. Where we found them, and this is where it gets very interesting, was nowhere near where the original excavators [Kempinski and Niemeier] found theirs, so we are in a totally separate part of the palace. Their fragments were found used as packing material underneath a threshold. Ours were found face down on a white plaster floor and the only way that we realized they were there was when we were cleaning the floor. A white piece would pop up. And as we turned the white piece over to reveal the colored front, we could see that our wall painting had been ripped off the wall anciently and then used to patch the floor. And our wall fragments are completely different from the fragments that they found. Ours are in a different scale. This means we have a second wall painting. As we excavated the squares, we could see that one of these pieces was part-way into a balk [a section of an area that is left un-excavated for stratigraphic and other purposes], so we know that when we go back and take out that balk, there will be more pieces. There were also more pieces found to the east, and we did not excavate the square to the east. So we have high hopes that we will find more wall fresco fragments.  Moreover, one of the fragments was thicker than the others, which indicates that it was not a part of a wall. It must have been part of a floor. The original painted floor that Kempinski and Niemeier excavated is not missing any pieces, so our piece must be from another floor from somewhere else in the palace, reused as a patching piece on another [unpainted] floor. We are now looking for that other floor.

It is interesting to note that their [Kempinski and Niemeier’s] floor and wall painting discoveries and our floor and wall painting discoveries date from the same phase. So did some artist come and say, “Hey, I can redo your palace for you.”  Or, was there a succeeding king who wanted to redo it all?  We think there may be a whole Aegean theme throughout the whole palace.  Perhaps in this other part of the palace it is not as grand as in the first part. And, It may be that we will find Minoan pottery or other evidence of them actually being there. Answers to these questions await further excavation.

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Painted fresco fragments excavated at Tel Kabri.  Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

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Painted fresco fragments excavated at Tel Kabri.  Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

 

Painted fresco fragments excavated at Tel Kabri. Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

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Q: Based on what you have done so far, and your idea of how big this palace might be, what percentage would you say has been excavated thus far?

A:  Hard to say, until we find the limits. We found what we believe is the northern or enclosing wall, and a very strange road or walkway adjacent to it on the outside, so we know how far it goes on the north. We are not yet sure how far it extends on the east, nor do we know how far it extends on the south. We think we know how far it is to the west, and we are looking for that because that should be the entrance. So, because we don’t know how big it is, we can’t guess how much we’ve excavated. But I would be surprised if we have excavated any more than 10 to 20% of the palace site. There is a lot more to do.  And based on what they are finding at Qatna, which has similar dates, I think we still have some very interesting things to find, especially because our palace, like that at Qatna, ended in a fiery destruction. We may find some very interesting things that got caught in that destruction. So what was horrible for them may be a bonanza for us, and I think we have only begun to scratch the surface on the palace.

Then there is the rest of the site aside from the palace. We have not yet touched the fortifications. It had a huge mudbrick set of fortifications. Up on the acropolis of the mound, previous excavators have found evidence of Greek mercenaries from the Iron Age. The palace part was basically abandoned until the Iron Age and then it is only inhabited sporadically in our area. So at some point we want to go up and investigate the acropolis portion of the mound where they have found evidence for the presence of Greek mercenaries. Think of the coincidence — or is it a coincidence — that in the Middle Bronze Age we have Minoans painting the palace and then in the Iron Age we have Greek mercenaries at the site.  What is it about Kabri that the Greeks or Aegeans like so much?  

The other question I have is this: If this site was inhabited in the Middle Bronze Age and the Iron Age, why isn’t it inhabited in the Late Bronze Age, when there was so much contact with and influence from the Myceneans in this part of the world?  

Kabri is like no other site I have ever investigated, because it is so huge and because it was only occupied during the Middle Bronze Age, with a puzzling absence of occupation and then suddenly an Iron Age presence on the acropolis.  

Q: Do you think the MB palace at Kabri is considerably larger than the same at Megiddo?

A: Yes, the palace is probably larger than the one at Megiddo. But it depends upon what period we are talking about. For the Middle Bronze period, it is probably larger. It is interesting because when you are driving to the site, there is a little bump in the road, and that means you have just driven over the fortifications. So the palace, including the fortifications, is huge.  

Q: What are your plans for this coming dig season?

A: We want to reconstruct the history of the palace. If we can reconstruct the life-cycle of the palace in its 250-year history, including evidence of feasting and things like that, that would be good. Along the way, if we should happen to find more painted frescoes, then that would also be very good, and we are anticipating that we will find more. If we are able to investigate the other features in that mysterious corridor, that would be a plus, and we are planning to do that. And then, as I mentioned, outside the northern wall we see this very strange, intriguing stone feature that is only one level of stones thick. It zigzags, which is usually seen on Crete. It is either a walkway or the bottom of a wall. If it is a wall, then it is a protective wall going around the palace. I think it is a roadway and that the road may well be extending around the palace.  A similar roadway can be found at Knossos and elsewhere. If it is a roadway, and this is the northern perimeter of the palace, and the entrance is on the west, then what we see may indeed be turning a corner and headed to the entrance. So if we continue to excavate in that direction this coming season, it may lead us to the missing entrance to the palace. 

So what we are basically doing is making sure we understand not just the history of the palace but also its size and what is immediately happening outside of it.  

 

To summarize, the coming season should help us understand a bit more about the history, life-cycle and size of the palace, as well as uncover more painted plaster and define what is going on with the mysterious corridor. We also hope to see what is going on just outside the palace with the roadway or wall feature and whether or not we can locate the missing entrance. All of these things will also hopefully give us more insight into what is happening inside the palace.  

All in all, even though what we are doing is supplementing and expanding upon what the previous excavators have done, it turns out that there is much more to investigate than previously thought.

*Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations. 

Top Cover Photo: Aerial view of Tel Kabri. Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

Second photo from top: Excavating the corridor feature of the Middle Bronze Age Palace. Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

Eighth photo from top: The curious “zigzag” structure excavated at Tel Kabri. Courtesy Tel Kabri Excavations.

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About Eric Cline

Dr. Eric H. Cline, a former Fulbright scholar, is an award-winning author, teacher, and advisor with degrees in Classical Archaeology, Near Eastern Archaeology, and Ancient History from Dartmouth College (1982), Yale University (1984), and the University of Pennsylvania (1991) respectively. He currently serves as Chair of the Department of Classical and Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at the George Washington University in Washington, D.C.

Dr. Cline’s primary fields of study are the military history of the Mediterranean world from antiquity to present and the international connections between Greece, Egypt, and the Near East during the Late Bronze Age (1700-1100 BCE). He is an experienced field archaeologist, with 28 seasons of excavation and survey to his credit since 1980. He has worked in Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Cyprus, Greece, Crete, and the United States, including eight seasons at the site of Megiddo (biblical Armageddon) in Israel, where he is currently the Associate Director (USA). He is also Co-Director of the new series of archaeological excavations at the site of Tel Kabri, also located in Israel.

A prolific researcher and author with ten books and nearly 100 articles to his credit, Dr. Cline is perhaps best known for his book, The Battles of Armageddon: Megiddo and the Jezreel Valley from the Bronze Age to the Nuclear Age (Ann Arbor 2000; paperback 2002), which received the 2001 Biblical Archaeology Society (BAS) Publication Award for “Best Popular Book on Archaeology,” was a Main Selection of the Natural Science Book Club, sold out its first printing in less than four months, and has now been translated and published into Croatian (2005). 

Dr. Cline has been interviewed by syndicated national and international television and radio hosts including Robin Roberts and George Stephanopoulos on ABC’s “Good Morning America,” Bill Hemmer and Martha MacCallum on Fox New Channel’s “America’s Newsroom,” Fergus Nicoll on the BBC World Service/The World Today, Kojo Nnamdi on NPR’s “Public Interest” show, Michael Dresser on “The Michael Dresser” show, and Richard Sheehe on WRGW.

Born in Washington, DC (at GWU Hospital) and raised in California (San Francisco and Los Angeles), Dr. Cline is married and has several children, two cats, and varying numbers of fish.

 

 


The Archaeology of Montpelier’s Enslaved Community

Matthew Reeves is the Director of Archaeology at James Madison’s Montpelier in Orange, Virginia.  His specialty is sites of the African Diaspora including plantation and freedman period sites, and Civil War sites.  In his work over the past two decades, Reeves has maintained a focus with public archaeology, most especially involving descendent groups and involving the public with experiential learning.


Montpelier was the family home of former U.S. President James Madison and an enslaved community that, during the Madison ownership, boasted over four generations of enslaved families.  This enslaved community was sold and dispersed during the 10-year period prior to Dolley Madison (his surviving spouse) selling the home in 1844 after his death in 1836.  Following this sale, the homes of these slaves were abandoned and over the next five years were either razed or left to decay in place.  Despite the changes that occurred to the house in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the sites of these slave quarters remained undisturbed.  What this has left for archaeologists is a treasure trove of information related to the material world of the enslaved community at Montpelier.  Aside from one insurance plat dating to 1837, there is no documentary record for the location of these homes.  Archaeologists have relocated these structures through surveys and excavations and have discovered over a dozen slave quarter sites for field slaves, house slaves, and skilled artisans.  The diversity and preservation of these sites presents an unparalleled opportunity to examine the dynamics of an enslaved community and test commonly held generalizations concerning enslaved communities at large plantations. 

During the late 18th and early 19th centuries, there is some consensus among scholars that both skilled workers (those employed in a specialty task such as the stable, gardens, or carpentry) and house slaves often had greater access to material goods such as clothing, household items, and “refined” housing.  This greater access to goods is in comparison to those enslaved workers who held roles in the field and often lived further from the main house and had limited contact with the owner.  Whether this greater abundance of goods reflects the owners providing these slaves with more household and personal items or these slaves having the economic means to purchase these items has not been fully explored.  Moreover, there is little comparative data to verify whether those slaves who worked in close association with the owners actually owned more household goods than those slaves who lived and worked farther from the owner (specifically field slaves). To test this hypothesis, the Montpelier archaeology department is conducting a three-year archaeological study of various slave quarters at James Madison’s Montpelier estate to reconstruct the material world of the 19th century slave community (Reeves 2010).  

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Figure 1. Three sites for slave quarters overlain on the modern Montpelier landscape

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This information is especially relevant to Montpelier archaeologists today as the grounds and home of President Madison have witnessed a dramatic change through the restoration of Madison’s home back to its 1820s appearance (as it appeared during the Madisons’ retirement from the White House) and restoration of major parts of the mansion formal grounds.  From 2002-2007, Montpelier archaeologists conducted intensive archaeological studies of the mansion cellars, the formal landscape, and surrounding road networks.  During the restoration of the mansion (2002-2008) many of these areas were restored based on archaeological evidence.  In addition, multiple seasons were spent excavating trash deposits related to the Madison household.  These  trash deposits were analyzed to assist in the furnishing of the house, which is an ongoing project to this date.  All of these investigations provided an important context for not only returning the Madisons’ home to its early 19th century appearance, but for providing a larger context to understand the enslaved community who lived and worked within the mansion grounds.

What remains ‘invisible” today at Madison’s home is the plantation itself—the homes of the enslaved work force, the network of fields, work areas, and roads that gave Montpelier its character as a Virginia planter’s home.  The first step in understanding this lost plantation is in-depth research on the enslaved community that called Montpelier home.   While future work (2012 season) will encapsulate the quarters for field slaves, previous seasons (2008 and 2010) and this season (2011) will focus on examining those enslaved households that were directly associated with the Madison’s entertaining at the mansion.    A particular focus of these excavations has been the homes of those slaves who worked and lived in and adjacent to the mansion grounds.  These quarters were home for both house slaves (the South Yard) and those slaves who likely worked in either the stable or garden (the Stable Yard) (see Figure 2).  We begin our description of these enslaved homes with our most recent set of excavations.

 

Figure 2.  Early 19th century appearance of mansion grounds.  The area shown in light green is the formal boundary of the mansion grounds (curtilage) as defined from archaeological features and period descriptions.  The area of the South Yard shown in yellow while the Stable Yard is in orange.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Discovery of the Home for an Enslaved Artisan

Our most recent excavations took place at the quarter for enslaved artisans—those individuals who either worked in the stable or nearby craftshops just up the hill from the mansion.  This site, known as the Stable Quarter, is located just outside of the formal grounds for the mansion in the area known as the Stable Yard.  Prior to our excavations and surveys in 2010, very little was known about this site aside from surveys that had located late 18th and early 19th century artifacts in this area. Previous excavations had located two ash-filled pits and linear features at the site.  Our surveys in 2010 revealed a craft complex in this area along with structures and work areas related to the stable and carriage house—which were related to the Madison’s constant flow of guests arriving at Montpelier during their retirement years.  These surveys also defined the extent of the site for a slave quarter located at the northern edge of the Stable Yard. 

Our excavations from June through December of 2010 revealed this site to be the location of a slave quarter dating from the 1790s-1844.  This site turned out to be remarkably well preserved as following abandonment in the 1840s, the structure was razed , and the site was incorporated into the larger mansion grounds.  For over 160 years, the site was covered in grass and was not subject to any disturbances beyond bioturbation.   What this allowed for was the preservation of a well-defined set of architectural and yard features relating to the log home that once sat at this location.

The most exciting aspect of the Stable Quarter was the rich architectural evidence recovered at the site for the size and form of the home.  The features and strata at the site reveal the slave home to be of log architecture with a stick-and-mud chimney.  Such log homes with non-masonry chimneys were quite common in early 19th century Viriginia.  One English traveler who visited Montpelier in the 1820s recounted from his travels in general for Virginia and Maryland:

The negro huts are built of logs, and the interstices stopped with mud, of which material also the floor is composed.  At one end is an enormous large chimney made of logs, which are of a large size at the bottom, and gradually smaller towards the top.  The lower part of the chimney, in the interior, is covered with earth or mud, to prevent its catching fire (Fitch 1820).

This description by Fitch seems to be a match for the structure we located at the Stable Quarter.

Some of the clues at the site that suggested such a structure were the complete absence of a masonry chimney base, the presence of an at-grade hearth, and multiple borrow pits across the site (Figure 3). 

 

Figure 3.  Overhead shot of excavations at Stable Quarter site, November 2010.  A+B=ash-filled borrow pit, C=sub-floor pit, D=large hearth, E=small hearth

 

The first set of architectural evidence we encountered at the Stable Quarter was a brick hearth.  This hearth was made up of bricks laid directly on the clay subsoil.  What was unmistakable about this hearth was the presence of scorched brick on the outside edge which suggested the location for the daily fire and by extension the chimney flue.  With no masonry chimney base existing to mark the fire box, this absence suggested the chimney consisted of stick and mud.  A second smaller hearth was located later in the season and this area not only contained the charred remains of the last log on the brick hearth but also intact portions of the bottom logs for the stick and mud chimney (Figure 4).  This incredible preservation was facilitated by a large amount of clay that lay atop this second hearth—likely the collapsed remains of the chimney lining that accumulated on this hearth following abandonment.  This second hearth not only confirmed the stick and mud construction present for both chimneys, but also served to book end the structure in terms of its size (20 ft in length).  In addition, the fact that both hearths were set at grade suggested the floor of this structure was a clay floor, not a wooden plank floor set on joists.

 

Figure 4.  Montpelier archaeologist cleaning remains of burnt log in hearth at the Stable Quarter.

The second aspect of the site that suggested not only stick and mud construction for the chimneys but also a mud daubed log home were the large borrow pits present at the site.  Located to the southeast of the hearth bases, we found two large oval-shaped pits that were filled with hearth ash and household trash.  These pits were originally found in the 1990s excavations but without the discovery of the associated structure, interpretation of their function was difficult.  However, once we realized we were dealing with a potential stick and mud chimney, the most obvious answer was that these pits started out life as borrow pits for the construction of the quarter (Figure 5).  The ceramics and nails from these pits evidenced a fill date of the mid to late 1790s.  Given that most of the other ceramics at the site typically range in the 1810s, this earlier date suggested that the pits were filled very early during the site occupation.  Combined with this early date, the size and depth of these pits pointed toward initial construction when the largest amount of clay would be needed for not only lining the chimney but also filling the cracks between the logs of the home.  The combined evidence of an absence of piers, the clay floor of the home, and the absence of post holes (that would suggest a post-in-ground architecture) pointed to the structure being built of log.  Three other shallower borrow pits were located to the east and contained later dating ceramics—these pits were likely the source for clay to repair daub between the logs and the clay chimney lining.  As repairs would not necessitate as much clay as initial construction, these pits were much shallower.

Figure 5.  Montpelier archaeologist beginning the excavation of the western half of the borrow pit at the Stable Quarter.  Notice gray ash deposits in the profile.

The fill from the larger borrow pits proved to contain a rich deposit of artifacts related to the foodways of the household residing at this site.  All of the soils from these features were waterscreened through window-screen or smaller mesh and then floated (Reeves 2007).  Large amounts of charred seeds, bone (fish along with wild and domesticate), egg shell,and artifacts (beads, straight pins, ceramics, and glass) were contained within these waterscreen samples.  Analysis of these remains will provide a wealth of information regarding the diet of the home’s inhabitants.  One additional feature, a sub-floor pit, located within the structure was also filled with ash and trash debris (Figure 6).  This feature contained ceramics dating to the mid period of occupation along with large amounts of food remains similar to those found in the large borrow pits.  This sub-floor pit was located adjacent to the hearth and is very similar in size and position to root cellars used during this period for storing sweet potatoes (Katz-Hyman and Rice 2010). 

Figure 6. Completed excavation of hearth and sub-floor pit at the Stable Quarter.

One of the more exciting aspects of these pits is that the associated artifacts provide a comparison through time of diet at the site from the 1790s and the 1810s and 20s.  Analysis of faunal materials recovered from the Madison table indicates that there was a notable shift from a mix of domesticated and wild animals to total dependence on domesticate cuts during this same time period for Dolley and James Madison’s diet (Pavao-Zuckerman 2008) and we are interested in determining if there is any parallel for the larger plantation community.  In the Fall of 2011, we will be sending this floral and faunal material off for analysis as soon as we have finished processing, cataloguing, and analyzing for our site reports.

In addition to the wonderfully preserved architectural features and features containing food remains, the site contained large broadcast scatters of trash throughout the yard.  Analysis of the spatial patterning of these trash deposits is underway, but the initial observed patterns reflect the typical patterning of trash being disposed of away from work areas.  In addition, a wide array of ceramics occurs in these deposits, including many ceramics whose origin appears to be from the Madison table.

Some of the pieces recovered from the Stable Quarter are the same pattern as found in trash deposits containing broken and discarded items from the Madison table.  In particular, we have located Chinese export porcelain that is not only an exact match for pieces recovered from the rear lawn of the mansion, but an actual mend to the same vessel (Figure 7).  Other pieces found at the Stable Quarter are from the massive dinner sets that the Madisons owned including a transfer printed ware known as Bamboo and Peony and pieces of French porcelain manufactured by the Nast porcelain factory.  The question arises, if these pieces are from the Madison table, how did the discarded fragments end up over 120 yards from the mansion?  Among the possible answers are that these pieces might have become chipped or cracked and the Madisons ordered the house slaves to remove them from the service.  The enslaved domestics would make the choice of either disposing of the vessel in the midden to the north of the house (Dolley’s Midden) or reusing the vessel back at their own home.  However, the platter fragments that mend with pieces recovered from the rear lawn suggest more than simply chipped pieces being brought back to the home, but that these vessels might have broken at the house, but for some reason were disposed of away from the house.  Before we jump to any explanation, we need to address the place of the residents of this home in relationship to the mansion and how this structure relates to those slave quarters closer to the mansion.

Figure 7.  Mended platter recovered from the mansion rear lawn (left side) and the Stable Quarter (right side).

 

Placing the Stable Quarter in the Context of the Larger Mansion Grounds

Excavations at the mansion grounds have shown the formal grounds were surrounded and defined by a picket fence, ha has (trenches used to keep animals out), and roads.  Inside this fence, the Madisons arranged the space surrounding the mansion in a formal ordered fashion with carefully contrived views through alleys of trees, formal gardens laid out in falling terraces, a large level lawn in the rear, and walks lined with rounded river gravel.  Amongst and within this formal enclosure are the homes of the enslaved domestics in the South Yard—or the work area directly south of the mansion that includes three duplex residences, two smokehouses, and a detached kitchen.  The homes within this space are in marked contrast with that seen at the Stable Quarter.  Archaeological excavations have revealed these homes to include masonry chimneys, glazed windows, raised wooden floors, and sills set on piers.  In addition, these structures are laid out on the same orientation as the mansion and are placed such that their walls align with the mansion walls (see Figure 8).   These homes were, in many ways, designed to be seen from the mansion as they were less than 50 feet from the mansion and in direct sight of the rear lawn where Dolley would hold her famous fetes and in direct sight of the terrace atop the one-story south wing (see Figure 9).

Figure 8.  2008 excavations in the South Yard showing exposed chimney base, fenceline and yard surface for the NorthEast duplex (#2).  White rectangles represent quarters with the area surrounding and between 1 & 2 being the focus of the proposed study during the 2011 field season. 

 

Figure 9.  3-D digital rendering of view into South Yard from the south terrace of the mansion.  From this view, it is obvious that Madison’s guests would have direct visual access into the houseyards of quarters for the mansion.  Image courtesy of University of Virginia’s Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities.

What is fascinating about this space is the fact that it was designed to be seen by Madison’s guests.  There are even period reminiscence by visitors who recall walking from the house to the quarters to bring the enslaved residents “scraps” from the breakfast table.   Seen in this light, it might come as little surprise that these spaces were potentially designed with the same care as the placement of the front fence and the terracing of the formal garden.  The combined documentary and archaeological evidence speaks to Madison being inspired to design the South Yard from landscape treatises of the late 18th century that illustrate idealized worker housing (Reeves 2010; Wulf 2011).  These texts suggest designing worker housing in duplexes where neighboring households can aide each other and creating tidy cottages with raised wooden floors, sashed windows with glass, masonry chimneys and space enough below structures to allow circulation of air (which would have a distinct disadvantage in the winter).  Such structure design can be seen directly in the spaces Madison provided for the enslaved residents of the South Yard.  What this formalized structure tends to emphasize is a space made for presentation of slaves’ daily life rather than an organic space designed for convenience of slaves’ daily lives.  This can be seen nowhere more clearly than in the contrast of the South Yard with the adjacent spaces of the Stable Yard.

The South yard represents a very different form of living space for slaves than the Stable Quarter located just on the other side of the fence from the formal grounds of the mansion and within 20 feet of the duplexes for the South Yard.  In contrast with the South Yard, the Stable Quarter residence is aligned with the orientation of the ridge on which it sits.  This would allow it to not only be positioned to take maximum advantage of the slope in the area for yard layout, but also maximize southern exposure during the winter.  The South Yard structures had very little surface area facing the south and would have been at an extreme disadvantage during the winter for warmth.  In addition, the orientation with the mansion positioned the homes in the South Yard such that level yard space was at a premium.  What is evident in the Stable Yard is much more space being available for daily activities and more flexibility for slaves in their arrangement of activities.

What are we to make of this contrast in placement of homes and differences in architectural style?  On one level, one might argue that the structures in the South Yard benefited from an overall high quality of architectural elements with glazed sashed windows, wooden floors, and masonry chimneys.  For the residents, however, these “benefits” were tempered by less advantageous arrangement of yard space, structural siting, and being positioned to be in direct surveillance from the mansion.  In addition, archaeological survey and excavations have located paths in the South Yard that link these structures directly with the cellars of the mansion where much of the daily tasks for the mansion took place.  These paths were stone and brick paved to reduce traffic of clay into the house.   The manner in which these paths link to the cellars speak to the orchestrated movements of house slaves from their homes to work areas.  Within the mansion, the movement of house slaves was even more carefully orchestrated through the use of service stairs and entries into first floor of the house that minimized the direct interaction of slaves and the Madison family and their guests.  Slaves would be always present to serve, but rendered to the background during the social occasions in which their services were needed.  This code of behavior likely influenced the home life of slaves in the South Yard—as this home life was set within the formalized structure of the mansion grounds. 

By contrast, those slaves living in the Stable Quarter resided in a space outside of the carefully contrived environment of the mansion grounds.  Their homes were set within the larger work spaces of the stables, carriage house, and craft complex to the south and outside of the formal fence space of the mansion grounds. While this area still served the needs of the Madisons and their guests, it was also quite separate from the formalized activities of the mansion and its associated formal grounds.  In the case of the stable and craft yards, enslaved artisans did not come in direct contact with the many guests who visited the Madisons.  However, they did come in direct contact with the personal slaves that accompanied guests and this contact brought the daily flow of activities and bustle of news into this service space.  As such, while activities in the Stable Yard was spatially distinct from the mansion grounds, this space was privy to the events that took place at the mansion and the opportunity for meeting new contacts from the outside world.

This brings us back to the presence of the broken platter in the Stable Quarter yard.  Was the yard of the stable quarter a zone in which actions of the enslaved could be screened from the Madisons?  Could the broken platter (and perhaps other dishes present in this yard) have been intentionally disposed of in the yard after breakage as a means to avoid discovery?  Was the space found in the Stable Quarter separate enough to allow evasion from the surveillance but close enough to serve as a informal harbor for activity?  Does the higher quantities and diversity of household goods of the Stable Quarter reflect this household’s ability to “profit” from the enhanced contact with outsiders and ability to network for social and economic advantages?  The answers to many of these questions rests with examining the Stable Quarter in relationship to the South Yard.  

In comparison with the Stable Yard, was the South Yard and its yards one of contested space frought with the tension of being caught within the surveillance of the Madisons?  How would households living in this space carve out a semblance of privacy within the controlled space of the Madisons?    It is by contrasting these two very distinct but linked spaces that we will bring to light the means by which slaves maneuvered within the rigid constraints established by chattel slavery.  What is more important in the context of Montpelier is the ability to rediscover the role that Madison held within this constantly negotiated and contested space.

 

As the architect of the Constitution, Madison was very concerned with establishing the ideals of citizenship that define American society to this day.  In Madison’s day, however, the rights of citizenship were limited to a select group of individuals—mainly white, male landowners.  The majority of the population who lived at his plantation home did not expect to see in their lifetime the application of the right to vote, legally own property, or even ensure the stability of their own family, much less the ability to control their own destiny.  As a slave owner, Madison was very concerned about the conflict inherent in owning humans as property.  While Madison never resolved this internal conflict on his own personal level, might he have sought out means of amelioration at his own home?  Were the conditions evident in the South Yard of applying idealized housing standards to a select group of slaves a way of showing his paternalistic patronage to a group of slaves closest to his household?  Or was the structure imposed on the residences in the South Yard simply a manner of situating the actions and lives of these enslaved residents into the ordered grounds of the mansion?  Addressing these questions through the archaeological record hold great potential for our understanding of Madison’s personal identity as a slave owner, as well as implications this had for the many enslaved households that called Montpelier home. This summer we hope to bring to light the answer to these questions and many others through the excavation of the southern duplexes whose residents were the immediate neighbors to the Stable Quarter. 

 

You Can Get Involved

During the 2011 season, the Montpelier Archaeology Department welcomes the help of individuals interested in helping us to explore and research the South Yard.  Montpelier hosts nine one-week long excavation sessions where the public can live on the property and work side-by-side with trained archaeological staff to rediscover the hidden minds and lives of the Montpelier enslaved community.  This unique experience provides participants a unique opportunity to experience history first hand and learn the techniques that archaeologists use in working at such an incredibly well preserved site as the South Yard. For more information, see the website at www.montpelier.org.

Photos courtesy Montpelier Archaeology Department 

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REFERENCES

Reeves, Matthew

2010 A Community of Households: The Early 19th-Century Enslaved Community at James Madison’s Montpelier, In African Diaspora Archaeology Network 2010 (1).

 

Katz-Hyman, Martha B.  and Kym S. Rice

2010 World of  a Slave: Encyclopedia of the Material Life of Slaves in the United States.  Greenwood, Santa Barbara, California.

 

Wulf, Andrea

2011 Founding Gardeners: The Revolutionary Generation, Nature, and the Shaping of the American Nation.  Knopf Publishers, New York.

 

Pavao-Zuckerman, Barnet

2008 Preliminary Analysis of Zooarchaeological Remains from Dolley’s Midden, Montpelier Mansion (44OR249).  Stanley J. Olsen Laboratory of Zooarchaeology, Arizona State Museum.  Report on File at the Montpelier Archaeology Department