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From Shovel to Scaffold: How Archaeology Shapes NYC’s Renovation Rules

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New York City is often seen as a modern metropolis of steel and glass, towering above the hustle of millions of people. But beneath its concrete streets and behind the walls of its brownstones lies another story—one that begins centuries before the Empire State Building touched the sky. This hidden history is being unearthed, piece by piece, through the science of archaeology, and it has a profound impact on how renovation and construction projects are carried out in the city today.

Welcome to the fascinating intersection of archaeology and urban renovation—a complex dance between preservation and progress, between the shovel and the scaffold.

The Hidden Layers of New York City

New York City is built on layers—not just layers of infrastructure or bureaucracy, but actual historical strata. Every time a foundation is dug or a wall is torn down, there’s a chance of uncovering relics from centuries past. From colonial settlements to Native American encampments, from Dutch traders to early African American communities, the city’s soil holds secrets that must be respected and protected.

This deeply layered history means that developers and renovators are not just dealing with bricks and mortar—they’re dealing with heritage.

Archaeology’s Role in Urban Development

In many cities around the world, archaeology is closely tied to urban planning and development. NYC is no different. The Landmarks Preservation Commission (LPC), established in 1965, oversees archaeological matters in the city, particularly in designated Historic Districts or areas suspected of holding archaeological significance.

When a construction or renovation project is proposed, especially in older parts of the city like Lower Manhattan, the Financial District, Brooklyn Heights, or Harlem, developers may be required to conduct an archaeological review. This review ensures that potential historical resources are not destroyed without documentation or consideration.

Regulatory Framework: Renovation Rules Grounded in Archaeology

The rules that govern renovation in NYC are heavily influenced by archaeological concerns, especially in sensitive areas. Here’s how the process typically works:

1. Phase IA Archaeological Assessment

Before any ground is broken, an environmental or historical consultant may conduct a Phase IA study. This involves researching the historical significance of the site, reviewing old maps, deeds, and documents to determine whether archaeological artifacts might be present.

2. Phase IB Testing

If Phase IA suggests the potential for buried resources, a Phase IB investigation is initiated. This stage involves actual digging—test pits, core samples, or soil boring—to physically check for artifacts.

3. Phase II Site Evaluation

If significant materials are found, a Phase II study may be required. This involves broader excavation and documentation of findings. Depending on the nature of the artifacts, this could delay the project for weeks or even months.

4. Phase III Data Recovery

In rare cases where the findings are exceptionally significant, full-scale excavation (Phase III) is conducted before construction can resume. This is the most time-consuming and expensive phase.

Not Just a Legal Hurdle—A Moral and Cultural Responsibility

While some developers see archaeological reviews as an obstacle, many recognize the importance of preserving the city’s heritage. Every artifact tells a story—of the city’s first immigrants, of industries that no longer exist, of communities that were displaced or forgotten.

There have been extraordinary discoveries during renovation and construction, such as:

  • The African Burial Ground: Discovered in the 1990s during construction for a federal office building, this site in Lower Manhattan revealed over 400 skeletal remains of African slaves buried in the 17th and 18th centuries. Today, it is a National Monument and a sobering reminder of the city’s past.
  • The Stadt Huys Block: Excavations in Lower Manhattan unearthed remnants of the city’s first city hall, dating back to the 17th century Dutch colonial period. Renovation projects in the area are now tightly controlled to avoid disturbing what’s left.
  • Colonial-Era Taverns and Homes: During utility or renovation work in neighborhoods like the South Street Seaport or Wall Street, teams have found the foundations of colonial homes, taverns, and even pottery and tools.

Each of these discoveries has influenced how future renovations are planned and executed.

How Renovators Navigate Archaeological Constraints

Renovating or restoring a building in New York, particularly one that’s landmarked or historically located, often requires navigating a complex web of permits and approvals.

Some key steps that responsible renovation contractors take include:

Pre-Construction Research

Before bidding on a project, experienced contractors often do their own historical research to assess potential risks. Knowing the past of a location can help in cost estimation and project timelines.

Working with Preservationists and Archaeologists

Contractors frequently collaborate with professionals trained in archaeology and historic preservation. This ensures that any findings are handled properly and in compliance with city regulations.

Adapting Design Plans

Sometimes the design or layout of a renovation must be altered to accommodate archaeological preservation. For example, an underground parking garage might be relocated to avoid disturbing historical foundations.

Training and Awareness

Construction crews are trained to recognize potential artifacts or soil changes that could indicate buried structures or objects. If anything is found, work is paused, and experts are brought in.

Economic and Cultural Impact of Archaeology on Renovation

It’s easy to assume that all these rules just add cost and delay. But there are long-term benefits—economic, cultural, and even reputational.

Economic Value

Buildings or sites with documented historical significance often appreciate in value. They can attract tourism, commercial interest, or funding from preservation societies and grants.

Cultural Identity

Archaeology helps preserve the stories of marginalized communities that might otherwise be forgotten. Renovating with respect to these histories helps neighborhoods retain their cultural identity.

Reputation

Renovation firms known for respecting historical processes often enjoy better reputations and greater trust among government agencies and historical societies.

Case Study: Renovation at the South Street Seaport

A real-world example of archaeology influencing renovation is at the South Street Seaport Historic District. Developers planning upgrades to the 19th-century warehouse buildings had to conduct archaeological testing due to the area’s significance as a port since the 1600s.

Archaeologists found remnants of piers, goods storage, and even whalebone fragments used in early commerce. The developers adjusted their plans to preserve the foundations and incorporated archaeological displays into the final design, blending history with modernization.

The Future of Renovation in NYC: A Partnership with the Past

As the city continues to evolve, the role of archaeology in renovation is only growing. Technology like ground-penetrating radar, 3D scanning, and AI-enhanced mapping tools are making it easier to identify and protect hidden historical elements.

Meanwhile, a greater awareness of social justice and cultural preservation is leading to more inclusive archaeological practices. Projects are increasingly evaluated not just for colonial or commercial artifacts but for traces of immigrant, African-American, Indigenous, and working-class lives.

This shift is ensuring that the narrative of NYC’s past is as diverse and rich as its present.

Conclusion: Building on History, Not Over It

New York City’s skyline is constantly evolving, but its foundations are deep—rooted in the lives of countless people who came before us. By embracing archaeology as a partner rather than a problem, renovation projects can achieve something far more meaningful than just new floors or façades—they can become bridges between past and present.

For property owners and developers, this means choosing contractors who understand not just how to build, but how to preserve. Whether you’re restoring a Brooklyn brownstone or modernizing a downtown loft, working with experts who respect the past ensures a future built on integrity.

If you’re seeking professionals who blend expert craftsmanship with historical sensitivity, consider working with the best exterior renovation contractors in NYC. They’ll help you build not just walls, but legacy.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Qasinka, CC0 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

Population history of the Southern Caucasus

Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology—An international team of researchers from Germany, Georgia, Armenia, and Norway has analyzed ancient DNA from 230 individuals across 50 archaeological sites from Georgia and Armenia. Within the framework of the Max Planck-Harvard Research Center for the Archaeoscience of the Ancient Mediterranean, co-directed by Johannes Krause, Director at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, and Philipp Stockhammer, Professor at Ludwig Maximilians University of Munich, this study reconstructs the genetic interactions of populations in the Southern Caucasus over time and down to the level of individual mobility.

Mostly constant ancestry with traces of Bronze Age migrations

Spanning from the Early Bronze Age (circa 3500 BCE) to after the Migration Period (circa 500 CE), the research shows that people in the Southern Caucasus retained a mostly constant ancestry profile. “The persistence of a deeply rooted local gene pool through several shifts in material culture is exceptional”, says population geneticist Harald Ringbauer, whose research team at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology led this study, “This stands out compared to other regions across Western Eurasia, where many changes were linked to substantial movement of people.”

While there was overall genetic continuity, the research also found evidence of migration from neighboring regions. During the later phases of the Bronze Age, in particular, a portion of the area’s genetic makeup traces back to people from Anatolia and the Eurasian steppe pastoralists—reflecting cultural exchange, technological innovation, burial practices, and the expansion of economic systems, such as mobile pastoralism. Following this period, the population size in the area increased, and genetic signatures of mixing were often more transient or confined to singular mobile individuals.

Cranial deformation: introduced by migration, then turned into a local tradition

One of the study’s most striking findings concerns early Medieval individuals from the Iberian Kingdom, located in present-day eastern Georgia, who had intentionally deformed skulls. This cultural practice was long thought to be tied to Central Eurasian Steppe populations. “We identified numerous individuals with deformed skulls who were genetically Central Asian, and we even found direct genealogical links to the Avars and Huns ” says lead author and geneticist Eirini Skourtanioti from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and Ludwig Maximilians University Munich. “However, our analyses revealed that most of these individuals were locals, not migrants. This is a compelling example of the cultural adoption of a practice that was likely disseminated in the area by nomadic groups.”

Liana Bitadze, head of the Anthropological Research Laboratory at Tbilisi State University in Georgia and a co-author of the study, corroborates the significance of this finding: “Previously, we addressed this question through comparative morphometric analyses. Now, ancient DNA analysis has created a completely new line of evidence, helping us to reach more definitive answers.”

A melting pot of diverse ancestries

The study also highlights how urban centers and early Christian sites in eastern Georgia became melting pots of people beginning in Late Antiquity. This further emphasizes the long-standing role of the Caucasus as a dynamic cultural and genetic frontier.

“Historical sources mention how the Caucasus Mountains served both as a barrier and a corridor for migration during Late Antiquity. Our study shows that increased individual mobility was a key feature of the emerging urban centers in the region”, says Xiaowen Jia, co-lead author and PhD researcher at Ludwig Maximilians University Munich.

This research sets a new standard for understanding the population histories of regions that have long been overlooked by archaeogenetics.

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Mtskheta, the ancient capital of the Iberian Kingdom, and the confluence of the Kura and Aragvi rivers, about 20 kilometers north of Tbilisi, Georgia. This study analyzed the DNA of individuals buried in the Samtavro cemetery, a small white structure on the right side of the photo. Several of these individuals had artificially deformed skulls. Mtskheta was the economic and political capital of the Kingdom of Iberia for nearly a millennium, until the fifth century CE, and was also a center of early Christianization.  © Harald Ringbauer

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology news release.

Archaeologists find oldest evidence of humans on ‘Hobbit’s’ island neighbor – who they were remains a mystery

Griffith University—Recent findings, made by Griffith University researchers, show that early hominins made a major deep-sea crossing to reach the Indonesian island of Sulawesi much earlier than previously established, based on the discovery of stone tools dating to at least 1.04 million years ago at the Early Pleistocene (or ‘Ice Age’) site of Calio.

Budianto Hakim from the National Research and Innovation Agency of Indonesia (BRIN) and Professor Adam Brumm from the Australian Research Centre for Human Evolution at Griffith University led the research published today in Nature.

A field team led by Hakim excavated a total of seven stone artefacts from the sedimentary layers of a sandstone outcrop in a modern corn field at the southern Sulawesi location.

In the Early Pleistocene, this would have been the site of hominin tool-making and other activities such as hunting, in the vicinity of a river channel.

The Calio artifacts consist of small, sharp-edged fragments of stones (flakes) that the early human tool-makers struck from larger pebbles that had most likely been obtained from nearby riverbeds.

The Griffith-led team used palaeomagnetic dating of the sandstone itself and direct-dating of an excavated pig fossil, to confirm an age of at least 1.04 million years for the artifacts.

Previously, Professor Brumm’s team had revealed evidence for hominin occupation in this archipelago, known as Wallacea, from at least 1.02 million years ago, based on the presence of stone tools at Wolo Sege on the island of Flores, and by around 194 thousand years ago at Talepu on Sulawesi.

The island of Luzon in the Philippines, to the north of Wallacea, had also yielded evidence of hominins from around 700,000 years ago.

“This discovery adds to our understanding of the movement of extinct humans across the Wallace Line, a transitional zone beyond which unique and often quite peculiar animal species evolved in isolation,” Professor Brumm said.

“It’s a significant piece of the puzzle, but the Calio site has yet to yield any hominin fossils; so while we now know there were tool-makers on Sulawesi a million years ago, their identity remains a mystery.”

The original discovery of Homo floresiensis (the ‘hobbit’) and subsequent 700,000-year-old fossils of a similar small-bodied hominin on Flores, also led by Professor Brumm’s team, suggested that it could have been Homo erectus that breached the formidable marine barrier between mainland Southeast Asia to inhabit this small Wallacean island, and, over hundreds of thousands of years, underwent island dwarfism.

Professor Brumm said his team’s recent find on Sulawesi has led him to wonder what might have happened to Homo erectus on an island more than 12 times the size of Flores?

“Sulawesi is a wild card – it’s like a mini-continent in itself,” he said.

“If hominins were cut off on this huge and ecologically rich island for a million years, would they have undergone the same evolutionary changes as the Flores hobbits? Or would something totally different have happened?”

The study ‘Hominins on Sulawesi during the Early Pleistocene’ has been published in Nature.

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Stone tools were excavated from Calio, Sulawesi, and dated to over 1.04 million years ago. The scale bars are 10 mm.  M.W. Moore/University of New England

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Article Source: Griffith University news release.

Research and experimentation suggest a new theory on how the ancients moved the massive stones for Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids

Ontario, Canada – August 3, 2025 – Paul Sullivan, a former resident of Newfoundland now living in Ontario, Canada, today announces the release of his groundbreaking e-book, The Conveyor System: Solving the Mystery of How the Stones Were Moved at Stonehenge and the Pyramids. Drawing from a 2011 discovery shared on the Megalithic Portal—a leading online community for megalith enthusiasts—this e-book presents an innovative method for transporting massive stones in prehistoric times, challenging traditional theories and offering fresh insights into ancient engineering.

Inspired by a TV documentary on Stonehenge’s bluestones, Sullivan applied Lean Manufacturing techniques, including root-cause analysis tools like the 5 Whys, to develop the Conveyor System. As detailed in his original Megalithic Portal post, the system uses smaller bluestones arranged in a line or grid as a raised base pathway (6-10 stones, ~2-3 meters long) to elevate and distribute weight, preventing sinking in soft ground. Wooden rollers (2-3 dowels, 10-20 cm diameter) are placed under the load stone (2-5 tons), allowing low-friction rolling. Leapfrogging relocates rear bases and rollers forward after each 1-2 meter advance, creating a continuous, reusable conveyor for distances like Stonehenge’s 240 km bluestone route.

The e-book explains the system’s mechanics, including how friction naturally “dresses” stones through abrasion, and provides step-by-step applications:

  • For Stonehenge: Transports bluestones with 5-10 minute cycles, covering 1-2 km/day, outperforming rollers by eliminating resets and saving 50% labor.
  • For Egyptian Pyramids: Adapts to ramps and Nile hauls, meeting 1-2 minute takt time for 315 blocks/day with parallels, while rollers fail due to bottlenecks and congestion.

Sullivan’s 3P project prototypes—concrete blocks on grass—confirmed feasibility, with Grok 4 used in 2025 for calculations validating timelines and efficiencies.

“This system challenges us to rethink ancient capabilities,” says Sullivan. “From Stonehenge’s bluestones to Giza’s blocks, it offers a practical, waste-free solution aligned with Neolithic resources.”

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The e-book is available for download.

A youtube video demonstrating the method is available here.

More information can also be obtained at the Megalithic Portal.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Stonehenge. Walkerssk, Pixabay

4,000-year-old teeth record the earliest traces of people chewing psychoactive betel nuts

Frontiers—In south-east Asia, betel nut chewing has been practiced since antiquity. The plants contain compounds that enhance the consumer’s alertness, energy, euphoria, and relaxation. Although the practice is becoming less common in modern times, it has been deeply embedded in social and cultural traditions for thousands of years. Chewing betel nuts typically results in dark, reddish-brown to black stained teeth.

Yet, teeth without staining may not mean that people didn’t chew betel nuts. Now, using a new method, an international team of researchers examined ancient dental plaque from Bronze Age Thailand and found evidence of betel nut chewing.

“We identified plant derivatives in dental calculus from a 4,000-year-old burial at Nong Ratchawat, Thailand,” said first author of the Frontiers in Environmental Archaeology study Dr Piyawit Moonkham, an anthropological archaeologist at Chiang Mai University in Thailand. “This is the earliest direct biomolecular evidence of betel nut use in south-east Asia.”

“We demonstrate that dental calculus can preserve chemical signatures of psychoactive plant use for millennia, even when conventional archaeological evidence is completely absent,” added Dr Shannon Tushingham, the senior author, who is the associate curator of anthropology at the California Academy of Sciences. “In essence, we’ve developed a way to make the invisible visible—revealing behaviors and practices that have been lost to time for 4,000 years.”

Hidden in plaque

At Nong Ratchawat, an archaeological site in central Thailand that dates back to the Bronze Age, 156 human burials have been unearthed since 2003. For the present study, the team collected 36 dental calculus samples from six individuals.

Back in the lab, they removed tiny amounts of plaque from the samples and the chemical residues found therein underwent analysis. The team also used betel liquid samples they produced themselves to ensure psychoactive compounds could be reliably detected through their analysis and to understand the complex biochemical interactions between ingredients. “We used dried betel nut, pink limestone paste, Piper betel leaves, and sometimes Senegalia catechu bark and tobacco. We ground the ingredients with human saliva to replicate authentic chewing conditions,” Moonkham said. “Sourcing materials and experimentally ‘chewing’ betel nuts to create authentic quid samples was both a fun and interesting process.”

The results showed that three of the archaeological samples – all stemming from a molar of the same individual, Burial 11 – contained traces of arecoline and arecaidine. These organic compounds, found in betel nuts but also plants like coffee, tea, and tobacco, have pronounced physiological effects on humans. This suggests that betel nuts were chewed as early as 4,000 years ago in Thailand.

‘Archaeologically invisible’ proof

“The presence of betel nut compounds in dental calculus does suggest repeated consumption, as these residues become incorporated into mineralized plaque deposits over time through regular exposure,” explained Tushingham. Accordingly, the absence of tooth-staining raises questions. It could be the result of different consumption methods, the team pointed out. It could also be due to post-consumption teeth cleaning practices, or post-mortem processes affecting stain preservation over 4,000 years.

While traces of betel nut chewing were found in samples from only one individual, there is currently no proof that Burial 11 received special treatment or was of elevated social status or unique ritual significance compared to the other burials at Nong Ratchawat. The presence of stone beads as grave goods, however, could provide hints as to the individual’s identity or lived experience. Studying more individuals at Nong Ratchawat and other local sites to learn when and to whom such grave goods were given could provide valuable evidence, the team said.

The methods the researchers applied can be used to examine the remaining burials at Nong Ratchawat and at other sites, they said. “Dental calculus analysis can reveal behaviors that leave no traditional archaeological traces, potentially revolutionizing our understanding of ancient lifeways and human-plant relationships,” Tushingham said. “It could open new windows into the deep history of human cultural practices.”

“Understanding the cultural context of traditional plant use is a larger theme we want to amplify—psychoactive, medicinal, and ceremonial plants are often dismissed as drugs, but they represent millennia of cultural knowledge, spiritual practice, and community identity,” Moonkham concluded. “Archaeological evidence can inform contemporary discussions by honoring the deep cultural heritage behind these practices.”

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Archaeological burials with associated artifacts at Nong Ratchawat. Credit: Piyawit Moonkham.

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Modern betel quid ingredients: Piper betle leaf, areca nut (Areca catechu L.), limestone paste, tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.), and Senegalia catechu bark filaments. Credit: Piyawit Moonkham

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Red liquid produced after chewing betel quid. Credit: Piyawit Moonkham.  Credit Piyawit Moonkham

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Scrumped fruit key to chimpanzee life and a major force of human evolution

University of St. Andrews—New research from the University of St Andrews and Dartmouth College examines the crucial, but until now, overlooked, role of ‘scrumped’ fruit in the lives of great apes and the origins of human feasting. 

Published today (Thursday 31 July) in BioScience, this pioneering study is the first to tackle the mystery of why humans are so astoundingly good at metabolising alcohol. 

The findings show that feeding on fermented fruits gathered from the forest floor is an important behavior in the lives of African apes, and one that explains why they, and we, evolved the ability to digest alcohol efficiently. 

Researchers from the University of St Andrews and four other international institutions worked with a large observational data set to quantify, for the first time, how regularly this behavior happens across great apes.  

Co-author Nathaniel Dominy, the Charles Hansen Professor of Anthropology at Dartmouth College, said: “One problem for the researchers was that there was no word to describe ‘feeding on fruits gathered from the forest floor.’ Nobody wants more jargon, but without a word to talk about something, a behavior is easily overlooked” 

They repurposed the word ‘scrumping’, the act of gathering, or sometimes stealing, windfallen apples and other fruit. It is an English derivation of the middle low German word schrimpen, a mediaeval noun for describing overripe or fermented fruit. 

Whilst searching for the right term they discovered that there is a long-standing representation in gothic art of primates picking fruit from the ground. By repurposing the term scrumping, they suggest their work is a case of “life imitating art imitating life.” 

A range of work points towards the fact that ripe fruit contain small-but scrumptious-levels of ethanol, there have been recent findings hinting at the importance of chimpanzees’ feeding socially on fruits. 

Building on those findings, this paper has revealed that, counter to widespread beliefs that primates do not ‘scrump,’ African apes, but not orangutans, ‘scrump’ on a regular basis. This behavioural difference is crucial, as the same pattern is reflected in an important genetic mutation that allows African apes to metabolise alcohol 40x more efficiently than orangutans and other primates, and could be an important link to the evolution of humans’ long-standing affair with alcohol. 

Co-lead author Professor Catherine Hobaiter from the University of St Andrews School of Psychology and Neuroscience, said: “A fundamental feature of our relationship with alcohol, is our tendency to drink together, whether a pint with friends or a large social feast. The next step is to investigate how shared feeding on fermented fruits might also influence social relationships in other apes.” 

Professor Hobaiter added, “One upshot is that sharing a cold pint of scrumpy this summer echoes a behaviour our ape ancestors might have already been partaking in 10 million years ago.” 

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Article Source: University of St. Andrews news release.

Is ancient Roman concrete more sustainable than modern concrete?

Cell Press—Ancient Roman concrete, which was used to build aqueducts, bridges, and buildings across the empire, has endured for over two thousand years. In a study publishing July 25 in the Cell Press journal iScience, researchers investigated whether switching back to Roman concrete could improve the sustainability of modern-day concrete production. They found that reproducing the ancient recipe would require comparable energy and water and emit similar amounts of CO2. However, the authors suggest that the heightened durability of Roman concrete might make it a more sustainable option because it could reduce the need for replacement and maintenance.  

“Studying Roman concrete can teach us how to use materials in a way that can maximize the longevity of our structures, because sustainability goes hand-by-hand with durability,” says author and engineer Daniela Martinez of Universidad del Norte in Colombia.  

Making more sustainable concrete remains an important challenge in the race to decarbonize the construction industry. Modern concrete production contributes to air pollution and is responsible for approximately 8% of global anthropogenic CO2 emissions and 3% of the total global energy demand. Since previous studies have suggested that Roman concrete might be more sustainable than modern concrete, the researchers decided to put this hypothesis to the test. 

“We were interested in how we can draw lessons from their methods to inform some of the climate-mitigation challenges that we currently face in our built environment,” says Martinez. 

The key raw ingredient in both Ancient Roman and modern concrete is limestone. When heated to extremely high temperatures, limestone decomposes to produce CO2 and calcium oxide, which can be combined with other key minerals and water to form a paste that binds the concrete (or mortar) together. Whereas the Romans incorporated locally available rocks, volcanic debris called “pozzolan,” and recycled rubble from demolition projects into their concrete, modern concrete is made by mixing cement with various types of sand and gravel. 

To compare the sustainability of producing Roman and modern concrete, the researchers used models to estimate the volume of raw materials required (e.g., limestone and water) for each concrete type and the amount of CO2 and air pollutants produced. Since Roman concrete was not made uniformly, they compared multiple ancient recipes that used different proportions of limestone and pozzolan. For the Roman recipes, they also compared the sustainability of ancient and modern production techniques and the use of different forms of energy (e.g., fossil fuels, wood or other biomass, or renewable energy). 

To their surprise, the researchers showed that, per volume of concrete, producing Roman concrete results in similar—and, in some cases, more—CO2 compared to modern concrete formulations.  

“Contrary to our initial expectations, adopting Roman formulations with current technology may not yield substantial reductions in emissions or energy demand,” says Martinez. “Using biomass and other alternative fuels to fire kilns may prove more effective in decarbonizing modern cement production than implementing Roman concrete formulations.” 

However, the researchers estimated that Roman concrete production would result in lower emissions of air pollutants such as nitrogen oxide and sulfur oxide, which are harmful to human health. These reductions, which ranged from 11%–98%, were present whether Roman concrete production was fueled by fossil fuels, biomass, or renewable energy, but renewable energy resulted in the biggest reductions. 

In addition to being potentially less harmful to people, Roman concrete is also thought to be more durable, which could make it a more sustainable option over time, especially for high usage applications like roads and highways, which typically require regular maintenance and replacement. “When we take concrete’s service life into consideration, that’s when we start seeing benefits,” says Martinez.  

“In cases where prolonging the use of concrete can reduce the need to manufacture new materials, more durable concrete has the potential to reduce environmental impact,” says author and engineer Sabbie Miller of the University of California, Davis, USA. 

However, it’s very difficult to make this comparison, because modern concrete has only been produced for the past 200 years, and, unlike modern reinforced concrete, the ancient Roman structures did not use steel bars to increase strength. “Corrosion of steel reinforcement is the main cause of concrete deterioration, so comparisons should be made with great care,” says author and engineer Paulo Monteiro of the University of California, Berkeley, USA.  

In the future, the researchers plan to develop more in-depth analyses to compare the performance and lifespan of Roman and modern concrete in different scenarios. 

“There’s a lot of lessons that we can draw from the Romans,” says Martinez. “If we can incorporate their strategies with our modern innovative ideas, we can create a more sustainable built environment.” 

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Article Source: Cell Press news release.

*iScience, Martinez et al., “How sustainable was Ancient Roman concrete?” https://www.cell.com/iscience/fulltext/S2589-0042(25)01313-6

Cover Image, Top Left: The Pantheon, in Rome. Leonhard_Niederwimmer, Pixabay

Is this what 2,500-year-old honey looks like?

American Chemical Society—Decades ago, archaeologists discovered a sticky substance in a copper jar in an ancient Greek shrine. And until recently, the identity of the residue was still murky — is it a mixture of fats, oils and beeswax or something else? Researchers publishing in the Journal of the American Chemical Society have reanalyzed samples of the residue using modern analytical techniques and determined that it’s likely the remains of ancient honey — a conclusion previous analyses rejected.

Honey was an important substance in the ancient world, sometimes left in shrines as offerings to the gods or buried alongside the dead. In 1954, one such underground Greek shrine dating to around 520 BCE was discovered in Paestum, Italy — about an hour and a half’s drive from Pompeii. Inside were several bronze jars containing a sticky residue. At the time, archaeologists assumed it was honey, originally offered as honeycombs. Then, three different teams over the course of 30 years analyzed the residue but failed to confirm the presence of honey, instead concluding that the jars contained some sort of animal or vegetable fat contaminated with pollen and insect parts. But when the residue came to the Ashmolean Museum for an exhibition, a team of researchers led by Luciana da Costa Carvalho, James McCullagh had a chance to reexamine the mystery substance and collect new scientific evidence.

The researchers analyzed samples of the residue using several modern analytical techniques to determine its molecular makeup. They found that:

  • The ancient residue had a chemical fingerprint nearly identical to that of modern beeswax and modern honey, with a higher acidity level that was consistent with changes after long-term storage.
  • The residue’s chemical composition was more complex than that of the heat-degraded beeswax, suggesting the presence of honey or other substances.
  • Where the residue had touched the bronze jar, degraded sugar mixed with copper was found.
  • Hexose sugars, a common group of sugars found in honey, were detected in higher concentrations in the ancient residue than in modern beeswax.
  • Royal jelly proteins (known to be secreted by the western honeybee) were also identified in the residue.

These results suggest that the ancient substance is what is left of ancient honey. However, the researchers can’t exclude the possibility that other bee products may also be present.

“Ancient residues aren’t just traces of what people ate or offered to the gods — they are complex chemical ecosystems,” explains da Costa Carvalho. “Studying them reveals how those substances changed over time, opening the door to future work on ancient microbial activity and its possible applications.”

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This bronze jar on display at the Ashmolean Museum contained a mysterious substance (shown in the foreground) that is very likely ancient honey. Adapted from the Journal of the American Chemical Society 2025, DOI: 10.1021/jacs.5c04888

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This is likely what 2,500-year-old honey looks like, according to new tests using modern techniques.  Luciana da Costa Carvalho

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The American Chemical Society (ACS) is a nonprofit organization founded in 1876 and chartered by the U.S. Congress. ACS is committed to improving all lives through the transforming power of chemistry. Its mission is to advance scientific knowledge, empower a global community and champion scientific integrity, and its vision is a world built on science. The Society is a global leader in promoting excellence in science education and providing access to chemistry-related information and research through its multiple research solutions, peer-reviewed journals, scientific conferences, e-books and weekly news periodical Chemical & Engineering News. ACS journals are among the most cited, most trusted and most read within the scientific literature; however, ACS itself does not conduct chemical research. As a leader in scientific information solutions, its CAS division partners with global innovators to accelerate breakthroughs by curating, connecting and analyzing the world’s scientific knowledge. ACS’ main offices are in Washington, D.C., and Columbus, Ohio

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Article Source: American Chemical Society news release

How much time did our ancestors spend up in trees? Studying these chimpanzees might help us find out

Frontiers—It’s hard to tell when — and why — our ancestors got down from trees and started walking on two legs. Many early hominins capable of bipedal walking were also well-adapted for climbing, and we lack fossil evidence from a key period when climate change turned forests into open, dry woodland called savannah-mosaic, which might have pushed hominins onto the ground. Now a study on modern chimpanzees could help fill in the gaps. Scientists observing chimpanzees in the Issa Valley, Tanzania have shown that despite living in a savannah-mosaic, they frequently climb trees for valuable food — potentially explaining why early hominins kept their arboreal adaptations.  

“For decades it was assumed that bipedalism arose because we came down from the trees and needed to walk across an open savannah,” said Dr Rhianna Drummond-Clarke of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, lead author of the article in Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution. “Here we show that safely and effectively navigating the canopy can remain very important for a large, semi-arboreal ape, even in open habitat. Adaptations to arboreal, rather than terrestrial, living may have been key in shaping the early evolution of the human lineage.” 

Habitats and hunger 

Issa Valley is divided between a small amount of thick forest surrounding riverbanks and open woodland. The chimpanzees forage more in the woodland during the dry season, when it offers more food. Their habitat and diet are comparable to those of some early hominins, which means their behavior might offer insights into those extinct hominins’ lives.  

“Our previous research found that, compared to chimpanzees living in forests, Issa Valley chimpanzees spent just as much time moving in the trees,” said Drummond-Clarke. “We wanted to test if something about how they foraged could explain their unexpectedly high arboreality. Savannah-mosaics are characterized by more sparsely distributed trees, so we hypothesized that adapting behavior to forage efficiently in a tree would be especially beneficial when the next tree is further away.” 

Researchers monitored the adults of the Issa community during the dry season, watching how they foraged in trees and what they ate there. The size, height, and shape of the trees were recorded, as well as the number and size of branches.  

Issa chimpanzees mostly ate fruit, followed by leaves and flowers — foods found at the ends of branches, so the chimpanzees needed to be capable climbers to reach them safely. They spent longer foraging in trees that were larger and offered more food. The longest foraging sessions, and the most specialized behaviors to navigate thinner terminal branches, were seen in trees with large open crowns offering lots of food: perhaps abundant food justified the extra time and effort. A similar trade-off between the nutritional benefits of specific foods and the effort of acquiring them could also explain why chimpanzees spent longer in trees while eating nutritionally-rich, hard-to-access seeds. 

Fast food 

Because they are relatively large, chimpanzees move within trees not by climbing on thin branches but by hanging under them, or standing upright and holding on to nearby branches with their hands. Although these ‘safe’ behaviors are traditionally associated with foraging in dense forest, these findings show they’re also important for chimpanzees foraging in a savannah-mosaic. 

“We suggest our bipedal gait continued to evolve in the trees even after the shift to an open habitat,” said Drummond-Clarke. “Observational studies of great apes demonstrate they can walk on the ground for a few steps, but most often use bipedalism in the trees. It’s logical that our early hominin relatives also engaged in this kind of bipedalism, where they can hold onto branches for extra balance. If Issa Valley chimpanzees can be considered suitable models, suspensory and bipedal behaviors were likely vital for a large-bodied, fruit-eating, semi-terrestrial hominin to survive in an open habitat.”  

However, the researchers say that we need more fossil evidence and more studies on different aspects of chimpanzee foraging to test this idea. 

“This study only looked at foraging behavior during the dry season,” cautioned Drummond-Clarke. “It would be interesting to investigate if these patterns remain during the wet season. Analyses of the nutritional value of foods and overall food availability are also needed to test our hypothesis that a strategy of foraging for longer in large trees on certain foods is energy-efficient in an open habitat.  

“Importantly, this is also only one community of chimpanzees. Future studies of other chimpanzees living in such dry, open habitats will be vital to see if these patterns are truly a savannah-mosaic signal or unique to Issa.” 

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

Neanderthal remains have high nitrogen levels likely because they munched on maggots

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Maggots may be the secret ingredient responsible for extremely high nitrogen values found in Neanderthal remains, new research suggests. The work challenges an established theory that Late Pleistocene hominins ate as much fatty meat as lions, wolves, and other hypercarnivores. Eurasian Neanderthal remains have very high nitrogen isotope values, on par with those typically seen in hypercarnivores at the top of the food web. Archaeologists originally attributed these extremely high levels to heavy consumption of mammoth and other large land species. “While it is possible for humans to subsist on a very ‘carnivorous’ diet, many traditional northern hunter-gatherers such as the Inuit subsisted mostly on animal foods, hominins simply cannot tolerate the high levels of protein consumption that large predators can,” Melanie Beasley and colleagues note. They point towards an alternate nitrogen source: maggots. Ethnographic records report that some Indigenous cultures historically consumed putrefied food ripe with larvae for extra nutrients. Beasley et al. theorize that Neanderthals probably did as well. To confirm that maggots can even contain such high nitrogen values, they conducted stable nitrogen isotope ratio analyses on 389 larvae from three fly families (Calliphoridae, Piophilidae, and Stratiomyidae) gathered from the flesh of postmortem donors putrefying over two years in a forensic anthropology laboratory. Results showed that the maggots had far greater nitrogen values (as high as 43.2%) than the levels present in tissue and decomposed tissue alone. “It is the maggots, more so than the carcass tissues themselves, that gave Late Pleistocene hominins both a rich source of fat and a very highly 15N-enriched source of protein,” Beasley et al. conclude.

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Article Source: AAAS news release

*Neanderthals, hypercarnivores, and maggots: Insights from stable nitrogen isotopes, Science Advances, 25-Jul-2025. 10.1126/sciadv.adt7466 

Cover Image, Top Left: HeckiMG, Pixabay

Study of now-submerged migration routes redraws map of how humans settled beyond Africa

University of Kansas, LAWRENCE — A University of Kansas researcher has spent years studying “aquaterra” — his term for regions around the world once populated by ancient humans that today are submerged under water due to sea-level changes.

Jerome Dobson, KU professor emeritus of geography, believes these regions — typically extending from continental coasts and surrounding scattered islands — contain vast archaeological treasures and answers about ancient humanity, and deserve much more research attention.

Dobson and Italian colleagues Giorgio Spada of the University of Bologna and Gaia Galassi of the University of Urbino recently published a reexamination of ancient human migratory routes from Africa, where homo sapiens first evolved, based on a newly improved glacial isostatic adjustment (GIA) model of historical sea levels along with DNA and archaeological data.

An improved simulation of ancient sea levels can reveal how melting glaciers — continuing long after the Last Glacial Maximum — may have transformed migration pathways and shaped the rise of civilizations in Africa.

The new research appears in the peer-reviewed journal Comptes Rendus Géoscience, published by the Académie des sciences, heir to the Comptes Rendus des Séances hebdomadaires de l’Académie des Sciences, founded in 1835 by Arago.

“The exciting implication is that a lot of underwater landscapes have archaeological relevance, and this mapping gives scientists a better shot at finding them,” Dobson said. “We hope this enables people to see and explore the landscapes that were exposed during the last ice age — especially at the Last Glacial Maximum 21,000 years ago.”

Dobson’s study* refines understanding of ocean levels, coastlines and ancient migratory corridors in Africa and West Asia, using the new sea-level data to explore alternative land and sea routes into and out of Africa. These include the Suez crossing between the Red and Mediterranean seas, the Gulf of Aqaba route to the Levant, the Bab el Mandab crossing to Saudi Arabia, the crossing from Foul Bay to the Mediterranean Sea, and the island route across the Sicily and Messina straits.

“We wanted to generate coastlines that are physically and geophysically correct,” said the KU researcher. “Researchers need to use GIA modeling because simply subtracting sea-level height from topography isn’t enough. The Earth’s crust literally warps under the weight of ice sheets.”

According to the findings, some of these important migration routes were exposed by retreating seas for much longer than was known previously, though they varied with regional sea-level fluctuations.

Dobson and his co-authors also used datasets of DNA to reconstruct how human beings migrated out of Africa — seeing where they align with possible geographical routes.

“We benefited from a newly published map of DNA centers going back 2 million years,” Dobson said. “It shows a single ancient origin in the south, near Meroe in Kush, well into Africa. The archaeological evidence is sparse, while the DNA evidence is strong and consistent.”

The team sought to trace early human migration from the first-known centers of humanity. They examined northern routes through the Sinai Peninsula and southern routes that cross the Red Sea at the Bab el-Mandeb.

“The early human haplotype center appears to be in northeast Sudan,” Dobson said. “That wasn’t a shock, somewhat expected by the DNA experts who discovered it. There were clear connections going up into the Levant. Archaeological literature often emphasizes the southern route across the Bab el-Mandeb, but the maps they produce show little connection between the western and eastern sides of that divide.”

Dobson said that although the Bab el-Mandeb is the narrowest passage geographically, it might have been a major barrier depending on the watercraft of that time.

“People who study this deeply say the northern route — through the Sinai — is well established,” said the KU researcher. “The southern one, across Bab el-Mandeb, looks much less supported by archaeology based on the new data.”

Dobson and his co-authors considered other migratory routes and crossings. Their findings show south-to-north and east-to-west directions of human occupancy in the Nile Valley and highlight the site of Berenice on Foul Bay along the Egyptian coast of the Red Sea as a port or potential point of crossing.

“Two things make Foul Bay important: First, it’s an alternative route when sea level is low,” Dobson said. “The Isthmus of Suez is over 500 kilometers across — such a long, dry crossing. We expected people would prefer going up through Foul Bay to the First Cataract of the Nile, which would only be a 300-kilometer route. Even in favorable times, people are concerned with long north-south voyages on the Red Sea, which is narrow and has tremendous coral reefs, especially on the western side. Foul Bay would be an important alternative for anyone going from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean or vice versa.”

The KU researcher asserts that with the new information about Berenice, people should reexamine migration into the Nile Valley before or during the glacial maximum. Coral reefs near Foul Bay might hold more clues, according to Dobson.

“It is well established that coral reefs, including patch coral reefs, are dependent on a solid base,” he said. “Our circumstantial evidence is intriguing, but it demands confirmation through rigorous searches for evidence of human construction.”

Because the GIA data developed by the research team is open access, it can serve future research in disciplines like geography, archaeology, migration studies, climate-change science and species conservation.

“This is a community resource,” Dobson said. “We wanted to put these reconstructions in investigators’ hands so they can explore their own regions of interest — where humans lived, what the land looked like, and how it changed.”

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Reference map showing natural features cited, cities, and known routes connecting the Nile River, Foul Bay, Gulf of Suez, Red Sea, and Mediterranean Sea throughout history. Dobson et al

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Article Source: University of Kansas news release.

Neanderthals at two nearby caves butchered the same prey in different ways, suggesting local food traditions

The Hebrew University of JerusalemA new study from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem reveals that Neanderthals living in two nearby caves in northern Israel—butchered their food in noticeably different ways. Despite using the same tools and hunting the same prey, groups in Amud and Kebara caves left behind distinct patterns of cut-marks on animal bones, suggesting that food preparation techniques may have been culturally specific and passed down through generations. These differences cannot be explained by tool type, skill, or available resources, and may reflect practices such as drying or aging meat before butchering. The findings provide rare insight into the social and cultural complexity of Neanderthal communities.

Neanderthals lived in the nearby caves of Amud and Kebara between 50 and 60,000 years ago, using the same tools and hunting the same prey. But due to the research lead by Anaelle Jallon from the Institute of Archeology (supervisors Rivka Rabinovich and Erella Hovers) with colleagues from the Natural History Museum of London, Lucille Crete and Silvia Bello, studying the cutmarks on the remains of their prey have found that the two groups seem to have butchered their food in visibly different ways, which can’t be explained by the skill of the butchers or the resources or tools used at each site. These differences could represent distinct cultural food practices, such as drying meat before butchering it.

Did Neanderthals have family recipes? A new study suggests that two groups of Neanderthals living in the caves of Amud and Kebara in northern Israel butchered their food in strikingly different ways, despite living close by and using similar tools and resources. Scientists think they might have been passing down different food preparation practices.

“The subtle differences in cut-mark patterns between Amud and Kebara may reflect local traditions of animal carcass processing,” said Anaëlle Jallon, PhD candidate at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and lead author of the article in Frontiers in Environmental Archaeology. “Even though Neanderthals at these two sites shared similar living conditions and faced comparable challenges, they seem to have developed distinct butchery strategies, possibly passed down through social learning and cultural traditions.

“These two sites give us a unique opportunity to explore whether Neanderthal butchery techniques were standardized,” explained Jallon. “If butchery techniques varied between sites or time periods, this would imply that factors such as cultural traditions, cooking preferences, or social organization influenced even subsistence-related activities such as butchering.”

Written in the bones

Amud and Kebara are close to each other: only 70 kilometers apart. Neanderthals occupied both caves during the winters between 50 and 60,000 years ago, leaving behind burials, stone tools, hearths, and food remains. Both groups used the same flint tools and relied on the same prey for their diet — mostly gazelles and fallow deer. But there are some subtle differences between the two. The Neanderthals living at Kebara seem to have hunted more large prey than those at Amud, and they also seem to have carried more large kills home to butcher them in the cave rather than at the site of the kill.

At Amud, 40% of the animal bones are burned and most are fragmented. This could be caused by deliberate actions like cooking or by later accidental damage. At Kebara, 9% of the bones are burned, but less fragmented, and are thought to have been cooked. The bones at Amud also seem to have undergone less carnivore damage than those found at Kebara.

To investigate the differences between food preparation at Kebara and at Amud, the scientists selected a sample of cut-marked bones from contemporaneous layers at the two sites. They examined these macroscopically and microscopically, recording the cut-marks’ different characteristics. Similar patterns of cut-marks might suggest there were no differences in butchery practices, while different patterns might indicate distinct cultural traditions.

The cut-marks were clear and intact, largely unaffected by later damage caused by carnivores or the drying out of the bones. The profiles, angles, and surface widths of these cuts were similar, likely due to the two groups’ similar toolkits. However, the cut-marks found at Amud were more densely packed and less linear in shape than those at Kebara.

Cooking from scratch

The researchers considered several possible explanations for this pattern. It could have been driven by the demands of butchering different prey species or different types of bones — most of the bones at Amud, but not Kebara, are long bones — but when they only looked at the long bones of small ungulates found at both Amud and Kebara, the same differences showed up in the data. Experimental archaeology also suggests this pattern couldn’t be accounted for by less skilled butchers or by butchering more intensively to get as much food as possible. The different patterns of cut-marks are best explained by deliberate butchery choices made by each group.

One possible explanation is that the Neanderthals at Amud were treating meat differently before butchering it: possibly drying their meat or letting it decompose, like modern-day butchers hanging meat before cooking. Decaying meat is harder to process, which would account for the greater intensity and less linear form of the cut-marks. A second possibility is that different group organization — for example, the number of butchers who worked on a given kill — in the two communities of Neanderthals played a role.

However, more research will be needed to investigate these possibilities.

“There are some limitations to consider,” said Jallon. “The bone fragments are sometimes too small to provide a complete picture of the butchery marks left on the carcass. While we have made efforts to correct for biases caused by fragmentation, this may limit our ability to fully interpret the data. Future studies, including more experimental work and comparative analyses, will be crucial for addressing these uncertainties — and maybe one day reconstructing Neanderthals’ recipes.”

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A specimen being scanned on one of the confocal microscopes. (Credit: Anaelle Jallon)

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The scan of a specimen from Amud. (Credit: Anaelle Jallon)

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The entrance of Amud cave. (Credit: Anaelle Jallon)

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The entrance of Kebara cave. (Credit: Erella Hovers)

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Article Source: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem news release.

Rare Intact Etruscan Tomb in Italy Discovered by International Baylor-led Archaeological Research Team

A team of archaeologists, led by Baylor University’s Davide Zori, Ph.D., principal investigator for San Giuliano Archaeological Research Project (SGARP), has uncovered a rare, intact Etruscan chamber tomb in central Italy – a discovery hailed as one of the most significant finds in recent decades for understanding the ancient pre-Roman civilization. 

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The sealed chamber tomb at San Giuliano – a site located approximately 70 km northwest of Rome – dates back 2,600 years, according to Zori, who also serves as associate professor of history and archaeology in the Baylor Interdisciplinary Core (BIC) in the Honors College.

Inside the undisturbed tomb, the remains of four individuals lay on carved stone beds surrounded by more than 100 remarkably well-preserved grave goods, including ceramic vases, iron weapons, bronze ornaments and delicate silver hair spools.

“This completely sealed burial chamber represents a rare find for Etruscan archaeology,” Zori said. “In the internal hilly region of central Italy, where the SGARP team works, a preserved chamber tomb of this age has never before been excavated with modern archaeological techniques. It is a unique opportunity for our project to study the beliefs and burial traditions of this fascinating pre-Roman culture.” 

Global collaboration

SGARP is a Baylor-led interdisciplinary team of archaeologists, art historians, geologists and historians working in partnership with the Virgil Academy in Rome under the auspices of Italy’s Ministry of Culture and in full partnership with the town of Barbarano Romano. Students from Baylor University join the project every summer as part of a study abroad course, “Archaeology in Research in Italy,” led by Zori.

The program, which began in 2016, has made significant discoveries throughout the years, but this particular study demonstrates firsthand how archaeological discoveries emerge from careful fieldwork and systematic analysis. Zori said it’s through this process that significant finds result from “patience, persistence and collaborative effort rather than dramatic moments of revelation.” 

Over the years, the team has documented over 600 tombs in the necropolis surrounding the Etruscan town, which sits atop the San Giuliano Plateau in the Lazio province in central Italy. Until the discovery of the intact tomb, all the other identified chamber tombs – carved out of the rock in the shape of small houses with pitched roofs – had been looted over the centuries, beginning as early as the Roman occupation in the late third century B.C. 

Preliminary analysis of the tomb objects suggests that the buried individuals might be two male-female pairs, but further conclusions await anthropological, isotopic and genetic study of the remains. 

“The SGARP team has completed the excavation of the tomb, but the study and analysis of the archaeological data yielded by this incredible discovery is just beginning,” Zori said.

Academic impact

As an active field school since 2016, the academic opportunities and educational impact of this discovery extend far beyond the immediate research team. Zori said the excavation of the intact Etruscan tomb represents more than just an archaeological discovery – it embodies the potential of interdisciplinary collaboration, international partnership and educational innovation to advance human understanding of a shared cultural heritage.

Baylor undergraduates have participated directly in every aspect of the excavation process, from initial site preparation through the careful documentation now underway, which represents an incredible opportunity to bring their education into a first-hand, real-world experience. Zori said students gained hands-on experience with stratigraphic excavation, artifact documentation and preservation protocols – such as the cleaning of the vases, sherds and other items – while working within the framework of Italian heritage law and international academic collaboration.

“Being part of a project that uncovered an unlooted tomb was extremely surreal,” said Kendall Peterson, senior anthropology major from San Antonio, TX. “It is something that archaeologists hope for their entire careers, and it was incredibly emotional to witness not only our professors’ reactions but also the pride and excitement of the local community of Barbarano. It reminded me that we aren’t just studying artifacts, we’re contributing to a shared cultural heritage that still deeply matters to the people who live there today.”

“In addition to the work of receiving, processing, and cataloging finds from the excavation, we also regularly work to engage the local community in their cultural heritage,” said Jerolyn E. Morrison, Ph.D., project laboratory director and temporary lecturer in Baylor’s Department of Art & Art History. “Many members of the town of Barbarano Romano, as well as academic guests, visited the lab to view the vases and the students participated too.

“Welcoming people into the lab was a strong reminder of how wonderfully powerful objects are, and how these artifacts from the tomb connect all of us both to the past and to each other,” Morrison added.

Engaged learning

The breakthrough showcases the power of interdisciplinary research, international collaboration and hands-on student engagement in one of history’s most storied landscapes. 

“For Baylor University, this discovery validates our commitment to international collaboration and demonstrates how American universities can contribute meaningfully to global archaeological research while providing transformative educational experiences for our students,” Zori said. 

For co-principal investigator Jamie Aprile, Ph.D., supervisor of the excavation area where the tomb was discovered and incoming adjunct lecturer in the BIC this fall, “the culmination of our sustained work has yielded a breakthrough of considerable scientific value.”

“This discovery establishes our program as a serious contributor to Mediterranean archaeology through methodical, collaborative research that produces results of international significance,” Aprile said. “It will reshape scholarly discussions about Etruscan cultural development.”

Numerous Baylor students, faculty members and administrators have visited the site over the years, including President Linda A. Livingstone and Provost Nancy Brickhouse, as well as Honors College Dean Douglas Henry, who joined the team on site this summer. 

“The Etruscan chamber tomb excavated this summer is, of course, astonishing with its array of exceptional intact pottery and other artifacts. Walking into that space and seeing the finds in situ is an experience I will long remember,” Henry said. “There is so much to tell – what was found and why it matters, who found it and how, the tie-ins to Baylor’s R1 status, undergraduate teaching and mentoring, global engagement and more. Beyond this particular discovery, what the Zoris are doing is incredibly admirable. It’s a class-act project in every way.” 

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David Zori, Ph.D., project director and principal investigator, prepares to remove a massive stone slab that has been protecting the tomb’s entrance for more than 2600 years. (Credit: Jerilyn Morrison)

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The Etruscan tomb held the remains of four individuals laid out on beds carved of stone, surrounded by a perfectly preserved snapshot of Etruscan funerary practices. (Credit: Jerilyn Morrison)

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A total of 74 nearly completely intact pots were found inside the tomb. (Credit: Jerilyn Morrison)

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Article Source: Baylor University news release
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ABOUT BAYLOR UNIVERSITY

Baylor University is a private Christian University and a nationally ranked Research 1 institution. The University provides a vibrant campus community for more than 20,000 students by blending interdisciplinary research with an international reputation for educational excellence and a faculty commitment to teaching and scholarship. Chartered in 1845 by the Republic of Texas through the efforts of Baptist pioneers, Baylor is the oldest continually operating University in Texas. Located in Waco, Baylor welcomes students from all 50 states and more than 100 countries to study a broad range of degrees among its 12 nationally recognized academic divisions. Learn more about Baylor University at www.baylor.edu

ABOUT SAN GIULIANO ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH PROJECT

The San Giuliano Archaeological Research Project (SGARP), SGARP is a transdisciplinary research program and field school that focuses on the archaeological past of San Giuliano, a site situated approximately 70 km northwest of Rome, within Marturanum Park in the province of Lazio. SGARP is a collaboration between a Baylor University-led consortium of universities and Virgil Academy in Rome that functions in full partnership with the town of Barbarano Romano and under the auspices of the Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio per la provincia di Viterbo e per l’Etruria Meridionale.

SGARP’s goal is to reconstruct the long-term changes in human occupation of the San Giuliano Plateau and the surrounding hills. Hundreds of rock-cut Etruscan tombs ring the plateau, which was itself the likely site of the associated Etruscan town. SGARP seeks to investigate the Etruscan occupation and understand the transitions that followed, including incorporation into the Roman Empire, transformation into a medieval castle, and the final abandonment of the site sometime before AD 1300.

ABOUT THE HONORS COLLEGE AT BAYLOR UNIVERSITY 

The Honors College at Baylor University unites four innovative interdisciplinary programs – the Honors Program, University Scholars, Baylor Interdisciplinary Core and Great Texts – with a shared commitment to providing undergraduate students the opportunity to pursue questions that often fall between the cracks of the specialized disciplines. For more information, visit the Honors College website

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Article by Shelby Cefaratti-Bertin

A 3800-Year-Old Warrior’s Kurgan Discovered at Keshikchidagh

The “Scientific-Archaeological Excavations and Summer School-5 at Keshikchidagh” project, jointly organized by the Cultural Heritage Protection, Development and Restoration Service under the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of ANAS, has once again yielded remarkable scientific results this year. This project, which has been continuously implemented for five years and is one of the first systematic archaeological summer schools in the country, has become a tradition enriched with unique discoveries in Azerbaijani archaeology. Nearly 2,000 participants have taken part in the excavation process, and both public and scientific interest have grown concurrently.

The excavation area was closely followed by academic staff and students of Baku State University’s Gazakh Branch, graduate students of the ADA University’s Gazakh Center, employees of local reserves, staff and volunteers from the Youth Houses of Aghstafa and Gazakh, regional history museums, and history teachers from local secondary schools. Within the scope of the project, a newly discovered kurgan dating to the Middle Bronze Age and the exceptional archaeological materials obtained from it attracted particular attention, prompting the Director of the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of ANAS, PhD in History, Associate Professor Farhad Guliyev, to visit the “Yovsanlidere” kurgans. During the visit, he exchanged views with archaeologists at the excavation site and emphasized the successful continuation of the project, highlighting plans to involve not only local but also international specialists in future stages.

The project was conducted in the Ceyranchol plain, in an area locally known as “Yovsanlidere”.  The expedition was led by Dr. Shamil Najafov, Associate Professor and Senior Researcher at the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of ANAS. Under his direction, a Middle Bronze Age kurgan-28 meters in diameter and 2 meters in height-containing the burial of a military leader, was excavated, revealing rich artifacts. The burial chamber, measuring 2 meters in width, 6 meters in length, and 3 meters in depth, was divided into three sections: one containing the human skeleton and personal equipment, another with ceramic vessels, and a third left completely empty. This division is believed to symbolically reflect a belief in the afterlife, possibly representing a space for the deceased’s soul to be nourished and to find peace.

The interred warrior (estimated to have been over 2 meters tall) was buried in a semi-flexed position. Among the items discovered were a four-pronged bronze spearhead held in the hand, bronze adornments around the ankle, paste beads, obsidian tools, and twelve inlaid and intricately decorated ceramic jugs. These jugs feature complex dotted and impressed motifs on their necks and shoulders, filled with a white inlay substance. Inside the vessels were bones of cooked animals (goat, cow, horse, boar), interpreted as provisions for the afterlife. These findings are considered significant evidence of the military technology, social hierarchy, and burial rituals of the time.

The anatomical positioning of the skeleton and the placement of the spearhead indicate the individual’s warrior status and suggest that the burial was conducted with special ritual practices. This type of spearhead is considered extraordinarily rare not only in Azerbaijan but across the entire South Caucasus region.

Above the kurgan, after 0.5 meters of soil, 14 opposing placed limestone slabs – each weighing approximately 1 ton, 0.60 meters wide, and 2 meters long-were uncovered, along with a stone idol shaped like a bull placed at the head of the kurgan. A circular limestone seal found within the earthen kurgan provides new insights into early forms of administrative control and concepts of property ownership.

One of the most significant aspects of this project is that each artifact was graphically documented and professionally sketched in situ, with their structural and functional features recorded. Fragmented finds were restored directly at the excavation site.

The introduction of the term “Keshikchidagh Kurgans” into scholarly circulation can be regarded as one of the greatest achievements of this project. The discovery of Middle Bronze Age kurgans and rare artifacts has attracted the attention of not only local but also international academic communities. Plans are currently underway to conduct international laboratory analyses, including Carbon-14 dating, isotope analysis, metallography, and mineralogical composition studies of the materials. The results of these studies are intended for publication in leading archaeological and anthropological journals worldwide. Additionally, the preparation and publication of a new scholarly-theoretical book encompassing all the unique finds from the Keshikchidagh excavations-complete with photographs, graphic sketches, and scientific commentary – is also among the project’s primary goals.

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Panoramic view of the ancient kurgan site, prior to excavation. Courtesy Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan

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Aerial view of the team excavating the burial sections/chambers of the site. Courtesy Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan

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Skeletal remains of the burial with associated artifacts. Courtesy Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan

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The bronze spearhead. Courtesy Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan

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Ceramic ware associated with the burial. Courtesy Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Azerbaijan

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Article Source: Keshikchidag DTMQ news release.

Bread and Wine … Staples and Symbols of Rome

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

Here with A Loaf of Bread beneath the bough

A flask of Wine, a Book of Verse    and Thou

Beside me singing in the Wilderness

And Wilderness is Paradise enow.

                                  —OMAR KHAYYAM

 

In the minds of people who have been there, many things are readily associated with Rome:  churches and cafes, pines and cypresses, courtyards and piazzas, fountains and ruins.  The image most often associated with Roman cuisine, however, is that of bread and wine.  In the Eternal City, not a table is set without both.

Both elements have, since antiquity, carried an almost spiritual connotation for the Romans and their fellow Italians.  Since bread is made from many grains and wine from countless clusters of grapes, each stands for unity.  In the churches of Rome, the sacramental bread and wine become emblems of brotherhood and love.  During this Jubilee Year of A.D. 2025, pilgrims by the millions will approach the altar rails of Rome’s Catholic churches to receive the bread and wine of communion which Roman Catholics believe to have been consecrated into the body and blood of Christ.

Some Romans even see bread and wine sharing a natural nine-month cycle and kinship with man and woman.  It takes nine months from the time the grain is sown in November until it is reaped and threshed in July to be ground into flour and made into bread.  Before wine can be made, the grapes must be allowed to ripen from March to November.  And, of course, the miracle of human birth also requires a period of nine months.

In very early Roman times, bread was produced at home through a laborious task of grinding grains of wheat into flour with a mortar and pestle.  By the late Republic, the mola versatilis (rotary mill) had been invented, spawning the growth of commercial bakeries.  In 1862, excavators unearthed the baking establishment of a man named Modestus, featuring large brick ovens, along with sturdy stone mills for grinding the wheat, and various tools for the making of bread.

This archeological work in Pompeii also yielded loaves of bread, intact but carbonized, giving us an idea of size, shape, weight, and other factors.  The typical loaf was round, about twelve inches in diameter, five inches in thickness and one pound, or so, in weight.  Curiously, there was a hole in the center, somewhat like our modern coffee cake, and cut into eight pie-wedge-shaped mini-breads.

Panis, bread, quickly became the Roman dietary staple, comprising sixty percent, or more of a person’s main meal of the day (prandium) and a good measure of the breakfast (jentaculum) and evening’s light meal (cena).  A typical vignette at a worksite back then    and to this day    remains a group of laborers on a break, each feasting on a thick chunk of bread, washed down with a flask of vinum.  (Today these workers are often spotted wearing makeshift hats, made from brown paper bags, to ward off the blazing sun.)

There were several varieties of bread turned out by the city’s myriad bakeries.  Panis testutis was a pot bread baked in the oven, while panis artopicius was a pan bread, cooked on top of a stove.  There was seeded bread, sponge bread, whole grain, and cake bread.  The prevalent variety was the lightly salted panis quadratus, as found in the Pompeii and Herculaneum digs.  In his magnum opus, Historia Naturalis, Pliny the Elder discusses bread and bread-making at length, and has lofty praise for the product as being excellent for one’s physical well-being.

The journalist Stacy Nick writes, in one magazine article, of an archeology professor—Emily Wilson at Colorado State University—who seeks to show her classes just how much like us were the ancient Romans.  One student was so taken by the Prof’s lecture on the bread of old Rome that she, Kayla Spahr, went back to her dorm and baked a loaf of panis quadratus, guided by Pliny’s words and by pictures of the loaves discovered in Pompeii.  Wilson contended that the ordinary Roman men of that long ago era who made up the labor force for building the elaborate public monuments, used bread as the main item of their  daily diet.  She liked to say:  “Bread was the substance that built Eternal Rome.”

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Ancient roman bread, year 76 or 79 CE, from Pompeii, Italy. Jebulon, CC0 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Bread prices were very reasonable and well within the budgets of even families of meager means.  The very poor received subsidized or free grain from the city’s welfare program known as the Cura Annonae (named for Annona the goddess of the grain supply).  The satirist Juvenal (A.D. 55-130) mocked the government’s domestic policy as one of “Panem et Circenses,” free bread and free spectacles, as a way of keeping the restless rabble in check by ensuring that their stomachs were always full and their minds distracted.  Pliny the Younger lobbied for free books instead of free shows in the arenas.:  Ut panis ventrem sic pascit, lectio mentem,” he would argue:  “Just as bread nourishes the body, reading feeds the mind.”

The poet Horace was more mundane on the subject:  Cum sale panis latrantem stomachum bene leniet,”  i.e.  Bread with salt is enough to calm the stomach that growls.

From the Latin word panis, we English-speaking peoples derive our terms “pantry”, where bread is stored, and “companion,” someone you break bread with.

When setting the table for an elegant dinner party the host would want to be sure that wholesome and delicious bread was included.  Bakers could be hired out for such soirees.  (Loaves of bread would make for nice gifts to the dinner guests when leaving.)  There remains in Rome a street called Via Panisperna.  This derives from a tradition in the Middle Ages where an order of the Friars of San Lorenzo daily toiled in distributing to the poor, panis et perna, bread and prosciutto.

Bakers were held in high esteem by the general populace for providing the “staff of life.”  They were, at times, the subject of paintings and mosaics.  There is a remarkably preserved mural in Pompeii showing a baker behind the counter in his shop, that is stocked with countless wheel-shaped loaves, selling his product to eager customers.  Near the central arch of the Porta Maggiore is the elaborate tomb of Eurysaces and his wife Atistia, proprietors of a bread making establishment of the first century B.C.  The tomb was discovered during an urban renewal project in 1838.  The frieze carvings represent the various phases of producing bread.  One relief shows slaves, in tunics, being supervised in their work by the toga-clad owner.  Another shows a scale for measuring the weight of the grain, another a sieve for the flour, and yet one more showing the placing of the dough in the oven.

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Above and below: tomb of Eurysaces the Baker. Livioandronico2013, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Frieze detail

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Bakery oven excavated in Pompeii. Wknight94, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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As for wine?  Pliny covers the subject extensively in Book XIV of his encyclopedia.  So too does the contemporary author Luigi Devoti, provide us with information.  It existed in Italy long before Rome was founded.  Archeological evidence clearly shows that the Etruscans were producing and drinking wine throughout the regions of Tuscany and Lazio as far back as the tenth century before Christ.  The ancients believed wine to be of divine origin, a gift to mortals from some deity:  Fufluns for the Etruscans, Osiris for the Egyptians, Dionysius for the Greeks, Bacchus for the Romans.

Marcus Porcius Cato, in his book De Agri Cultura, tells us that the planting of the vine was introduced into the city of Rome by its second king, Numa Pompilius (714-671 B.C.).  This seems to be corroborated by the existence of wine jugs dating back to that time that have been discovered in very ancient tombs in the Roman countryside.  Up to that time, the Romans had access only to imported wines.  At first local winemaking was scarce but, by the third century B.C., Roman vineyards were to be found not in the city itself but in the surrounding hill country.  The wine called Albanum came from the various communities of the Alban Hills, e.g. towns we know today as Albano, Castelgandolfo, Frascati, Nemi Grottaferrata, Marino, Rocca di Papa, and Velletri, and from slightly more distant areas like Formiae, Sabina, and the regions of Campania and southern Lazio.

Romulus, the first king of Rome (753-714 B.C.), and his subjects used to invoke the blessings of their gods with incense.  With the spread of viniculture in later centuries the deities were worshipped, Pliny the Elder says, with the sacrifice of lambs and pigs, along with the smoke of incense and aspersions of wine.

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Wines were distinguished according to their taste:  sweet (vinum dulce), smooth (vinum suave), weak (vinum fugiens), full-bodied (vinum solidum), bitter (vinum acutum), and so on.  Wine came in various colors:  white (album), blond (fulvum), blood-red (sanguineum), dark red (rubrum), purple (purpureum).

By the last Republic and early Empire    first century B.C. and A.D.    wine had become the lifeblood of Roman social and domestic life.  From writings of that epoch we learn that Cicero loved a wine called Falernum, a dry red from Campania.  One host of frequent dinner parties, given to exaggerating the age of his wines to impress distinguished guests, told Cicero that the Falernum being served that particular evening was very aged:  Bibe hoc vinum quadraginta annorum!”  (Drink this wine, aged for forty years.)  After one sip, Cicero wryly commented, Bene aetatem fert.  (It carries its age well.)

Vergil favored Vinum Rhaeticum, a light wine from the region around his birthplace of Mantua; Horace enjoyed Vinum Calenianum, a ruby red from the vineyards near Tibur (modern Tivoli).  The poet/satirist often invited his patron Maecenas to dine at his villa out in that hilltown.  On one occasion he excitedly sent this invitation to the gentleman:

 

Tibi non ante lene merum cade iam dudum apud me est.

Eripe te morae!”

An amphora of excellent untapped wine awaits you here at my place.

Try to break away and come over soon!

 

Vinum Caecubanum came from a small marshy territory on the coast of Latium (Lazio), overlooking the Tyrrhenian Sea.  Elder Pliny hailed it as “noble and wonderful.”

Pliny also points out that Vinum Setinum from the Alban Hills was the preference of the Emperor Augustus:

Divus Augustus Setinum praetulit cunctis.”

(Augustus used to say that this vintage should be reserved for the table of Bacchus himself.)  This was a dry, white wine, light bodied and refreshingly fruity, much like the immensely popular Frascati, found on virtually every restaurant table in Rome these days.  As Pliny used to say:  “Those hills are clothed with vineyards, whose grapes provide a juice lauded throughout the world.”  (From this comment we can plausibly infer that, by then, Roman vintners were heavy into the export business.)

There is in Pompeii a tavern mural showing two men, one with a jug, the other holding a cup.  The caption reads, “Adde calicem Setinum’.  Another cup of Setinum, please.

In the very early times of King Numa, only the men were allowed to indulge in the fermented grape, because there was a widespread superstition that its consumption could render women infertile or cause an abortion.  This rule was ultimately lifted and soon after even the children were being permitted to have a watered-down version of the alcoholic beverage.  The alcoholic content of the local wines, incidentally, generally came to about thirteen to fifteen percent.  As a result, some adult males were known to prefer mixing with aqua, so as to avoid intoxication.  The playwright Apuleius cautioned thus:

 

(Prima creterra ad situm pertinet, secunda ad hilaritatem, tertia ad

voluptatem, quarta ad insaniam!”  The first glass has to do with thirst,

the second with fun, the third with pleasure, the fourth with madness!

 

Everyone is familiar with Pliny’s observation…”In vino veritas” – in wine there is Truth.  But few know the second part of that gentleman’s statement … “In aqua Sanitas”… in water there is Health.  A proverb in that era stated: 

Intemperantia medicorum nutrix    Lack of restraint keeps doctors wealthy.  (Yet, some physicians were of the opinion that a robust red wine was good for the blood.)  The poet Ovid scoffed at the intemperance warning.  He insisted:  Cura fugit multo diluturque mero.”  (Good wine drinking diminishes cares and woe.)

At first, the Romans’ consumption of wine was confined to the privacy of one’s home, where even the slaves of affluent families were given a daily ration of a pint or so, especially those assigned to extremely laborious tasks.  The military, too, had a similar arrangement with each soldier being issued a daily allotment of one liter.  On days of maneuvers, of marches, and of combat, the wine given to the men was in a much watered-down form.

But in due time, wine began to be sold in public places.  The most common of these were the cauponae, or inns, often located along the main highways.  Later on, taverns started sprouting in the city itself.  The Romans knew such a place as vinarius, for drinking at the bar or for take-outs.  Rome was in love … with vinum.  That wine was plentiful and popular was attested to by the discovery of large terracotta (i.e. clay) jug-eared amphorae each of which held about 26 liters which would be approximately seven gallons.  A full amphora weighed around a hundred and ten pounds.  There is, just off the Forum in excavated Pompeii, an emporium stacked with such containers, clearly visible to the passerby.

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Amphorae, Pompeii. Rob Mitchell, CC0 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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In time, the Roman wine-dealers adopted the oaken barrel which they learned about from the Gauls and which proved to be better for aging the wine and easier to transport (since they were rollable).

Lest we feel that wine always came in only such large vessels, it should be pointed out that in private homes it was stored in much smaller and lighter earthen jugs and sometimes in glass bottles holding about a liter and a half.

The wine industry continued to flourish.  By the first century of the Christian era, Rome was awash in wines both domestic, and imported from such far off lands as Gaul, Spain, Greece, Illyria, Egypt, and Asia Minor (modern Turkey).  In that very century the prominent Roman writer Marcus Terentius Varro turned out a work of twelve volumes on agriculture (De Re Rustica).  He devoted much of one volume to promoting viticulture, encouraging his readers to buy farmland to turn into vineyards.  He advised that “no ground, even the most unfavorable, will fail to yield a return far exceeding the initial investment.”  Pliny the Younger remembered these words and in his retirement, after a distinguished career in government and in writing, invested in extensive property in the region of Etruria, (most of which is now Tuscany).  Sure enough his vineyards yielded a great annual harvest which in turn produced an abundance of wine of good quality.  His sprawling country terrain ultimately paid for itself hundreds of times over his original expenses.  A leading vintner, Pliny shyly admitted that more people were buying his wine than reading his books, essays, and letter collections. His aim was to bring down the average price of wine.  “The poor,” he insisted, “deserve it as much as the rich.”  In this, he largely succeeded.

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Wine storage vessels excavated in situ within the massive Villa Augustea, Dionysiac Villa, located near Somma Vesuviana, a town on the north side of Vesuvius.

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The “Villa of Augustus”, or the Dionysiac Villa, was known as much as a production facility for wine as it was a grand villa.

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From these ancient beginnings, bread and wine have remained the staples of the Italian diet across the ages.  In Rome and all through the boot-shaped peninsula, wine has never been a guarded beverage to be found only in the homes of the affluent.  A blue-collar family picnic under a cool umbrella pine out on the Appian Way is certain to include a straw-encased flask of dry wine, rosso or bianco, as well as a wheel-sized loaf of pane.  A decanter of wine is ever present on the table of the shepherd, the farmer, the carpenter, the merchant, the teacher, the priest, the nun.

And yet Rome does not seem to have a significant alcoholism problem, for having been given a watered-down taste of wine from childhood on, the vast majority of Romans know how to enjoy it in moderation.  From time immemorial, Latin and Italian poets have sung the praises both of bread and wine.  One writer says that bread is like a mother, in that we fail to fully appreciate it until we no longer have it.  An old proverb insists that a lunch or dinner without wine is like a day without sunshine:  Una cena senza vino e come una giornata senza il sole.”  Another puts it like this:  Sine pane et vino Amor esurit.” – Without bread and wine, Love goes hungry,  The Italian toast:  “Alla salute!” alludes to the health benefits of a drink or two.

Perhaps it is no mere coincidence that the most acclaimed novel to come out of Italy in the twentieth century, a poignant tale by Ignazio Silone, bears the title, PANE E VINO.

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*Note: Some archeologists theorize that the first Roman vineyards were cultivated by Greek settlers in the sixth century B.C., on the fertile slopes of Mount Vesuvius, overlooking the Bay of Naples and its surrounding enchantments:  Cape Miseno, the Cliffs of Sorrento and the romantic isles of Procida, Ischia, and Capri.  An age-old legend tells us that it was Christ himself who got viniculture started there.  Neapolitans have long described their breathtaking setting as “Un pezzo del Paradiso caduto sulla terra.”  (A piece of Heaven fallen on Earth.)  The legend claims that the Lord came down to see it for himself and climbed the slopes of the volcano for a better look.  When Christ looked out over this scenic wonder, he wept, and where his tears fell, grapes grew, and from them came the wine that has been called, for centuries untold, Lacrima Christi, Latin for the “Tears of Christ.”  This splendid wine was referenced in literature as far back as the 1500’s, in Marlowe’s work “Tamburlaine,” in Votaire’s “Candide”, in Dumas’ “The Count of Monte Cristo.”  Romans have across the ages ordered bottles of it to mark special occasions.

Cover Image, Top Left: VesaL, Pixabay

The Conquest of Peru

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

The conquest of Perú was not, as the word “conquest” implies, a grandiose affair with drums beating and banners flying. Quite the opposite; it was the unexpected outcome for the search for a way across the isthmus of Panama to the Pacific Ocean from the North Sea, today’s Caribbean Sea. At the time, no one could conceive that a South American continent existed.

The “conquest” started with Vasco Núñez de Balboa (1475-1519), mayor of Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darién, the first permanent European settlement in Panama. He was a deputy to Pedro Arias de Avila, governor of Golden Castille (later referred as Tierra Firme by the Panama’s Royal Academy in 1538), covering Nicaragua to the Bay of Panama. With sixty-seven Spaniards, Balboa left the settlement in Antigua, battling against nature and natives over the jungle-clad Darien mountains, in search of gold, fame, and a way to the South Seas (now known as the Pacific Ocean).

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Ph.1 – Castilla de Oro, Tierra Firme 1513  @Santos30-wikipedia.com

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With him was Panquiaco the son of the Caquetá chief, who told him about a rich land that lay further south on the coast, with great kings. He told Balboa of seagoing boats, gold, and pearls; a land the natives called Birú, the name of its king. On September 25, 1513, Balboa stood on a thousand-foot-high peak in the Darien looking spellbound at the immensity of the South Sea, while his second in command, Francisco Pizarro gazed intently for in his mind echoed Panquiaco’s words…great lands…and…gold!..gold! This sketchy rumor laid the seeds of the Spanish conquest of Perú.

Conquistadors were granted a license to explore and conquer by the Spanish Crown in Madrid, stipulating that the venture would not carry any expense to the Crown. All costs were borne by the conquistadors, who had to borrow money and/or provide in-kind guarantees from families in Spain, as the cost of such ventures was high. Conquistadors had to pay for ships, crews, soldiers, weapons, and food; they had to build settlements to explore unknown and dangerous lands and fight endless battles in their ceaseless quest for gold. They had to pay for enlisted soldiers, ship crews, and debts. Many enlistees were paid soldiers released by the Spanish army from the Christian-Muslim War (1481-1492), or the Italian Wars (1494-1559). 

An overseer from the Crown, appointed by the House of Trade of the Indies in Seville, was attached to each expedition, keeping detailed logs of goods and transactions. The conquistador paid him, and so he was a chaplain. The “Right of Conquest” was granted as a binding contract, which was predicated on the Crown’s receiving the royal fifth (quinto real) on all imported precious metals. Other taxes, which could run up to 40%, included providing naval protection for returning ships laden with treasure. Once the new territory was settled and pacified, the Crown appointed a vice-roy, governors, officials, and an army chief, while bishops of the Catholic orders assigned priests.

Born out of wedlock in Trujillo, Spain, in 1478, Francisco Pizarro joined the military in his late teens, rising to the rank of lieutenant while fighting in the Italian Wars, where he was wounded. Upon his return to Spain in 1502, Pizarro traveled to the Indies, as the recently discovered territories were known. When in Santo Domingo, on the island of Hispaniola, he was hired as a messenger in the local government. Frustrated in this position, he joined Captain General Alonso de Ojeda as a sub-officer.

With de Ojeda, he fought in the wars against the indigenous Taíno people on the island of Borinquen (today Puerto Rico), rising to second in command when de Ojeda, wounded by a poison-tipped arrow, had to return to Santo Domingo. Pizarro was instructed to wait forty days and, should de Ojeda not return, sail back to Santo Domingo with the soldiers. Pizarro followed de Ojeda’s instructions with a twist. He took two brigantines and sailed west with de Ojeda’s partner, Fernández de Enciso. They landed at the port of Santa Maria la Antigua del Darién (1510), in the estuary of the Tarena River on Panama’s Caribbean coast. There, he met Balboa, also called the “fellow of the drum” for his daring escape from creditors in Santo Domingo, hiding in a wine cask with his dog Leoncito. In Pizarro, Balboa recognized a kindred spirit and made him lieutenant governor.

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Ph.2 – Vasco Núñez de Balboa.  @georgefery.com

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In 1515, Balboa was named second to the governor of Castilla de Oro, Pedro Arias de Ávila (aka Pedrarias Dávila, 1440-1531), his father-in-law. For reasons that would deviate from our narrative, Balboa rebelled against Pedrarias who, after a speedy trial, had him beheaded in the town’s plaza, watching the proceedings hidden behind a curtain. In 1523, Pizarro took over Balboa’s position.

We have little knowledge of Pizarro, but his achievements point to his strong personality, ethical strength, and great determination to overcome hardship and fear. At that time, he was respected as one of the founders and the Mayor of Panama with a large cattle farm in the city’s outskirts. All these years, however, Pianquaco’s words about gold kept nibbling in his mind, so he set to work on a plan for the discovery down the coast of the South Seas. Once the plan was set, he brought in two partners, the military officer Diego de Almagro and the school master Hernando de Luque. The three swore secrecy and sealed the promise with a mass and sacraments in the main church of Panama. The partners agreed that their share of the riches would be split equally. Pizarro would captain the venture, Almagro would be his second in command, while Luque was tasked with defending the trio’s interests with the governor in Panama. The ink was not yet dry when the plan reached Pedrarias Dávila, who demanded to join the group as a silent partner, not to risk his position as governor of Tierra Firme. For his partnership, Pedrarias Dávila invested some money in the venture and provided the mandatory official license for the expedition, which is now called the “Eastern Enterprise” (Empresa del Levante).

On September 13, 1524, the two-masted ship Santiago departed with Francisco Pizarro in command and sailed west to Taboga in the Pearl Islands. His crew of adventurers comprised 112 ex-soldiers, misfits, and a few Nicarao Indians as support hands. Also aboard were a handful of horses and two war dogs. This first attempt did not go well. Beyond the Pearl Islands, the ship sailed south along the South American continent’s coast, fighting headwinds and gales. They stopped at fishing villages that showed no sign of wealth; the crew only found a few gold trinkets and semi-precious stones. They kept sailing south despite hardships and, at times, gnawing hunger. In February or April of 1525, before heading back to Panama, they stopped at what appeared to be the palisade of a fortified village up on a hill near the coast. The Spaniards called it Fortín del Cacique de Las Piedras. That afternoon, they went up through a thick jungle and found the place deserted, so they settled there for the night.

At dawn, war cries awoke the Spaniards who scrambled to face a large group of well-armed half-naked men. The battle was brutal, and the Spaniards fought their way back to the coast while the fearless war dogs saved the day by gutting natives. Fifty Spaniards were seriously wounded, and five were missing and presumed dead. Pizarro headed back to Chochama, his rear base in the Bay of Panama.

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Ph.3 – First Forays  @J.A. de Busto, 1973

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Almagro and the San Cristóbal, another carrack mid-size ship, sailed a week after Pizarro with sixty-four soldiers, support personnel, horses, and war dogs. Like his partner, Almagro followed Pizarro’s southern route along the coast and tried with fifty men to capture Las Piedras, but he had to fall back fighting. Wounded in the face and losing an eye, he was about to be seized by the natives when Juan Roldán, a black free slave, saved him. The soldiers counterattacked and set fire to the stronghold, later called Battle of Punta Quemada. Fighting all the while, Spaniards moved back to the San Cristóbal with their wounded captain. They sailed to the Pearl Islands in the Gulf of Panama, and then to Chochama where Almagro joined Pizarro.

Both agreed that this first foray into the unknown did not produce much but sent the few pieces of gold they had found to Pedrarias Dávila in Panama City, who became furious upon learning of the poor returns on his investment. He called Pizarro an inept fool and other disrespectful names. He declared Birú a land of misery and threatened to fold the Eastern Enterprise and leave for Nicaragua to attend to Spanish settlers. Over the following days, Hernando de Luque informed Pedrarias Dávila about staying in the partnership, which he did with the condition that Pizarro be assigned second-in-command. Almagro welcomed this task to avoid the possibility of a fifth partner joining the venture.

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Ph.4 – Pedro Arias de Ávila @silverreaderclub.com

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The argument was settled and Pedrarias Dávila agreed to try another six-month voyage. Should that foray fail to produce results, however, the “Eastern Enterprise” would be terminated. On this second sailing, Luque grasped the opportunity to join Pizarro and Almagro. With good winds, in early February 1526, Pizarro and Almagro sailed again, each in command of one of the two manned and provisioned ships of the first voyage, together with three lighter support crafts. They were guided by the master pilot Bartolomé Ruiz de Estrada, who ran on the last route. Cruising south they stopped at Las Piedras and in anger killed every soul and burned the place again. On their way they anchored for water at Isla de las Palmas where in a brief skirmish with locals, two Spaniards were wounded. The men kept sailing south in heavy sea, and at the end of August 1526, along a river they would name San Juan, they assaulted villages to retrieve gold and silver artifacts. The country inland, however, was poor and hilly. Pizarro sent Almagro back to Panama with instructions to enlist more men, while the pilot Ruiz de Estrada was instructed to head south and explore the coast. At the same time, Pizarro and soldiers on horseback followed the ship’s track on land while exploring villages and coves. On his map, Estrada noted the mouth of several rivers with waters coming from the Andes Mountains seen far inland. For the first time, off the cape they called Cabo Pasado, they crossed the austral equinox line and, a couple of days later, off the island of Salango, they met five large outrigger boats with a sail and large paddle-rudders. Frightened by the foreigners, the crews jumped into the sea and swam to the coast. On one of the boats, however, the local trader and his crew of one man and three boys remained. They showed their loads of fine black and cream-colored ceramic bowls and plates and woven blankets of fine alpaca wool. These goods alluded to a cultured society.

The boats’ crew spoke a dialect used in a town the Spaniards would later learn was Tumbes, located further south on the coast. Pizarro took the boys and named them Felipillo, Yacané and Martinillo, for their actual names could not be translated, and ordered the ship chaplain to teach them Spanish. Pizarro wanted to continue further down the coast, but his crew rebelled because, after months at sea, they wanted to return home; anger almost led to blows. 

When Almagro returned from Panama with more men, horses, and food, he brought news that Pedrarias Dávila had been replaced as governor of Tierra Firme by Pedro de los Ríos. Pizarro kept sailing south, and toward the end of July 1527, came to a river named Santiago. The most lucrative encounter occurred close to Isla de Salango’s Punta Illote, a spot they will later call Cabo de la Vuelta, marking the point where they headed back north to answer the crew’s pressing demands to return home. Tired of their complaints, Pizarro ordered the captain to head north to a forested hilly island they called Isla de Gallo. He claimed that the ship’s hull needed cleaning, so the ship had to be beached. Once the work was done, the crew believed they would be returning home. Then in mid-September two white sails appeared on the horizon.

Pizarro thought that more people and support were coming. Instead, captains Juan Tafur and Pedro de los Ríos landed on the beach with the service boat with orders from Panama’s governor for everyone to return. Tafur sternly demanded that Pizarro and Almagro promptly sail back with all their men. After a tense and bitter exchange, the men came close to settling the argument with their swords. As recorded by eyewitnesses, Pizarro then traced a line in the sand and said: “On this side are those who want to return to Panama and be poor; on my side, those who will remain with me and be rich; your call!” Thirteen crossed over the line, as did the pilot Ruíz de Estrada, even though he had pleaded earlier with Pizarro to return for family reasons. After six months having been left stranded by Tafur, who had returned to Panama with the remaining crew, fighting hunger, torrential rains, mosquitoes, and fever, in March 1528, another sail on the horizon signaled the arrival of a ship from the north, with instructions from the Panama governor to return to Panama. Pizarro again refused, and the partners convinced Ruìz to keep sailing south against the winds and storms of the season. After two weeks, they landed on an island they called Isla de Santa Clara, where they found offerings of finely painted ceramics, fine embroidered textiles, and many large gold and silver disks at the feet of a large stone idol.

The following day, five ocean-going native outrigger boats appeared. They were from the same community as those they had met the year before. They were tumbesinos warriors who led them a few miles south, to a large town called Tumbes, which was protected by a stone wall and a fortress built of massive quadrangular stones. The town’s chief Chilimaza sent men to greet the foreigners. The envoys were kurakas, Quechua-speaking magistrates assigned to large towns by the Great Inca in Cusco. As a welcome, the tumbesinos offered them food, water, and three llamas, which the Spaniards thought were camels without humps. Pizarro was invited to visit the city, but wary of treachery, sent the Greek Pedro de Candia, two musketeers, a mounted horseman, a war dog, and gifts of animals then unknown in Perú: two live pigs, five chickens, and a rooster. Reports from the visit were that the city was well built of stone and its streets clean and paved. Buildings and temples, such as a monastery for the virgins dedicated to the Sun, were likewise well built with carefully shaped stones. People were finely dressed in leather sandals, while markets were well provided with all types of fruits and vegetables.

Pizarro left Tumbes without getting into the town, with thanks and the promise of return (which he did in 1532 on his third expedition, when he battled and defeated chief Chilimaza). The Spaniards kept sailing south and found an island they called Isla de los Lobos on the Paita coast, eventually landing in a cove they named Malabrigo. There, they learned that one of the crew, Bocanegra, had deserted and remained with the Indians. On May 3, 1528, the ship headed back to Panama.

Pizarro’s arrival was the most significant event since the city’s foundation. Everybody gathered at the port to see the gold and silver, the colorful fabrics, the ceramics, and the horse-like animals (llamas). The crew members who had returned with Tafur bitterly deplored their lack of resolve. The name Perú, instead of Birú, was officially recognized and spread from mouth to mouth and from streets to taverns. The “Eastern Enterprise” was renamed the “Perú Enterprise.” Not so happy was Governor Pedro de los Rìos, for he was concerned that should many people leave for the new land, it would depopulate the government of Tierra Firme.

The partners realized they needed their discovery to be recognized by the Crown in Madrid. After arguing about the terms of a potential contract, they agreed that Pizarro should go to Spain, where he would ask for titles for each of them: governor of Perú, for Pizarro; “adelantado” or military commander, for Almagro; and the bishopric of Tumbes for Luque. Ruiz de Estrada would get the title of “alguacil mayor,” an ancient title meaning bailiff and a high office charge. The thirteen crew members of the last expedition would receive bonuses in addition to paid functions.

In early September 1528, when all was agreed, Pizarro boarded a ship from the port of Nombre de Dios on Tierra Firme’s Caribbean coast. With him were the young boys Felipillo, Yacané and Martinillo whom he had captured off the Island of Salango; the ship also carried half a dozen llamas, fine painted ceramics and embroideries, and much gold and silver. Pizarro landed at the Spanish port of Sanlúcar and went on to Seville. There, the lawyer Martin Fernández de Enciso recognized Pizarro as Alonso de Ojeda’s former lieutenant, accused him of having connived with Pedrarias Dávila in Balboa’s trial and execution, and demanded that he be jailed.

Someone at Court in Madrid, probably Pizarro’s brother Hernán demanded, through the Council’s office, that he be released on grounds of unsustainable facts and falsehood. In Madrid, Pizarro met with members of the Royal Supreme Council of the Indies, where he presented his written accounts and the maps of his voyages of discovery to Queen Isabela.I (1451-1504). He presented the tumbesinos Felipillo, Yacané, Martinillo and showed the llamas, the finely embroidered fabrics, and the gold and silver. The Royal Council was stunned by the news of this unknown world, which they named Nueva Castilla. A formal agreement was created, granting Pizarro the titles of Captain General, Governor, Administrator, and Constable over New Castille’s 200 leagues (700 miles). This area would henceforth be called Perú. Pizarro would receive an annual remittance of 725,000 gold maravedis (+/-$240K); Almagro was named Mayor and Constable of Tumbes, renamed Nueva Valencia de la Mar del Sur, with 300,000 maravedis and the honorific title of “hidalgo” or gentleman; Bartolomé Ruiz was named first navigator of the South Seas with 60,000 maravedis; Pedro de Candia was elevated to the rank of artillery major of Perú and councilor of Tumbes, while the thirteen sailors were granted the status of knights of the Golden Spur with related benefits.

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Ph.5 – Queen Isabela.I of Castille @wikipedia.com

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Under the terms of the agreement, Pizarro was authorized to set up towns with good soil and clear running water to grow food; name town mayors; mine gold and silver; build forts and organize military forces of 250 men; import horses and slaves; protect and evangelize the natives. Queen Isabela.I signed this Capitulación de Toledo or Agreement of Toledo, on 6 of July 1529. Once the nominations and agreement were signed, Pizarro, now with the title of governor of Perú rode to Trujillo, his birthplace in the province of Extremadura. He enjoyed his extended family there for a few weeks, many of whom would follow him to the New World. They included his illegitimate brothers Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, a half-brother, Francisco Martín de Alcántara, and several childhood friends. In early 1530, they all met in Seville with Crown officials assigned to follow Pizarro, who planned to sail from the port of Sanlúcar de Barameda, instead of the traditional port of Cádiz. His last-minute port change was to bypass the terms of his agreement and exit license, which required him to take 250 soldiers.

Pizarro’s brother Hernando smartly suggested that, with his family and friends, the number of men met the exit license requirements. Meanwhile, the partners in Panama, Almagro and Luque, anxiously awaited Pizarro’s arrival in Nombre de Dios. Almagro was angry because, in past correspondences, he believed that his partner had hoarded Perú’s three most important Crown titles. He was enraged that he wanted to break the “Perú Enterprise.” Luque told him that there had to be reasons that would be explained upon their partner’s arrival. Almagro tepidly welcomed Pizarro, who, perceiving his partner’s antagonism, told him that he had to accept the three titles because the Crown did not want to split the agreement between two or more holders. Therefore, he had to bow to the Crown’s demands or lose the deal. Pizarro then underlined that the “Perú Enterprise” terms of association of equal partnership remained unchanged. Almagro was mollified, and the partners started to organize the third expedition to Perú. As expected, arguments quickly arose between Almagro and Pizarro’s brothers, Juan, González, and Hernando, with whom Almagro never got along. The antagonism was again threatening to break the enterprise, but thanks to Pizarro’s authority and Luque’s conciliatory approach, Almagro remained.

In the following weeks, two ships arrived from Nicaragua loaded with Indian slaves, under the command of Juan Ponce de Leon and his partner Captain Hernando de Soto. For his support in the Perú venture, de Soto demanded the position of lieutenant governor. He further demanded, for Ponce de León discoverer of Florida (1513), a large portion of land with natives to conquer. Once Pizarro, Almagro, Luque and the others agreed on the terms of their association, they prepared the third expedition.

On December 27, 1530, the flags were blessed in Panama’s main church. The following day, Pizarro called for sailing within the next few weeks, and on January 20, 1531, they sailed to the Pearl Islands and then headed south with a good sea and winds. Besides its crew, there were 180 soldiers, support personnel, 36 horses, and war dogs. The second ship under Captain Cristóbal de Mena’s command was ordered to follow in early February.

Pizarro and his army landed on February 17 in a bay called San Mateo. While the second ship sailed further south, Pizarro, on horseback, accompanied by riders, headed inland along the coast. They entered the town of Atacames, where locals wore fine dresses. In the fishing town of Cancebi they met nobles wearing jewels of gold and saw precious ceramics and fishing nets. Tired, hungry, and under clouds of mosquitoes, they crossed the Quiximes Delta and, battling Coaque natives, found more gold and emeralds. Still heading south, and suffering from painful warts that crippled many, they stopped at a small village where they stayed from April 19 to September 11 to recover. In mid-September, a boat from Nicaragua arrived with reinforcements. The captain, Sebastián de Belalcázar, agreed to bring his men to join Pizarro’s troops, together with two of his friends, on condition that one be named aide-de-camp to Pizarro and the other the town’s mayor. With his sick army, Pizarro had no choice but to agree to the demands. With reinforcement, he proceeded south on a desert-like landscape of vast arid and sandy coastal plains interspaced by valleys and rivers of low water flow, seasonally fed by the snow melts from the snow melts of the Andes mountains.

In early October, after passing through Anta, Odon, and other small towns, and a place named Punta de Santa Elena, Pizarro rested his tired, thirsty, and hungry troopers. On Christmas Day of 1531, they met the Puna Island’s chief, Tumbalá, who brought them water and food, and invited them to visit his island. From past experiences of natives’ tricks hidden by smiles, Pizarro insisted he would only board the boat with the local chief, who was taken aback but accepted.

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At this point, it is suitable to clarify who the people of Perú were in the sixteenth century. Today, the country is home to fifty-eight indigenous groups speaking forty-seven languages. The largest is Quechua, with Aymara being a second, but essential, group, which together make up about a quarter of the country’s indigenous population. When the Spaniards arrived in the sixteenth century, there were more ethnic groups, each with their dialect, beliefs, customs, and antagonisms. Quechua was spoken in the kingdom’s capital, Cusco, called “Land of Four Parts” or Tahuantinsuyo. It spanned a territory from today’s Ecuador to most of the northern part of Chile and the northwestern part of Argentina in the south. This mosaic of cultures and languages strained under the Incas’ iron-fisted authority, which fueled sporadic rebellions.

Pizarro understood the latent antagonisms but did not realize then the immensity, complexity, and cultural fragmentation of the Inca empire. His persistent distrust of unknown people was grounded in his experiences in sixteenth-century European wars, where defiance was the norm. On Puna Island, captive young men from other tribes confirmed his suspicions. Pizarro learned about an agreement between recent enemies, Tumbalá of Puna and Chilimaza of Tumbes. The latter had secretly arrived at night with warriors to capture or kill the white-bearded men, who fought back savagely for their lives. The Spaniards were saved by the arrival of two ships and soldiers under the command of Hernando de Soto, who turned the tide.

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Ph.6 – Francisco Pizarro  @wikipedia.com

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The “war of succession” that had gone on in the mountains over the last few years indirectly affected the people of the coast, but they knew what was happening from families and friends. Inca officials seconded the chiefs of towns and cities to assist them in administering and overseeing the local political order. That is why it was found later that the Inca governor of Tumbes knew about Tumbalá and Chilimaza’s deep-seated antagonism. Under threat from the Inca, they were forced to cooperate and capture or kill the Europeans, who were unaware of the raging war in the country. In April 1532, with de Soto in Chilimaza’s light boats, the Spaniards boarded their ship and left the island, which they had renamed Isla de Santiago. They then sailed to Tumbes on the coast and left that city on May 16 of that year, leaving behind a squadron of soldiers, a Crown official and a priest. A week later, Pizarro and his men reached the town of Poechos, where its chief Maizavilca welcomed them. Over a few weeks, Pizarro informed him of his plan to build a city and a port on the coast a few leagues away at the mouth of the Río Chíra. This plan alienated the chief’s welcome because he realized that he would lose authority. Like other chiefdoms in the region, however, he wanted to shake off the heavy hand of the Sapa Inca in his affairs but realized that he might have welcomed a heavier hand that would weaken his kinglet powers. Maizavilca shared his concerns with other principals of townships in the Río Chira’s Valley, who agreed to persuade Pizarro to move up the mountains, where bigger prizes and gold awaited. The Indian chiefs’ double aim was to get the Spaniards out of their lands and hand them over to Inca Atahualpa’s army, encamped near Cajamarca, nine thousand feet up in the Andes Mountain range.

The Inca was informed of the progress of Pizarro’s army on the coast and sent a spy to ascertain that they were men and not, as Maizavilaca claimed, huiracochas, the messengers of Huiracocha, the foremost god in the Inca religious pantheon. The spy met Hernando Pizarro and understood he was Francisco Pizarro’s brother. He was fascinated by the barber who shaved men’s faces, and the tamer who, at will, managed horses and war dogs. He also found out that horses only ate grass, not meat, while war dogs ate meat, not grass. His most significant discovery was that the Spaniards were men, not huiracochas, and he reported his findings to the Inca Atahualpa, who understood Maizavilca’s duplicity and kept it in mind for later retribution.

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Ph.7 – Hernando de Soto  @wikipedia.com

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Pizarro was still focused on building a town to settle European migrants. So, on July 15, 1532, he built the village of Tangarará on a promontory South of Poechos in the delta of Rio Chira, whose shores were covered with trees and grass. It will not be his last attempt at a permanent settlement. Pizarro’s thirst for gold had not dimmed despite his venture’s trials, hardships, and growing costs. At that time, he knew the riches were not on the coast but up the mountains in Cusco, where he said the city was covered with gold.

Persistent rumors by natives about war up in the mountains would not stop him. He promised the rope to warn would-be deserters in his crew, demanding to return to Tierra Firme. Unbeknownst to the Spaniards, over the last two years, the war of succession for the crown of the Tahuantinsuyo or “Land of Four Parts” had raged between Huayna Capac Inca Yupanqui’s two sons, Atahualpa and Huascar. This tragic chapter of Perú’s history will be narrated in the next installment, “The Fall of Cusco.”

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Cover Image, Top Left: Pizarro and the Inca of Peru, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

The Gate of the Underworld Reopens: Pluto’s Gate of Hierapolis Pamukkale

Bülent Ortakcı is a freelance and ghostwriter based in Turkey. As an independent writer with a deep passion for history and archaeology, he focuses on creating compelling articles rooted in thorough research and inspired by the rich heritage of Anatolia and surrounding regions.

His writings often explore lesser-known archaeological sites, the legacy of ancient civilizations, comparative religious beliefs, and folklore involving supernatural or paranormal phenomena.

Hierapolis, the ancient city perched above the gleaming white travertine terraces of Pamukkale, is far more than a visual marvel. Beneath its shining façade lies a city of deep myth, sacred rituals, and mysterious structures that have captivated archaeologists and historians alike. Among its most enigmatic discoveries stands the so-called Pluto’s Gate, or as the ancients called it, the Ploutonion — a doorway not merely of stone and myth, but of fear and reverence.

Pluto’s Gate Through Ancient Eyes

The Ploutonion was no ordinary location. Ancient sources speak of it with a tone of both awe and dread. The geographer Strabo (64 BCE – 24 CE) describes how any animal brought near the gate would perish almost instantly, recounting how he threw sparrows into the space and watched them collapse, lifeless, in seconds. The Roman historian Cassius Dio similarly acknowledged its deadly properties, reinforcing the belief that this cave concealed a force beyond human comprehension.

The Ploutonion was dedicated to Pluto (Hades), the god of the underworld, and his consort Persephone. According to ancient beliefs, the toxic gas that emanated from the cave was seen as Pluto’s breath — a divine yet lethal exhalation from the world below. Strangely, members of the Galli, eunuch priests of the Cybele cult, were said to enter the cave unharmed. This gave rise to the belief that they either possessed supernatural protection or shared a sacred bond with the gods of the underworld. During ritual ceremonies, they performed sacrificial rites, offered prayers, and may have delivered oracular prophecies. A popular ritual involved selling small animals to visiting pilgrims. These animals would be released into the cave to demonstrate the fatal power of the gas — a dramatic proof of the gods’ presence and wrath.

The Rediscovery of a Deadly Sanctuary

For centuries, the precise location of Pluto’s Gate remained a mystery. That changed in 2013, when a team led by Italian archaeologist Francesco D’Andria uncovered the site during excavations near the Temple of Apollo. Their findings bore an uncanny resemblance to ancient descriptions, confirming the Ploutonion’s authenticity. Among the uncovered structures were the foundations of the sacred temple, remnants of a small theater believed to be used for observing rituals, and inscriptions dedicated to Pluto and Kore (Persephone). Most strikingly, the entrance to the cave — from which the lethal vapors once emerged — was found just as Strabo described.

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Hierapolis. Pexels

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Hierapolis. Pixabay

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Pamukkale. Pixabay

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Pluto’s Gate, a sacred cave believed to be an entrance to the underworld and the oldest local sanctuary, Hierapolis. It was described by Strabo (629-30) as an orifice in a ridge of the hillside, in front of which was a fenced enclosure filled with thick mist immediately fatal to any who entered except the eunuchs of Kybele. The Plutoneion was mentioned and described later by numerous ancient writers, in particular Dio Cassius (68.27), who observed that an auditorium had been erected around it, and Damascius ap. Photius (Bibl. 344f), who recorded a visit by a certain doctor Asclepiodotus about A.D. 500; he mentioned the hot stream inside the cavern and located it under the Temple of Apollo. There is, in fact, immediately below the sidewall of the temple in a shelf of the hillside, a roofed chamber 3 m square, at the back of which is a deep cleft in the rock filled with a fast-flowing stream of hot water heavily charged with a sharp-smelling gas. In front is a paved court, from which the gas emerges in several places through cracks in the floor. The mist mentioned by Strabo is not observable now. The gas was kept out of the temple itself by allowing it to escape through gaps left between the blocks of the sidewalls. Carole Raddato, Image and text CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Science Meets Myth: The Deadly Gas Explained

What was once seen as divine wrath has since found a rational explanation. Scientific analysis revealed that the cave emits high concentrations of carbon dioxide, a gas heavier than air that settles near the ground. Animals — smaller and closer to the earth — were the first to succumb, while humans standing upright, especially trained priests who understood when the gas levels were lower, could avoid its effects. This phenomenon, viewed in antiquity as a divine miracle, is today understood as a natural, though no less fascinating, geological feature.

The Rise and Fall of a Sacred Site

Archaeological records show that the Ploutonion remained an active place of worship and pilgrimage until the 4th century CE. With the rise of Christianity, such pagan sanctuaries lost their religious significance. By the 6th century, a series of devastating earthquakes buried the site, shrouding it in silence for over a millennium.

Sacred, Lethal, Eternal

The Ploutonion of Hierapolis represents a unique fusion of mythology, natural science, and ancient religious practice. It is a place where faith and fear, death and divinity, coexisted. In today’s world, it continues to draw the curiosity of scholars, spiritual seekers, and tourists alike — not only for its deadly beauty but for what it tells us about how ancient people interpreted and interacted with the invisible forces of the earth. Now partially restored and protected, Pluto’s Gate stands once more — not as a passage to the underworld, but as a window into humanity’s eternal attempt to make sense of life, death, and the divine.

Echoes Through Flesh and Stone: The 11,000-Year-Old Body Piercings of Neolithic Anatolia

Bülent Ortakcı is a freelance and ghostwriter based in Turkey. As an independent writer with a deep passion for history and archaeology, he focuses on creating compelling articles rooted in thorough research and inspired by the rich heritage of Anatolia and surrounding regions.

His writings often explore lesser-known archaeological sites, the legacy of ancient civilizations, comparative religious beliefs, and folklore involving supernatural or paranormal phenomena.

In the remote soils of southeastern Anatolia, where time itself seems to have settled into layers of dust and silence, a discovery emerged in 2024 that spoke not in words, but through bone, ornament, and gesture. At Boncuklu Tarla—a Neolithic settlement nestled within the rugged contours of Mardin’s Dargeçit district—archaeologists uncovered objects so ancient, yet so intimate, they might as well have whispered directly from the mouths of the dead. What they found were no ordinary artifacts. These were personal adornments— piercings for lips and ears—crafted from stone, obsidian, marble, and even native copper. They had once adorned human bodies more than eleven millennia ago. And in that adornment, they told stories—of identity, transition, ritual, and belonging.

A Civilization Written on the Body

Boncuklu Tarla, continuously inhabited between approximately 10,300 and 7,100 BCE, has already garnered archaeological fame for its architectural remnants and vast array of ornamental objects. Over 100,000 beads, pendants, and decorations have been unearthed at the site since 2012. But the recent discovery of labret and earring-like ornaments in adult burials adds a new and compelling chapter to this unfolding narrative. These items were not placed arbitrarily. Many were discovered near the mandible and temporal bones, precisely where piercings would have been worn. More revealing still, subtle wear patterns on the lower front teeth suggest prolonged and habitual use of lip ornaments—a bodily tradition encoded not just in stone, but in enamel and flesh.

Ornamentation as Ontology

Unlike the decorative excesses of modern fashion, the piercings of Boncuklu Tarla appear to have carried profound symbolic weight. Their absence from child burials and exclusive presence in adults hints at a rite of passage—an embodied transformation from innocence to responsibility, from anonymity to social presence. Here, the human body was not merely a biological entity but a sacred canvas, inscribed with meaning through ritual and ornament. Piercing may have served not just aesthetic desires, but cosmological beliefs, binding the self to community, the living to the ancestral, and the visible to the invisible. 

Between Silence and Symbol

In a world without written language, where meaning circulated through gesture, stone, and rhythm, the body became the text. These adornments spoke—of gender, status, age, perhaps even spiritual authority. They were marks of being seen and remembered. They were declarations etched into skin and soul. Through them, we glimpse a civilization both distant and familiar: one in which humans, long before cities or empires, yearned to signify who they were and what they believed—by marking the very skin that carried them through life and into death.

Conclusion

The pierced ornaments of Boncuklu Tarla do more than extend the timeline of human adornment. They reshape our understanding of early Neolithic thought, aesthetics, and social structure. They remind us that identity is an ancient yearning, and that even in the earliest settlements of humanity, the body was already a vessel of expression, ritual, and meaning.

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Cover Image, Top Left: aitoff, Pixabay

Origin and diversity of Greenland’s ancient sled dogs

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Genomic insights into Greenland’s iconic sled dog reveal a rich history of Inuit migration and Arctic adaptation, according to a new study. The findings provide a crucial guide for preserving the ancient breed amid climate threats and rapid cultural change. For over 9,500 years, sled dogs have been a central part of Arctic life. While many Arctic sled dog breeds have been replaced, mixed with other dogs, or shifted into domestic roles, the Greenland sled dog, or Qimmeq (pl. Qimmit), has uniquely preserved its traditional role as a working sled dog. However, this ancient working relationship now faces modern threats: climate change, urbanization, and modern technologies like snowmobiles are rapidly eroding the conditions that have long supported Qimmit and their traditional role. The ongoing decline in Qimmeq population underscores the urgency of documenting their remaining genetic diversity to guide conservation efforts. To reconstruct the breed’s history, Tatiana Feuerborn and colleagues sequenced genomes from 92 dogs across Greenland spanning the past 800 years, capturing both ancient and modern individuals, and compared them with over 1,900 published dog genomes. Feuerborn et al. discovered that Qimmit form a distinct clade with other ancient Arctic dogs – most notably a 3,700-year-old Alaskan dog. This genetic continuity, despite thousands of years and great geographic distances, supports the theory of a rapid Inuit migration across the North American Arctic. Notably, the authors found that the genetic differentiation among regional dog populations mirrors the cultural and linguistic divisions of the indigenous peoples of Greenland. Moreover, the analysis revealed further evidence of two distinct migrations of dogs into Greenland, with data that indicate an earlier-than-expected arrival of people to the region. Feuerborn et al. also show that despite European colonization of Greenland, there is minimal European ancestry in present-day Qimmit, likely due to overall isolation of the populations and more modern preservation policies. “These insights into the Qimmit provide a baseline for levels of inbreeding and introgression that can serve as a foundation for informed management aimed at the preservation of these remarkable dogs,” write the authors. “Studies such as this demonstrate the relevance of paleogenomic insight into current conversations and decisions centered around conservation and preservation of culturally significant species.”

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Article Source: AAAS news release

*Origins and diversity of Greenland’s Qimmit revealed with genomes of ancient and modern sled dogs, Science, 10-Jul-2025.

Cover Image, Top Left: Husky sled dogs. cocoparisienne, Pixabay