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Penn Museum’s Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials Launches in Fall 2014

PHILADELPHIA, PA 2014—This fall, the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, in conjunction with Penn Arts and Sciences, launches the Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials (CAAM), housed in a newly renovated suite of conservation and teaching laboratories in the Museum’s West Wing. The new Center will offer the facilities, materials, equipment, and expert personnel to teach and mentor undergraduate and graduate students in a range of scientific techniques crucial to archaeologists and other scholars as they seek to interpret the past. Study will be arranged around eight disciplines: ceramics, digital archaeology, archaeobotany, archaeozoology, human skeletal analysis, lithics, archaeometallurgy, and conservation.

“With the teaching of materials examination and analysis—as well as digital archaeology—added to our existing capacity for teaching with collections, extensive and varied fieldwork opportunities, a renowned program in historic preservation, and established archaeological coursework across several departments and programs, CAAM sets Penn and its Museum apart as a leading teaching center for archaeology throughout the world,” said Julian Siggers, Penn Museum Williams Director. “The new Center will bring together the laboratories, equipment, and teaching personnel who will enable exciting learning and discovery to take place at all levels, from introductory courses to Ph.D. theses.”

“The Museum is one of Penn’s unique assets, and its research agenda and collections integrate powerfully with the research and teaching mission of the School,” said Arts and Sciences Dean Steven J. Fluharty. “This Center will create incredible new opportunities for our undergraduates, graduate students, and faculty and advance Penn’s reputation further in an area where we have long excelled.”

New Facilities Made Possible by Visionary Support

The Center is housed in a suite of new laboratories and teaching spaces on the first floor of the Penn Museum’s West Wing, renovated this summer in the final phase of an expansive, $18-million project initiated in 2010. The full project has included renovation of the West Wing’s five public galleries, HVAC installation, and the restoration of the Widener Lecture Room (which can accommodate up to 140 students for lectures or classes in conjunction with lab-based instruction, and also can be used for a wide range of public events).

A Ceramics lab, completed in 2011, provides a research, teaching and mentoring space that already has been put to use by ceramics expert Dr. Marie-Claude Boileau. The newly renovated teaching spaces include a general-purpose teaching and research lab with a fume hood; a lab designed for the teaching of Human Skeletal Analysis and other specialties, a general-purpose wet lab, and a larger classroom. The adjacent Kowalski Digital Media Center contains a Digitization Lab which will be adapted to house Digital Archaeology courses as CAAM brings its full course roster online over the next several years.

The West Wing renovation has also provided state-of-the-art work spaces for Penn Museum’s Conservation Department, which now has a large new laboratory complemented by specialist rooms for x-ray and photography, and a seminar room/library—facilities that will greatly enhance the Department’s ability to care for the nearly one million objects in the Museum’s Collection. The Department has played a leading role in conservation training, having hosted more than 50 interns and fellows since 1971, and conservation courses will be offered as part of the CAAM curriculum.  

The newly renovated laboratories, teaching spaces, and amenities are housed in a space of about 8,000 square feet.

Renovation of the Conservation and Teaching Laboratories, which enabled CAAM to go from vision to reality, was made possible by a host of generous donors with a deep commitment to the future of archaeological research. Lead supporters were A. Bruce and Margaret Mainwaring, Charles K. Williams, II, Daniel G. Kamin, Frederick J. Manning, Carrie and Ken Cox, Joseph and Bonnie Lundy, Bayard and Frances Storey, and two anonymous donors.

Teaching and Learning Program

Steve Tinney, Museum Deputy Director, Associate Curator-in-Charge, Babylonian Section, and Clark Research Associate Professor of Assyriology in the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, is the new Director of CAAM.  Guided by a Faculty Steering Committee, CAAM is the major new initiative in the Museum’s Teaching and Learning Program.

Through the Teaching and Learning Program, the Museum offers hands-on collections access to students and faculty for a wide range of research activities in addition to the materials analysis that will be offered by CAAM. Examples of courses enhanced by the study of objects in the Museum’s Collections Study Room last spring included Age of the Samurai; Artists, Exhibitions, and Museums; and Images in Conflict: A Visual History of Violence.  Since its opening in 2012, the Collections Study Room has hosted more than 2,200 Penn students and 56 faculty from 17 departments, providing hands-on, object based learning experiences with the Museum’s international Collection.

A Penn Faculty Steering Committee drawn from several departments in Arts and Sciences and from the School of Design guided the selection of specialties around which CAAM will be structured.  In addition to courses, independent study and research mentoring will be offered from introductory to advanced levels, enabling both undergraduate and graduate students to develop from their first experiences with laboratory-based analysis into independent researchers. CAAM teaching specialists will be available to make contributions to a wide array of courses in a range of departments, and will support the research mission and activities of the Museum.

Penn Freshmen who selected to participate in a new seminar course, “Food and Fire: Archaeology in the Laboratory,” will be among the first to explore and learn in the new Center. Taught by Mainwaring Teaching Specialist Dr. Kate Moore, an archaeozoology expert experienced both in the laboratory and in the field, the course will make extensive use of the Museum’s collections and facilities, introducing students to a range of analytical techniques practiced in CAAM. This introductory course will prepare students to continue to second-tier courses in Organic and Inorganic Analysis, and then to intensive laboratory courses in the eight CAAM specialties.

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microscopeStudents use microscopes with guidance from Dr. Marie-Claude Boileau in the Ceramics lab, part of the new Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials housed in the Penn Museum (Photo: Mark Stehle).

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conservationstudio2Conservator Julia Lawson examines objects from the Penn Museum’s collections, in the new Conservation Studio at the Penn Museum (Photo: Penn Museum).

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classroomDr. Katherine Moore, Mainwaring Teaching Specialist, speaks to students in her “Food and Fire: Archaeology in the Laboratory” seminar for freshmen at the University of Pennsylvania. The class is held in the new classroom in the Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials at the Penn Museum (Photo: Penn Museum).

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A Public Open House

The Museum is offering the public a chance to see the new labs and learn more about the kind of work that will take place in CAAM.  On Saturday, October 18, from 1:00 to 4:00 pm, the Museum celebrates International Archaeology Day with a host of activities designed to interest all ages.  Guests can sign up for behind-the-scenes tours of the Conservation and Teaching Labs, where conservators, researchers and students will demonstrate equipment and talk about their work. International Archaeology Day also includes an up-closed look at an ancient mummy at an interactive station, short talks on archaeology, a “What in the World” game show, a family craft station, and a kid-friendly obstacle course worthy of Indiana Jones. The afternoon is co-sponsored by the Philadelphia Chapter of the American Institute of Archaeology.

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About the Penn Museum

Founded in 1887, the Penn Museum (the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology), located at 3260 South Street in Philadelphia, is one of the world’s great archaeology and anthropology research museums, and the largest university museum in the United States. With nearly one million objects in the collection, the Penn Museum encapsulates and illustrates the human story: who we are and where we came from. A dynamic research institution with many ongoing research projects, the Museum is an engaging place of discovery. The Museum’s mandate of research, teaching, collections stewardship, and public engagement are the four “pillars” of the Museum’s expansive mission: to transform understanding of the human experience.

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Cover Photo: A wide shot of the new Conservation Studio at the Penn Museum (Photo: Penn Museum).

Source: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology press release.

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Social Transmission of Tool Use in Wild Chimpanzees Observed

Evidence of new behaviour being adopted and transmitted socially from one individual to another within a wild chimpanzee community was published on September 30 in the open access journal PLOS Biology. This is the first instance of social learning recorded in the wild.

Scientists from the University of St Andrews, University of Neuchâtel, Anglia Ruskin University, and Université du Quebec studied the spread of two novel tool-use behaviours among the Sonso chimpanzee community living in Uganda’s Budongo Forest. Dr Catherine Hobaiter, Lecturer in Psychology at the University of St Andrews, said: “researchers have been fascinated for decades by the differences in behaviour between chimpanzee communities; some use tools, some don’t, some use different tools for the same job. These behavioural variations have been described as ‘cultural’, which in human terms would mean they spread when one individual learns from another; but in most cases they’re long established and it’s hard to know how they originally spread within a group. We were incredibly lucky to be in the right place at the right time to document the appearance and spread of two novel tool-use behaviours, something that is extraordinarily rare in the wild.”

The researchers investigated the spread of new variations of ‘leaf-sponges’, which are tools dipped in water to drink from, commonly manufactured by the Sonso chimpanzees by folding leaves in their mouth. Different individuals were observed to develop two novel variants: moss-sponging (a sponge made of moss or a mixture of leaves and moss) and leaf-sponge re-use (using a sponge left behind on a previous visit). Neither moss-sponging nor leaf-sponge re-use had been previously observed in Sonso in over twenty years of continuous observation. Chimpanzees are widely considered to be the most ‘cultural’ of all non-human animals, but most studies examining how behaviour is transmitted are carried out in captive groups. This has long been a focus for critics of arguments for chimpanzee culture, who point out that without similar evidence from the wild it is difficult to argue for an evolutionary connection between human and chimpanzee ‘culture’. Here, for the first time, researchers tracked in real time how a new natural behaviour was passed from individual to individual in a wild community. Dr William Hoppitt, Senior Lecturer in Zoology at Anglia Ruskin University said: “Our results provide strong evidence for social transmission along the chimpanzees’ social network, demonstrating that wild chimpanzees learn novel tool-use from each other and support the claim that some of the observed behavioural diversity in wild chimpanzees should be interpreted as ‘cultural’.”

The analysis began when Nick, a 29-year-old alpha male chimpanzee, made a moss sponge while being watched by Nambi, a dominant adult female. Over the next six days a further seven individuals made and used moss sponges. Six of these had observed the behaviour before adopting it and the seventh was seen to re-use a discarded moss sponge so may have learned about the novel behaviour in this way. The scientists also recorded a 12-year-old sub-adult male retrieve and use a discarded leaf sponge. A further eight individuals adopted the re-use technique, but only four of them observed another individual re-using a sponge first. By using a technique called network-based diffusion analysis the researchers estimated that each time a ‘naïve’ chimpanzee observed moss-sponging, this individual was 15 times more likely to develop the behaviour. This striking effect contrasted with the re-use behaviour in which social learning played much less of a role.

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chimpanzeeThis is individual ‘KB’ of the Sonso chimpanzee community of the Budongo Forest in Uganda, using a moss-sponge in November 2011, a behavior she learned by observing her mother. Photo by Catherine Hobaiter

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The study indicates that group-specific behavioural variants in wild chimpanzees can be socially learned, adding to the evidence that this prerequisite for culture originated in a common ancestor of great apes and humans, before the advent of humans. Dr Thibaud Gruber, Marie Curie Fellow at the University of Neuchâtel, said: “This study tells us that chimpanzee culture changes over time, little by little, by building on previous knowledge found within the community. This is probably how our early ancestors’ cultures also changed over time. In this respect, this is a great example of how studying chimpanzee culture can help us model the evolution of human culture. Nevertheless, something must have subsequently happened in our evolution that caused a qualitative shift in what we could transmit, rendering our culture much more complex than anything found in wild apes. Understanding this qualitative jump in our evolutionary history is what we need to investigate now.”

Individual KZ (right of the screen) picks a leaf-sponge from the ground while his mother KW is extracting water from the waterhole. He then chews the used LS before leaf-sponging himself at the waterhole (video by Catherine Hobaiter).

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Source: Edited from a press release of PLOS Biology. All works published in PLOS Biology are open access, which means that everything is immediately and freely available. See the published article* for details at http://www.plosbiology.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pbio.1001960

 * Hobaiter C, Poisot T, Zuberbühler K, Hoppitt W, Gruber T (2014) Social Network Analysis Shows Direct Evidence for Social Transmission of Tool Use in Wild Chimpanzees. PLoS Biol 12(9): e1001960. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1001960

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Prehistoric Stone Tools Evolved Independently Within Local Populations, Say Researchers

It wasn’t exclusively the arrival of new people from Africa with new technology that changed the stone tool repertoire of early humans in Eurasia a few hundred thousand years ago—it was local populations in different places and times gradually and independently wising up to a better industry on their own.

So suggests Daniel Adler, associate professor of Anthropology at the University of Connecticut, and colleagues based on a recently completed study in which the researchers examined thousands of stone artifacts recovered from Nor Geghi 1, an Armenian Southern Caucasus archaeological site that features preserved lava flows and artifact-bearing sediments dated to between 200,000 and 400,000 years ago.  The artifacts, dated at 325,000 – 335,000 years old, were a mix of two distinct stone tool technology traditions—bifacial tools, such as hand axes, which were common among early human populations during the Lower Paleolithic, and Levallois, a stone tool production method typically attributed to the Middle Stone Age in Africa and the Middle Paleolithic in Eurasia. The researchers argue that the coexistence of two technologies at Nor Geghi 1 provides the first clear evidence that local populations developed Levallois technology out of existing biface technology.

“The combination of these different technologies in one place suggests to us that, about 325,000 years ago, people at the site were innovative,” says Adler.

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stonetoolmakingpic1The discovery of Nor Geghi 1 (NG1), July 2008, with Basalt 1 (top) and stratigraphic Units 1–5. N. Researchers Wales and P. Glauberman are pictured. Credit: Daniel S. Adler

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stonetoolmakingpic2Representative stratigraphic section of Nor Geghi 1 (NG1), with Basalt 1 (top) and Units 1–5, following the 2009 field season. Credit: Daniel S. Adler

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The paper documenting the research, published in the 26 September 2014 issue of Science, presents the argument that biface and Levallois technology, while distinct, share a common evolutionary line. In biface technology, a stone is shaped through the removal of flakes from two opposite surfaces of the stone to produce a tool such as a hand axe. The detached flakes are discarded as waste products. In Levallois technology, the stone is shaped through the removal of flakes to produce a central convex surface tool, or core. The flakes are produced in predetermined sizes and shapes and used as tools. Archaeologists have suggested that Levallois technology is optimal in terms of raw material. The flakes are relatively small and easy to carry, useful for the highly mobile hunter-gatherers of the time. It has been interpreted as an advancement or innovative improvement on the biface technology.

Based on comparisons of archaeological data from sites in Africa, the Middle East, and Europe, the study authors suggest that this change was gradual and intermittent, and that it occurred independently within different human populations who shared a common technological ancestry. In other words Levallois technology evolved out of pre-existing biface technology in different places at different times.

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stonetoolmakingpic4

Technological variability at Nor Geghi 1 (NG1). A) Biface with two biface resharpening/thinning flakes. B–C) Levallois cores with Levallois flakes. D) Blade core with blade. A) The biface is the desired product, with the flakes detached during shaping and resharpening treated as waste. B–D) The flakes and blades are the desired products and were used in an unmodified state or retouched into a variety of tool types. Credit: Daniel S. Adler

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stonetoolmakingpic5

Technological evolution and variability at Nor Geghi 1 (NG1). A) bifaces, B) Levallois cores. Credit: Daniel S. Adler

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Their conclusion challenges the view that technological change resulted from population change (the introduction of or replacement of an older population by a new population) during this period. “If I were to take all the artifacts from the site and show them to an archaeologist, they would immediately begin to categorize them into chronologically distinct groups,” Adler says. However, he suggests that the artifacts found at Nor Geghi 1 actually reflect the technological flexibility and variability of a single population, speaking to the antiquity of the human capacity for innovation.

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stonetoolmakingpic3

Nor Geghi 1 (NG1) at the close of the 2009 field season. Credit: Daniel S. Adler

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This study is the first to present data from Nor Geghi 1, and the research conducted at the site is a collaboration between the University of Connecticut, Yerevan State University, and the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Yerevan. Intellectual contributions to this research were made by and international team of collaborators from Armenia, the United Kingdom, Canada, Spain, Holland, Germany, Ireland, and the United States. Funding for this research was provided by the University of Connecticut (the Norian Armenian Programs Committee, the College of Liberal Arts and Science, the Office of Global Affairs, Study Abroad, and the CLAS Book Committee), the UK Natural Environment Research Council, the L.S.B. Leakey Foundation, the Irish Research Council, and the University of Winchester, UK.

Source: Written with adapted and edited sections included from a University of Connecticut press release, Stone Age site challenges old archaeological assumptions about human technology

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Study shows early modern human settlement in Central Europe over 43,000 years ago

Early modern humans inhabited the region of what is today known as Austria around 43,500 years ago, living in an environment that was cold and steppe-like, according to a recent study. 

Philip Nigst and colleagues of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and other institutions analyzed stone tools and their context after a re-excavation of the famous Willendorf site in Austria, the site best known for the discovery in 1908 of the Venus of Willendorf figurine. Between 2006 and 2011 archaeologists uncovered an assemblage of 32 lithic artifacts and 23 faunal remains. The authors identified the tools as belonging to the Aurignacian culture, generally accepted as associated with modern humans. The researchers determined this through systematic morphological and technological analysis. They assign the artifacts to a very early archaeological horizon of modern human occupation.

“By using stratigraphic, paleoenvironmental, and chronological data, AH 3 [the archaeological horizon assigned to this assemblage] is ascribed to the onset of Greenland Interstadial 11, around 43,500 cal B.P., and thus is older than any other Aurignacian assemblage,” wrote the study authors. “Most importantly,” the study authors continued, “for the first time to our knowledge, we have a high-resolution environmental context for an Early Aurignacian in Central Europe, demonstrating an early appearance of behaviorally modern humans in a medium-cold steppe-type environment with some boreal trees along valleys around 43,500 cal B.P.”*

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willendorf1

Archaeologist Philip R. Nigst and geologist Paul Haesaerts in a test trench at Willendorf II.  Credit: Image courtesy of The Willendorf Project, Philip R. Nigst and Bence Viola.

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willendorf2

Excavations at Willendorf II. Credit: Image courtesy of The Willendorf Project, Philip R. Nigst and Bence Viola

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willendorf3

Section at Willendorf II showing the succession of brown paleosols (medium-cold steppe environment) and yellow loess (cold periglacial steppe to deep frost environment). Holes in the section are sample holes. Credit: Image courtesy of The Willendorf Project, Philip R. Nigst and Bence Viola.

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The age of the artifacts suggests that modern humans may have coexisted with Neanderthals in Europe for several thousand years, and the location of the assemblage in what was a cold and steppe-like environment over 43,000 years ago also suggests that early modern human settlers, who may have come from the warmer climate of southern Europe, were well-adapted to a variety of climates, according to the authors.

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*Article #14-12201: “Early modern human settlement of Europe north of the Alps occurred 43,500 years ago in a cold steppe-type environment,” by Philip R. Nigst et al.

Source: Adapted and edited from the abtract and excerpts of the in-press full document versions of the article*, to be published in the Journal of Human Evolution.

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discovery2014cover2

Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

New Large Stone Prehistoric Cutting Tools Found in China

A team of scientists have uncovered large stone cutting tools (LCTs) in the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region (DRR) of central China.

The tool assemblage, discovered and analyzed by Kathleen Kuman of the University of the Witwatersrand and colleagues Chaorong Li of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Hao Li of the University of the Witwatersrand, were excavated at a site on the southeastern edge of the Qinling Mountains. The tools were preserved in three terraces of the Han and Dan rivers in Hubei and Henan Provinces, with a date as early as 800,000 years ago determined in one terrace and Middle Pleistocene and possibly Late Pleistocene in the other terraces. 

“Regional environments during the Middle Pleistocene were relatively warm, humid and stable,” summarize the authors in the report abstract. “Despite the poor quality of raw materials (predominantly quartz phyllite and trachyte for the LCTs), good examples of both handaxes and cleavers are present, plus two types of picks.”* 

Generally, the tools exhibit technological and morphological elements similar to that of Acheulean LCTs, say the study authors, “with some differences that are mainly attributed to raw material properties, subsistence ecology, and ‘cultural drift.’”*

The Acheulean is an industry of prehistoric stone tool manufacture commonly associated with early humans that lived during the Lower Palaeolithic era across Africa and much of West AsiaSouth Asia, and Europe. The early human species known as Homo erectus is most often associated with this industry, a technological tradition that is best known for the large hand-axes found at archaeological sites across the same geographic spectrum.

Handaxe-bearing sites in China have been found in a number of alluvial basins, the best known being Dingcun, Bose and Luonan. “Here we document the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region (DRR) as another major area for large cutting tools (LCTs),” report the authors in the report abstract.*

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*Large cutting tools in the Danjiangkou Reservoir Region, central China, Kathleen Kumana, b, , , Chaorong Lic, , , Hao Lia,, Journal of Human Evolution

Source: Adapted and edited from the abstract of the full study report in-press to be published in final at the Journal of Human Evolution.

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discovery2014cover2

Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

New branch added to European family tree

The setting: Europe, about 7,500 years ago.

Agriculture was sweeping in from the Near East, bringing early farmers into contact with hunter-gatherers who had already been living in Europe for tens of thousands of years.

Genetic and archaeological research in the last 10 years has revealed that almost all present-day Europeans descend from the mixing of these two ancient populations. But it turns out that’s not the full story.

Researchers at Harvard Medical School and the University of Tübingen in Germany have now documented a genetic contribution from a third ancestor: Ancient North Eurasians. This group appears to have contributed DNA to present-day Europeans as well as to the people who travelled across the Bering Strait into the Americas more than 15,000 years ago.

“Prior to this paper, the models we had for European ancestry were two-way mixtures. We show that there are three groups,” said David Reich, professor of genetics at HMS and co-senior author of the study.

“This also explains the recently discovered genetic connection between Europeans and Native Americans,” Reich added. “The same Ancient North Eurasian group contributed to both of them.”

The research team also discovered that ancient Near Eastern farmers and their European descendants can trace much of their ancestry to a previously unknown, even older lineage called the Basal Eurasians.

The study is published Sept. 18 in Nature.

Peering into the past

To probe the ongoing mystery of Europeans’ heritage and their relationships to the rest of the world, the international research team—including co-senior author Johannes Krause, professor of archaeo- and paleogenetics at the University of Tübingen and co-director of the new Max Planck Institute for History and the Sciences in Jena, Germany—collected and sequenced the DNA of more than 2,300 present-day people from around the world and of nine ancient humans from Sweden, Luxembourg and Germany.

The ancient bones came from eight hunter-gatherers who lived about 8,000 years ago, before the arrival of farming, and one farmer from about 7,000 years ago.

The researchers also incorporated into their study genetic sequences previously gathered from ancient humans of the same time period, including early farmers such as Ötzi “the Iceman.”

“There was a sharp genetic transition between the hunter-gatherers and the farmers, reflecting a major movement of new people into Europe from the Near East,” said Reich.

Ancient North Eurasian DNA wasn’t found in either the hunter-gatherers or the early farmers, suggesting the Ancient North Eurasians arrived in the area later, he said.

“Nearly all Europeans have ancestry from all three ancestral groups,” said Iosif Lazaridis, a research fellow in genetics in Reich’s lab and first author of the paper. “Differences between them are due to the relative proportions of ancestry. Northern Europeans have more hunter-gatherer ancestry—up to about 50 percent in Lithuanians—and Southern Europeans have more farmer ancestry.”

Lazaridis added, “The Ancient North Eurasian ancestry is proportionally the smallest component everywhere in Europe, never more than 20 percent, but we find it in nearly every European group we’ve studied and also in populations from the Caucasus and Near East. A profound transformation must have taken place in West Eurasia” after farming arrived.

When this research was conducted, Ancient North Eurasians were a “ghost population”—an ancient group known only through the traces it left in the DNA of present-day people. Then, in January, a separate group of archaeologists found the physical remains of two Ancient North Eurasians in Siberia. Now, said Reich, “We can study how they’re related to other populations.”

Room for more

The team was able to go only so far in its analysis because of the limited number of ancient DNA samples. Reich thinks there could easily be more than three ancient groups who contributed to today’s European genetic profile.

He and his colleagues found that the three-way model doesn’t tell the whole story for certain regions of Europe. Mediterranean groups such as the Maltese, as well as Ashkenazi Jews, had more Near East ancestry than anticipated, while far northeastern Europeans such as Finns and the Saami, as well as some northern Russians, had more East Asian ancestry in the mix.

The most surprising part of the project for Reich, however, was the discovery of the Basal Eurasians.

“This deep lineage of non-African ancestry branched off before all the other non-Africans branched off from one another,” he said. “Before Australian Aborigines and New Guineans and South Indians and Native Americans and other indigenous hunter-gatherers split, they split from Basal Eurasians. This reconciled some contradictory pieces of information for us.”

Next, the team wants to figure out when the Ancient North Eurasians arrived in Europe and to find ancient DNA from the Basal Eurasians.

“We are only starting to understand the complex genetic relationship of our ancestors,” said co-author Krause. “Only more genetic data from ancient human remains will allow us to disentangle our prehistoric past.”

There are important open questions about how the present-day people of the world got to where they are,” said Reich, who is a Howard Hughes Medical Investigator. “The traditional way geneticists study this is by analyzing present-day people, but this is very hard because present-day people reflect many layers of mixture and migration.

“Ancient DNA sequencing is a powerful technology that allows you to go back to the places and periods where important demographic events occurred,” he said. “It’s a great new opportunity to learn about human history.”

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This project was supported in part by the National Cancer Institute (HHSN26120080001E and NIH/NCI Intramural Research Program), National Institute of General Medical Sciences (GM100233 and GM40282), National Human Genome Research Institute (HG004120 and HG002385), an NIH Pioneer Award (8DP1ES022577-04), National Science Foundation (HOMINID awards BCS-1032255 and BCS-0827436 and grant OCI-1053575), Howard Hughes Medical Institute, German Research Foundation (DFG) (KR 4015/1-1), Carl-Zeiss Foundation, Baden Württemberg Foundation and the Max Planck Society.

Source: News release of the Harvard Medical School written by Stephanie Dutchen.

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Human faces evolved to look individually unique, says study

The amazing variety of human faces – far greater than that of most other animals – is the result of evolutionary pressure to make each of us unique and easily recognizable, according to a new study by University of California, Berkeley, scientists.

Our highly visual social interactions are almost certainly the driver of this evolutionary trend, said behavioral ecologist Michael J. Sheehan, a postdoctoral fellow in UC Berkeley’s Museum of Vertebrate Zoology. Many animals use smell or vocalization to identify individuals, making distinctive facial features unimportant, especially for animals that roam after dark, he said. But humans are different.

“Humans are phenomenally good at recognizing faces; there is a part of the brain specialized for that,” Sheehan said. “Our study now shows that humans have been selected to be unique and easily recognizable. It is clearly beneficial for me to recognize others, but also beneficial for me to be recognizable. Otherwise, we would all look more similar.”

“The idea that social interaction may have facilitated or led to selection for us to be individually recognizable implies that human social structure has driven the evolution of how we look,” said coauthor Michael Nachman, a population geneticist, professor of integrative biology and director of the UC Berkeley Museum of Vertebrate Zoology.

The study will appear Sept. 16 in the online journal Nature Communications.

In the study, Sheehan said, “we asked, ‘Are traits such as distance between the eyes or width of the nose variable just by chance, or has there been evolutionary selection to be more variable than they would be otherwise; more distinctive and more unique?'”

As predicted, the researchers found that facial traits are much more variable than other bodily traits, such as the length of the hand, and that facial traits are independent of other facial traits, unlike most body measures. People with longer arms, for example, typically have longer legs, while people with wider noses or widely spaced eyes don’t have longer noses. Both findings suggest that facial variation has been enhanced through evolution.

Finally, they compared the genomes of people from around the world and found more genetic variation in the genomic regions that control facial characteristics than in other areas of the genome, a sign that variation is evolutionarily advantageous.

“All three predictions were met: facial traits are more variable and less correlated than other traits, and the genes that underlie them show higher levels of variation,” Nachman said. “Lots of regions of the genome contribute to facial features, so you would expect the genetic variation to be subtle, and it is. But it is consistent and statistically significant.”

Using Army data

Sheehan was able to assess human facial variability thanks to a U.S. Army database of body measurements compiled from male and female personnel in 1988. The Army Anthropometric Survey (ANSUR) data are used to design and size everything from uniforms and protective clothing to vehicles and workstations.

A statistical comparison of facial traits of European Americans and African Americans – forehead-chin distance, ear height, nose width and distance between pupils, for example – with other body traits – forearm length, height at waist, etc. – showed that facial traits are, on average, more varied than the others. The most variable traits are situated within the triangle of the eyes, mouth and nose.

Sheehan and Nachman also had access to data collected by the 1000 Genome project, which has sequenced more than 1,000 human genomes since 2008 and catalogued nearly 40 million genetic variations among humans worldwide. Looking at regions of the human genome that have been identified as determining the shape of the face, they found a much higher number of variants than for traits, such as height, not involving the face.

Prehistoric origins

“Genetic variation tends to be weeded out by natural selection in the case of traits that are essential to survival,” Nachman said. “Here it is the opposite; selection is maintaining variation. All of this is consistent with the idea that there has been selection for variation to facilitate recognition of individuals.”

They also compared the human genomes with recently sequenced genomes of Neanderthals and Denisovans and found similar genetic variation, which indicates that the facial variation in modern humans must have originated prior to the split between these different lineages.

“Clearly, we recognize people by many traits – for example their height or their gait – but our findings argue that the face is the predominant way we recognize people,” Sheehan said.

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Sheehan’s work was supported by a National Institutes of Health postdoctoral fellowship.

Source: Edited from a press release of the University of California, Berkeley

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Research Affirms Evidence of a Key Alcoholic Beverage in Ancient Mexico

Residue recovered from pottery vessels suggests that the residents of Teotihuacan, Mexico, one of the largest urban centers of prehistory, made an alcoholic beverage from agave, according to a study. In addition to celebratory and social uses, alcoholic beverages likely provided ancient peoples with an important source of essential nutrients, potable water, and insurance against failed crops. Although direct evidence was lacking, researchers had theorized that the liquor of choice in Teotihuacan was pulque, an alcoholic beverage made from the fermented sap of several species of agave plants, the consumption of which is depicted in ancient mural paintings.

Using a biomarker approach to detect residues of Zymomonas mobilis, the ethanol-producing bacterium that gives pulque its punch, Richard Evershed of the University of Bristol and a team of colleagues from other universities have tested several hundred pottery vessel fragments from Teotihuacan (150 B.C. to 650 A.D.) and identified the characteristic signature on 14 sherds. The findings, according to the authors, represent the earliest direct chemical evidence of pulque production in Pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica.

“These findings provide compelling evidence for the use of ceramic vessels to contain pulque in the locality of La Ventilla around A.D. 200550, at the height of Teotihuacans growth and power………pulque was stored in distinctive amphorae vessels sealed with pine resin, as well as in other, less specialized vessels,” report Evershed, et al. “Direct evidence of pulque production provides new insights into how the nutritional requirements of Teotihuacanos were sustained in a region in which the diet was largely based on plants and crop failures, due to drought and frost damage, which resulted in frequent shortfalls in staples.”………*

In addition, the authors propose that the study’s biomarker approach can be extended to identify the presence of other common bacterially fermented alcoholic beverages, including palm wine, beer, and cider.

The research report is published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

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*Article #14-08339: “Pulque production from fermented agave sap as a dietary supplement in Prehispanic Mesoamerica,” by Marisol Correa−Ascencio, Ian G. Robertson, Oralia Cabrera−Cortés, Rubén Cabrera−Castro, and Richard P. Evershed.

Source: Adapted and edited from a PNAS press release.

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Kingdom of Kush Iron Industry Works Discovered

New techniques developed at the University of Brighton to help archaeologists ‘see’ underground are starting to unlock the industrial secrets of an ancient civilisation.

The UCL Qatar research, investigating the iron industries of the Kingdom of Kush in Sudan, is attempting to identify 2000-year-old iron production workshops.

Working with colleagues from UCL Qatar, Dr Chris Carey, University of Brighton Senior Lecturer, has applied novel methods that have enabled archaeologists to map structures and deposits deep underground.

These underground maps have been used to uncover an iron production workshop complete with furnaces that were part of the economic engine room of the kingdom, which ruled northern Sudan and at certain times parts of Egypt between the 9th century BC and the 4th century AD. These workshops would have supplied the Kushites with iron tools and weapons and personal adornments.

The discoveries produced a Eureka moment for lead researcher Dr Jane Humphris (UCL Qatar). “Chris was able to tell us where to dig and how deep to dig and we soon found what we were looking for”.

“We had been searching for two years at other sites for workshops, without success, but this time was different. We uncovered a workshop with two furnace structures – only the third workshop of its kind ever to be found at the Royal City of Meroe.

“It was a very, very exciting moment. I texted Chris in Brighton immediately with the news.”

Dr Carey’s utilised gradiometry – a method that detects changes in magnetic fields and can pinpoint signs of human activities. Strong magnetic anomalies, for instance, suggest an iron ‘hot spot’, where iron was smelted.  In this case the use of an additional method – electrical resistivity equipment which passes electrical current through the ground, allowed the depths of features such as slagheaps and buildings to be identified. Electrical resistance in the soil varies, and is affected by the presence of archaeological features. This second tool plotted the depth and volumes of the slag heaps.

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kush1

Dr Carey (third from left) and Dr Humphris. Courtesy University of Brighton

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Dr Carey visited the site to collect the data he needed and after analysing results in his laboratories in Brighton, he was able to send Dr Humphris detailed earth maps. He said: “Putting the two techniques together is a first for archaeo-metallurgy (the study of ancient metal production) and we are very excited by the success – no one has done this before. It is helping provide a holistic understanding of the industrial technologies this civilisation used and their impact on the society of the time.

“Already the results are beyond what we might have hoped for and this is the just the tip of the iceberg – and the University of Brighton is firmly embedded within this exciting project.”

The archaeological site at Meroe recently was declared a World Heritage Site but the researchers are only just beginning to understand the full significance industrial exploitation had on the empire.

Dr Carey said: “The Kingdom of Kush is famed for its pyramids and ancient temples but behind this complex society was an economy based on exploitation of raw resources and we are keen to learn more, including who was smelting the iron and what status they had in society. This economy is known to be archaeologically important but it has, as of yet, been little studied.”

Dr Carey and colleagues are now using laboratories at the University of Brighton’s School of Environment and Technology to analyse geochemical/isotopic samples from the dig to determine if other metals were smelted on the site. He will be spending a considerable amount of this time working on this project over the coming years.

Dr Humphris said Dr Carey’s work was integral to the project which is being assisted by other experts from a number of universities around the world. Dr Humphris said the project was providing educational, employment and training opportunities for local people as well.

For more information on the project go to: http://www.ucl.ac.uk/qatar/research/meroitic-iron-production-sudan

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Source: Adapted and edited from a University of Brighton press release entitled Breaking new ground.

Cover Photo, Top Left: Courtesy University of Brighton

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Mystery Surrounds Skeletons in Mass Grave

Further tests will be conducted on skeletons initially recovered from a centuries-old mass grave in Durham City, in the UK, in 2013.

Initial analysis on the bones of 28 individuals recovered from the site provided some evidence regarding their origins and identity, but was inconclusive.

The tests, coordinated and partly carried out by Durham University’s Department of Archaeology, included examination of the human bones by academic specialists; radiocarbon dating of two individuals and a programme of isotope analysis to ascertain diet.

The University will commission radiocarbon dating of some of the other skeletons, with results expected in the New Year.  

Preliminary results show that all of the 28 individuals were male and aged between 13 and over 46. About half were under 20 years of age.  No evidence of blunt force or trauma was found on the bones.

The remains of two individuals have been radiocarbon dated and the results point to a date of death sometime within 1440-1630.

Some individuals show evidence of having smoked clay pipes. Tobacco was only introduced into England in the 1570s and became popular by the end of the 16th Century, so this helps to narrow the date range further, perhaps as tightly as 1610-30.

The isotopes from the bones of two individuals show that marine resources, such as fish and shellfish, did not form a significant part of their diet, suggesting that they did not live by the coast.

Mr Richard Annis, Senior Archaeologist, Archaeological Services Durham University, said: “A possible association has been suggested between these remains and the Scots prisoners who died in Durham Cathedral and Castle following the battle of Dunbar in September 1650″. But, he continued, “the radiocarbon dates obtained so far are incompatible with this hypothesis.”

“However, in view of the exceptional interest in the burial and the small number of samples so far analysed, the University has now commissioned radiocarbon dating of further individuals. The new results are expected to be available in the New Year and will be made available as soon as possible.”

The Battle of Dunbar took place during the Civil War in 1650 when the English defeated a newly recruited and unprepared Scottish Army. Captured prisoners were marched south with significant numbers ending up imprisoned in Durham Cathedral and Durham Castle.  

At this time and throughout the Commonwealth, Durham Cathedral was empty and abandoned, its Dean and Chapter dissolved and its worship suppressed by order of Oliver Cromwell. 

During the hard winter of 1650-51, many of those incarcerated at Durham died of malnutrition, disease and cold. 

The mass grave was discovered in November 2013 on University property at the World Heritage Site in Durham during building work being monitored by Archaeological Services Durham University.

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Source: Edited from a press release issued by Durham University Marketing and Communications Office.

Cover Photo, Top Left: Skull excavated from mass grave. Courtesy Durham University Department of Archaeology

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Early Humans in Northern Saudi Arabia Were a Diverse Lot, Says Study

In studies about early human dispersals out of Africa into Asia, scientists have long debated how, when and who moved into the Arabian Peninsula tens of thousands of years ago, and even further back in time. In recent years, researchers have been discovering sites across the Arabian Peninsula that bear on the entire time spectrum of human prehistory, beginning with the Lower Paleolithic (dating arguably in some cases to possibly more than one million years ago). No longer regarded as a cul-de-sac for studies on human evolution and dispersals, the area has quickly emerged as a major theater for exploration and scholarship in the evolving story of early humans and their dispersal across the globe.

Now, in a study conducted by Eleanor M.L. Scerri of the Universite de Bordeaux and colleagues, researchers have quantitatively tested the hypothesis that lithic (stone) tool assemblages uncovered at the site of Jubbah in the Nefud Desert of northern Saudi Arabia exhibited similarities with Middle Stone Age (MSA) stone tools found in northeast Africa. These artifacts are said to have been produced by modern human populations in northeast Africa between 280,000 and 50-25,000 years ago.

What they found has produced a picture more complicated than expected. By analyzing the process the toolmakers used to form their tools, they determined that a mixed demography of early humans occupied the area, as opposed to a homogenous grouping.   

“While two Jubbah lithic assemblages [at locations JKF-1 and JKF-12] display both similarities and differences with the northeast African assemblages,” write Scerri et al. in the research abstract of their report, “a third locality (JSM-1) was significantly different to both the other Arabian and African assemblages, indicating an unexpected diversity of assemblages in the Jubbah basin during Marine Isotope Stage 5 (MIS 5, ∼125–70,000 years ago, or ka). Along with evidence from southern Arabia and the Levant, our results add quantitative support to arguments that MIS 5 hominin demography at the interface between Africa and Asia was complex.”*

The detailed report will be published in the Journal of Human Evolution

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*Eleanor M.L. Scerri, Huw S. Groucutt, Richard P. Jennings, Michael D. Petraglia, Unexpected technological heterogeneity in northern Arabia indicates complex Late Pleistocene demography at the gateway to Asia, Journal of Human Evolution. 

________________________________________

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Study shows how ecology transformed through 6,000 years of Egyptian history

Depictions of animals in ancient Egyptian artifacts have helped scientists assemble a detailed record of the large mammals that lived in the Nile Valley over the past 6,000 years. A new analysis of this record shows that species extinctions, probably caused by a drying climate and growing human population in the region, have made the ecosystem progressively less stable.

The study, published September 8 in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), found that local extinctions of mammal species led to a steady decline in the stability of the animal communities in the Nile Valley. When there were many species in the community, the loss of any one species had relatively little impact on the functioning of the ecosystem, whereas it is now much more sensitive to perturbations, according to first author Justin Yeakel, who worked on the study as a graduate student at the University of California, Santa Cruz, and is now a postdoctoral fellow at the Santa Fe Institute.

Around six millennia ago, there were 37 species of large-bodied mammals in Egypt, but only eight species remain today. Among the species recorded in artwork from the late Predynastic Period (before 3100 BC) but no longer found in Egypt are lions, wild dogs, elephants, oryx, hartebeest, and giraffe.

“What was once a rich and diverse mammalian community is very different now,” Yeakel said. “As the number of species declined, one of the primary things that was lost was the ecological redundancy of the system. There were multiple species of gazelles and other small herbivores, which are important because so many different predators prey on them. When there are fewer of those small herbivores, the loss of any one species has a much greater effect on the stability of the system and can lead to additional extinctions.”

The new study is based on records compiled by zoologist Dale Osborne, whose 1998 book The Mammals of Ancient Egypt provides a detailed picture of the region’s historical animal communities based on archaeological and paleontological evidence as well as historical records. “Dale Osborne compiled an incredible database of when species were represented in artwork and how that changed over time. His work allowed us to use ecological modeling techniques to look at the ramifications of those changes,” Yeakel said.

The study had its origins in 2010, when Yeakel visited a Tutankhamun exhibition in San Francisco with coauthor Nathaniel Dominy, then an anthropology professor at UC Santa Cruz and now at Dartmouth. “We were amazed at the artwork and the depictions of animals, and we realized they were recording observations of the natural world. Nate was aware of Dale Osborne’s book, and we started thinking about how we could take advantage of those records,” Yeakel said.

Coauthor Paul Koch, a UCSC paleontologist who studies ancient ecosystems, helped formulate the team’s approach to using the records to look at the ecological ramifications of the changes in species occurrences. Yeakel teamed up with ecological modelers Mathias Pires of the University of Sao Paolo, Brazil, and Lars Rudolf of the University of Bristol, U.K., to do a computational analysis of the dynamics of predator-prey networks in the ancient Egyptian animal communities.

The researchers identified five episodes over the past 6,000 years when dramatic changes occurred in Egypt’s mammalian community, three of which coincided with extreme environmental changes as the climate shifted to more arid conditions. These drying periods also coincided with upheaval in human societies, such as the collapse of the Old Kingdom around 4,000 years ago and the fall of the New Kingdom about 3,000 years ago.

“There were three large pulses of aridification as Egypt went from a wetter to a drier climate, starting with the end of the African Humid Period 5,500 years ago when the monsoons shifted to the south,” Yeakel said. “At the same time, human population densities were increasing, and competition for space along the Nile Valley would have had a large impact on animal populations.”

The most recent major shift in mammalian communities occurred about 100 years ago. The analysis of predator-prey networks showed that species extinctions in the past 150 years had a disproportionately large impact on ecosystem stability. These findings have implications for understanding modern ecosystems, Yeakel said.

“This may be just one example of a larger pattern,” he said. “We see a lot of ecosystems today in which a change in one species produces a big shift in how the ecosystem functions, and that might be a modern phenomenon. We don’t tend to think about what the system was like 10,000 years ago, when there might have been greater redundancy in the community.”

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In addition to Yeakel, Pires, Rudolf, Dominy, and Koch, the coauthors of the paper include Thilo Gross at the University of Bristol and Paulo Guimaraes at the University of Sao Paolo. This work was funded by the National Science Foundation and the Sao Paolo Research Foundation.

Source: University of California – Santa Cruze press release

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Egyptian Mummies and Artifacts Brought Back to Life in Lab

As Founder and Editor of Popular Archaeology Magazine, Dan is a freelance writer and journalist specializing in archaeology.  He studied anthropology and archaeology in undergraduate and graduate school and has been an active participant on archaeological excavations in the U.S. and abroad.  He is the creator and administrator of Archaeological Digs, a popular weblog about archaeological excavation and field school opportunities.  

Standing still and quiet behind panes of glass that separate her only inches from an onlooking group of curious visitors, Molly Gleeson focuses intensely on a small, irregular-shaped fragment of ancient wood. Donned in light-weight blue lab attire and blue nitrile gloves, she carefully and meticulously treats and prepares a small piece of wood from a fragmentary coffin excavated in 1901. The coffin remains were brought back from a site in Abydos, Egypt, where the University of Pennsylvania was supporting excavations under the directorship of John Garstang through the Egypt Exploration Fund. It is a site where the Penn Museum has continuously conducted excavations since the 1960s. This small fragment, or ‘board’, as it is called, along with six other boards, is special because it exhibits the remaining traces of painted images and hieroglyphs that once graced the coffin in its full splendor over 4,000 years ago. It was a funerary survivor of Middle Kingdom Egypt. But this piece shows clear signs of termite damage, a destruction that had actually already taken place before the coffin was discovered and excavated. Gleeson’s most immediate objective, after study and research, is to stabilize it from further deterioration, and then restore it as much as possible and apply protective elements for continuing study and future display. It requires cleaning the surface with tools like a kneaded rubber eraser, stabilizing edges where there is paint loss with a 2% solution of methyl cellulose in water, and restoring pieces that had become detached “using a mixture of 5% methyl cellulose and Jade 403, an ethylene vinyl acetate emulsion.”* Such are the tools and techniques of the modern conservationist.

Gleeson is the Rockwell Project Conservator in the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology’s popular “mummy” lab, otherwise known simply as the Artifact Lab. Today, she and her colleagues are doing things that could be described as small miracles of ‘healing’—what is broken or faded or tainted with the ravages of time can be, in a very real sense, made whole again—at least as much as can be realistically expected. But a hundred years ago, when the coffin fragments were first excavated, the knowledge, skills and equipment required for such operations were not nearly as developed and sophisticated. Gleeson and her team would not be alone in saying that, today, restoration and conservation is an essential extension of the excavating and data collection done in the field, due in no small measure to the advances that have been made in our understanding of how and why ancient things can be preserved for both display and continuing analysis and study.  

“Our time in the field is limited by the length of the field season and the funds available to support conservation work on the excavation,” says Gleeson. Weather, political issues, and the nature of the discoveries are additional factors. But “in the lab we have access to microscopes, instruments and equipment (such as x-ray units) that we typically do not have in a field setting.” The tools of the trade include an expanding variety of materials and techniques for examination, treatment and research, including such things as optivisors (magnifying visors), solvents and adhesives, specially tested paper and fabrics, brushes, cotton swabs, scalpels, spatulas, and binocular microscopes.  “We also use a polarizing light microscope to examine tiny fragments of objects in order to identify what they’re made of and to identify corrosion and burial products,” Gleeson adds. 

These conservators are perhaps most popularly known for their work on the Penn Museum’s collection of Egyptian human and animal mummies, donated to the Museum in years past or acquired from excavations and field expeditions carried out or supported by the University of Pennsylvania prior to 1967. They have thus found themselves working on a range of mummies, from an unknown man mummified during the Third Intermediate Period (ca. 800 BCE) to a small Ibis mummy (a mummified long-legged wading bird), both from storage, just recently unwrapped and repaired. But projects often also include objects related to past expeditions in other parts of the world and associated with other civilizations, such as artifacts from the Penn Museum excavations at Lapithos (in present-day Cyprus) and the historic excavations at the Royal Cemetery of Ur (in present-day Iraq).  

In any case, even after the work in the field is finished, the project conservator’s job is an ongoing one, typically extending many years after the initial data collection and analysis has completed its cycle.

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mummydoctorsPaintedCoffinBoards

A close-up of fragments from a painted wooden coffin, excavated in 1901 from North Abydos, dating to ancient Egypt’s Middle Kingdom. The wood in these fragments is severely insect-damaged by termites, and paint is actively flaking. Previous treatment on the fragments, using some kind of plaster, is also degrading and falling away—a piece of this plaster is visible at center. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsPaintedCoffinBoardsTreatment

Conservator Molly Gleeson applies an adhesive by brush to stabilize the flaking paint on a painted coffin board. After treatment, these boards will be exhibited at the Museum for the first time. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsKneadedRubber

Conservators are able to use some simple tools to their advantage. This kneaded rubber eraser will be used to clean the surface of a painted wooden coffin. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsMicroscope

Gleeson examines a painted coffin board under a microscope to better understand its manufacture and treatment history. The screen at left is mirrored outside of the lab to offer the public a close view of what she is seeing under the lens. Near the center of the screen, a tiny brush is seen applying small drops of adhesive to the edge of the painted decoration, which will help to stabilize the fragile paint. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsPreservationPencil

Gleeson works on realigning sections of the roughly 2,500-year-old coffin of an individual named Tawahibre, who lived during the Late Period in ancient Egypt (558 — 332 BCE). Here, she uses a “Preservation Pencil,” which allows her to direct a stream of humidified air at specific areas of the coffin, relaxing the plaster and wood. After it has moved sufficiently, she will apply pressure to the area to hold everything in place. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsTawahibre

Before and after: The coffin shown at left before conservation treatment, and again after treatment at right. Photos: Molly Gleeson.

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Advancing Knowledge

Conservation in the lab is not only about fixing and preserving things. For centuries, mummies and their associated objects and architectural context have helped to tell the story of ancient Egypt. So in the process of preserving and restoring them, the scientists of the Artifact Lab have discovered new things and raised new questions about ancient Egyptian life and culture.

Gleeson and her colleagues are currently working on an Egyptian Predynastic mummy. Determined to have been a man aged 60 at the time of his death about 6,000 years ago, he was originally donated to the Museum in 1898 by Ethelbert Watts, who was serving as an Assistant American Consul in Cairo at the time. The mummy has been in storage ever since—until 2011, when the mummy was ‘re-discovered’ and brought out of storage by Dr. Jane Hill of Rowan University and her colleague Dr. Maria Rosado.

Nicknamed “Bruce”, he is a curious brown bundle. Within the mass one can see a flexed, articulated skeleton, not unlike other Predynastic mummies.

But Bruce is different. 

“He was buried lying on his side, in a flexed position, wrapped in layers of linen, animal skin, and a woven reed mat, and included in the bundle are very finely woven baskets,” says Gleeson. “We are undertaking a technical study of the remains in collaboration with Dr. Hill  and plan to create a new storage mount to provide additional protection for the fragile bundle.”

The study could significantly change or add to what we know about ancient Egyptian burials before the pharaohs.

“Everything that we learn from this mummy,” Gleeson continues, “from the way in which his body was prepared, to the materials used in his bundle, will bring new information to light about early technologies and funerary practices in ancient Egypt.”

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mummydoctorsPredynasticMummy1

Above and below: Gleeson examines the oldest mummy in the Penn Museum, a Predynastic mummy that dates to roughly 4000-3600 BCE. Molly is working to identify the type of animal hide in which the mummy is wrapped, as well as the animal hairs used to make the finely woven baskets that are embedded in the “burial bundle.” Photos: Penn Museum.

mummydoctorsPredynasticMummy3

mummydoctorsPredynasticMummy2

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It isn’t just conservation and research on the earlier mummies that is breaking new ground and raising new questions. “Bruce” is only one among a number of mummies within the Penn Museum’s collection, considered to be among the most important repositories of ancient Egyptian mummies and funerary materials undergoing active conservation in the U.S. The collection spans thousands of years of Egyptian history. It includes some of the earliest known mummies, which were preserved naturally in time through the effects of the hot desert sand, as well as those that were produced later during the pharaonic periods through artificial methods. “One of the most memorable experiences has been working on a mummy that we call PUM I (Philadelphia University Museum 1),” says Gleeson. PUM I is a man who lived during the Third Intermediate Period (about 850 BCE). Initially donated to the Museum in 1905, the body was autopsied in 1972 and has been in storage ever since. “Working on his remains has uncovered a lot of new information and has challenged previous assumptions,” she continues. “For instance, during the autopsy it was discovered that the body was probably never fully mummified. His internal organs were found during the procedure. As a result his remains are very badly deteriorated under the linen wrappings. Based on this finding, it was assumed that he was likely someone of lower status. But during the recent conservation work, we noted that his remains were wrapped in over 30 layers of linen, and we uncovered and documented traces of a once very elaborate beaded shroud. The fact that he was wrapped in many layers of linen and the presence of this shroud, which would have been expensive and not something that everyone could have afforded, conflicts with the previous assumption about his status. Such findings raise interesting questions about how and why people were making decisions about their burials.”

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mummydoctorsPUM1-1

Gleeson works with PUM 1, whose outer shroud is actively flaking. Here she is shown attempting to reattach a disassociated fragment to the shroud. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsPUM1-2

Above and below: The In the Artifact Lab: Conserving Egyptian Mummies exhibition has also served as a valuable educational setting for budding conservators. Here, Gleeson (right) works with Conservation Intern Anna O’Neill to sort through disassociated fragments of the outer shroud of a mummy before attempting to reattach them. Photos: Penn Museum.

mummydoctorsPUM1-3

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The Big Picture

The Penn Museum’s vast collections have much to do with the institution’s sustained standing at the cutting edge of the science. Since its founding in 1887, the Museum has collected nearly one million objects. Only a fraction of them are exhibited in the Museum’s public gallery spaces. There are hundreds of thousands more stored away, unseen by the public. Much of it awaits the magic of the conservator’s hand before they can be properly exhibited or effectively studied further. So the conservator’s job, in addition to applying an advancing science, is a never-ending one. But it involves much more than spending hours within the exclusive confines of the lab. For David Silverman, the Curator-in-Charge of the museum’s Egyptian collections, it has a lot to do with the lab’s role in presenting the bigger picture of the Egyptian civilization to the visiting public, and it all fits into the Penn Museum’s plans for change over the next few years. This will include conservation work and reinstallation of the museum’s prized throne room of Pharaoh Merenptah’s palace to its full height, something that had been unsuccessfully attempted in the 1930’s because of structural weakness in the floor carrying capacity of the intended gallery space. “Hopefully, the Artifact Lab will become an important part of this project,” he says.  

“The conservation of the western wall of the tomb chapel of the treasury official, Kaipure, is the next largest project,” he continues.  “Begun in the 1990s, the project was able to conserve the stone blocks and the beautifully carved and painted reliefs on their surfaces.  It was exhibited around the country at several museums in the late 1990s, and we await the opportunity of beginning the second half of the project to conserve the remaining walls and then reinstall the entire tomb chapel as it had originally appeared. Other projects include examination and conservation of mummies, papyri, and wooden artifacts.”

Ultimately, it is all about education and the public. After all, the Artifact Lab is part of a museum, and the museum is connected to a major university. “One of the motivations [for establishing the Lab],” says Silverman, “came from our desire to involve the public more in the activities of the museum, explaining the type of work that goes on behind the scenes and why and how we do it. Another was to have the opportunity to work on a greater number and variety of artifacts. As a curator, I welcomed the opportunity to work on material (sarcophagi, papyri, sculpture, mummies, etc.) that the facilities, lighting, climate, and space in storage would not allow. And the public can participate in the action as the events unfold and knowledge is revealed. They become part of the process and are less a passive observer after the fact than a participant who is part of the action.”

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mummydoctorsDavidSilvermanAndLynnGrant

Standing behind the glass in the In the Artifact Lab: Conserving Egyptian Mummies, Dr. David Silverman, Curator, Penn Museum Egyptian Section, and Lynn Grant, Penn Museum Head Conservator, examine object #E16218C—a coffin board from the Egyptian site of El-Bersheh. Photo by Steve Minicola, University Communications.

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mummydoctorsSilverman

Silverman in the Museum’s Egypt (Sphinx) Gallery. Behind him is a 15-ton red granite Sphinx of Ramesses II, 19th Dynasty, (ca. 1293–1185 BCE), found in Memphis, Egypt. Photo: Penn Museum.

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mummydoctorsOpenWindow2

For the conservators, interaction with Museum visitors is a major part of the daily routine. Here, Haas Trust Conservator Nina Owczarek answers questions from a group of visitors about her current project during one of the lab’s twice-daily, half-hour “open window” sessions. Photo: Penn Museum.

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In the Artifact Lab: Conserving Egyptian Mummies can be seen by visitors in the Upper Baugh Pavilion on the 3rd floor of the Penn Museum in Philadelphia. Because it is a working lab, conservators are usually busy focusing on their ongoing projects, but visitors may ask questions weekdays, 11:15 – 11:45 am and 2:00 – 2:30 pm, and weekends, 12:30 – 1:00 pm and 3:30 – 4:00 pm. Readers can also keep up with the latest activities and developments in the Artifact Lab by going to the Artifact Lab Blog.

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* From Treating fragments of a Middle Kingdom painted wooden coffin, by Molly Gleeson, In the Artifact Lab Blog, July 6, 2014.

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Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Museum Plans to Restore Ancient Egyptian Throne Room

As Founder and Editor of Popular Archaeology Magazine, Dan is a freelance writer and journalist specializing in archaeology.  He studied anthropology and archaeology in undergraduate and graduate school and has been an active participant on archaeological excavations in the U.S. and abroad.  He is the creator and administrator of Archaeological Digs, a popular weblog about archaeological excavation and field school opportunities.  

Any visitor would find it difficult to miss the Penn Museum’s iconic red granite sphinx. Resting center stage in the museum’s Lower Egyptian Gallery space, one doesn’t need to know that its estimated 15 tons of stone make it massive—the eyes already have it. It is touted as the third largest known sphinx in the Western Hemisphere. Originally quarried at Aswan by the ancients over 3,000 years ago in Upper Egypt, it was then floated down the Nile river to grace the sacred enclosure of Ramesses II’s Temple to Ptah at ancient Memphis.

Despite its incredible workmanship, however, the face of this sphinx can no longer be seen. It has long been eroded away by windblown sand over centuries of exposure. But from the shoulders down, details remain in place, that portion having been buried by sand and time and protected. One can still see inscriptions carved on its chest and about its base, looking almost as if they had been carved yesterday. 

Surrounding the sphinx are the monumental reminders of another ancient pharaoh. Known as Merenptah, he was the 13th son of Ramesses II, having succeeded his father to the throne at a relatively advanced age and ruling for almost 10 years. Some of the monumental elements of his palace—massive partial columns, a gateway, doorframes, and lintels—which once stood pristine, complete, and fully painted near the Temple of Ptah and its sanctuary where the sphinx stood millennia before—are artfully represented. They constitute the most substantial assemblage of an ancient Egyptian palace in any single collection in the world.

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Egypt Sphinx GalleryIn the Penn Museum’s Egypt (Sphinx) Gallery, visitors can view the 15-ton Sphinx and its surrounding pillars and gateways, which date back to the 19th Dynasty (ca2393-2285 BCE) in Memphis, Egypt. The Sphinx of Ramesses II was excavated from the sacred enclosure of the temple of the god Ptah. The pillars and gateways were part of the palace of Merenptah. Photo image courtesy Penn Museum

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doorjampalacemerenptahBut there is more to this assembly than meets the visitor’s eye. Part of it remains in storage. And Penn Museum (short for University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology) Director Julian Siggers has big plans for it, along with many other exhibition spaces at the museum.

“What we are to embark upon is the most ambitious renovation this museum has ever seen,” said Siggers, speaking of his vision to completely reinstall some of the museum’s signature galleries. “And in our basement we have a New Kingdom palace, the palace of Merenptah, and central to our plans is to install the throne room of the palace, complete with the full columns.” 

The plan harkens back to an earlier time, when, in the early 20th century Penn Museum archaeologist Clarence Fisher conducted excavations at a site in ancient Memphis that contained clues of a royal structure. By 1915, he and his work team had uncovered the major elements of what he identified as the Palace of Merenptah. More than 50 tons of excavated material, consisting of massive architectural elements such as columns, a monumental gateway, lintels, and doorframes, eventually made their way back to the Penn Museum in 1924 (see doorjamb example, above). Museum planners and curators were anxious to get these spectacular finds on display for the world to see, and thus a 3rd floor gallery space was prepared for the exhibition.

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merenptah-palace-excavation-1915Above, Merenptah’s palace being uncovered during the excavation in 1915. Below, the throne room of the palace emerges. Courtesy Penn Museum archives.

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throne-room-palace-merenptahMerenptah’s throne room emerges during excaations in 1915. Courtesy Penn Museum archives.

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But their initial vision could not be met. As it turned out, the gallery floor structure was not strong enough to sustain the weight of the massive objects. “The ceiling height was originally designed in the ’30’s to accommodate the full-length columns, but they miscalculated the floor carrying capacity,” said Siggers. The collection was moved to a first floor gallery, where they are seen today along with the sphinx—but only in part. The columns, for example, can only be seen as fragments or sections of their original form. Unseen elements still rest in storage, where today they await plans to restore the columns and gateway elements to their full height in a grand realization of the original scale in the 3rd floor gallery space as originally intended. “We just completed a feasibility study of how we can actually reinforce that floor very cheaply,” Siggers added. The project is expected to take at least several years to complete, in tandem with the many other renovation projects on the agenda.

The throne room reconstruction will be an apt tribute to a man who, like many of the pharaohs who came before and after him, made a clear imprint on Egyptian history. He is known to have carried out several military campaigns during his rule. In the 5th year of his reign he battled the Libyans, who, along with the help of the Sea Peopleswere challenging his kingdom from the West. He led a successful battle against the combined Libyan and Sea People forces at the city of Perire. Regarding another military theater, the Merneptah Stele, also known as the ‘Israel Stele, documents his victorious campaign in Canaan, where he boasts to have laid waste to the inhabitants there, including the ‘people of the book’:  “Israel has been wiped out…its seed is no more.” He escaped death on the battlefield, having died an old man, suffering from arthritis and arteriosclerosis. His remains, which were found in 1898 with a mummy cache of eighteen other mummies in the tomb of Amenhotep II (KV35) by Victor Loret, were transferred to Cairo and unwrapped and examined by G. Elliott Smith in 1907. Smith wrote:

The body is that of an old man and is 1 meter 714 millimeters in height. Merenptah was almost completely bald, only a narrow fringe of white hair (now cut so close as to be seen only with difficulty) remaining on the temples and occiput. A few short (about 2 mill) black hairs were found on the upper lip and scattered, closely clipped hairs on the cheeks and chin. The general aspect of the face recalls that of Ramesses II, but the form of the cranium and the measurements of the face much more nearly agree with those of his [grand]father, Seti the Great.*

Adjacent to the current gallery holding the Merenptah palace objects is a space exhibiting a small-scale artist’s model reconstruction of the throne room as it would have appeared in Merenptah’s day. Unlike the real, full-scale remains displayed nearby, it is brightly illustrated with the colors and symbols that would have adorned walls, columns and other architectural elements of the time. But it can’t compare in originality, feel and grandeur to the actual monuments  nearby. In this sense, actually ‘seeing is believing’—and putting it all together, at last, will be a perfect closure to a resurrection that began almost 100 years ago. 

Merenptah would be proud.

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MA1994-12An original watercolor reconstruction of the Throne Room of the Palace of Merenptah, painted by Mary Louise Baker, 1920. Image courtesy Penn Museum Archives.

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Throne Room ModelAn interior view of a model depicting a modern reconstruction of the Throne Room of the Palace of Merenptah, created in the 1930s by Mary Louise Baker. Photo image courtesy PennMuseum.

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Image third from top, right: Limestone door jamb from Palace of Merenptah, depicting the pharaoh in smiting pose defeating Asiatic enemies. Courtesy Penn Museum.

* Grafton Elliot Smith, The Royal Mummies, Cairo (1912), pp. 65-70 

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A R T I C L E   S U P P L E M E N T 

Penn_Museum

THE PENN MUSEUM’S BIG PLANS

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Williams Director Julian SiggersJulian Siggers is a man with a vision. Since assuming his responsibilities as the Williams Director of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in July of 2012, he has begun to reshape, in both institutional mission and physical layout, the museum’s face to the world. 

“I knew about this museum when I was an undergraduate in London,” says Siggers. “But even earlier, as a teenager my parents gave me a copy of Gods, Graves and Scholars, and one of the key stories it relates is the story of Ur, which of course is the account of the Penn Museum’s excavations there. So when I came here it was this incredible opportunity, because the focus of this museum, as a University museum, is of course research.”

It is thus Siggers’ dream to share this excitement of discovery through research with the public, launched from the foundation of it’s new mission statement, The Penn Museum transforms understanding of the human experience.

“What I have been able to do is work on a new strategic plan, and central to that is the reinstallation of some of our signature galleries, which includes our Egyptian galleries, our Asian *galleries, and our Near Eastern galleries,” Siggers continues. “These are some of the areas where our greatest excavations have been conducted. We’re going to bring the excitement of discovery into the galleries by redesigning everything and rethinking it from the ground up.”

It will mean presenting the objects in a chronological historical context so that visitors can understand the material culture as it developed in the timeline of human history. But what is more, it will be about telling the story of how and where they were discovered and who discovered them.

“Often when one goes to museums, the galleries are actually developed by departments, and they don’t reflect how one should properly tell the story of the past,” he explains. “I’m hoping to have more of a continuous story. But the thing I most want to see in the new galleries is to show how dynamic the process of discovery is. Right now we have all of these field projects, with people in Kurdistan, Egypt, Turkey, France, and Mesoamerica, and they’re coming back with these wonderful discoveries, and so we need to find a way to get these discoveries in the gallery.”

But Siggers’ new strategic plan goes beyond the gallery renovations. Two other initiatives will emphasize the museum’s prime traditions as a research and educational institution. The first will capitalize on the museum’s strength as a teaching and research institution—establishment of the Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials. In collaboration with the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Arts and Sciences, it is hoped that it will become a premier center for the teaching of archaeological science. The second, reaching out to potential future generations of archaeologists and history enthusiasts, involves a new partnership with the School District of Philadelphia. Bringing the fascination of archaeology and ancient history to the youth will be a major focus of the museum’s ongoing mission for public outreach and local engagement. It “will serve every 7th grade public school student in the city,” state museum officials.*  

In the end, Siggers feels that the science and contribution of archaeology is not only about discovery—it’s about translating it from the exclusive halls of academia and the specially equiped labs to those who ultimately matter the most in terms of understanding the human past—the inquisitive, appreciative public and future generations.

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* Building Transformation: A Strategic Plan for the Penn Museum 2013 – 2020, Expedition Magazine, Spring 2014, Volume 56, No. 1, p. 59

Photo image of Julian Siggers courtesy Penn Museum.

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Source: Republished from the free special feature article entitled Merenptah Rising, in the Fall issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine.

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discovery2014cover2

Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Research Shows Early Neanderthal Extinction on Iberian Peninsula

Some scientists have suggested that the Iberian Peninsula might have been one of the last refuge zones of the Neanderthals before their extinction. This is because certain sites in this region of Europe have, according to the researchers, revealed evidence of continued Neanderthal habitation less than 40,000 years ago. 

Recent findings of a team of scientists at a cave in Spain, however, have shed some additional light on the long-debated topic. Cristo M. Hernández of Universidad de La Laguna and colleagues performed thermoluminescence (TL) and optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dating tests on material recovered from El Salt, a Middle Palaeolithic site in Alicante, Spain, and came up with an archaeological sequence that shows a transition from recurrent to sporadic human occupation ending ultimately in the abandonment of the site, during the period between ca. 60 and 45 ka. 

“An abrupt sedimentary change towards the top of the sequence suggests a strong aridification episode coinciding with the last Neanderthal occupation of the site,” report Hernández and colleagues. “These results are in agreement with current chronometric data from other sites in the Iberian Peninsula and point towards possible breakdown and disappearance of the Neanderthal local population around the time of the Heinrich 5 event [aridification due to a climate fluctuation around 45,000 years ago].

Hernández suggests that Iberian sites with recent dates of less than 40,000 years ago and attributed to the Middle Palaeolithic should therefore be revised in the light of the data.*

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*From the published abstract: Bertila Galván, Cristo M. Hernández, Carolina Mallol, Norbert Mercier, Ainara Sistiaga, Vicente Soler, New evidence of early Neanderthal disappearance in the Iberian Peninsula, to be published in the Journal of Human Evolution.

Cover Photo, Top Left: Hairymuseummatt, Wikimedia Commons

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Read about the most fascinating discoveries with a premium subscription to Popular Archaeology Magazine.  Find out what Popular Archaeology Magazine is all about.  AND MORE:

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discovery2014cover2

Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Ancient 6,500-Year-Old Skeleton from Ur Excavations Gets a Public Audience

Following an early August announcement of a “rediscovered” find in a Physical Anthropology storage room—a rare, fragile, but largely intact 6,500-year-old human skeleton from the famous Ur excavations in what is now Iraq—the Penn Museum has moved the skeleton to a public space beginning Saturday, August 30.

Media throughout America, Europe, Asia, and Australia picked up on the story of the rediscovery—made possible via a digital documentation project that led to the positive identification of the ancient skeleton in a Museum storage room.

“Our goal as a museum and research institution is to share what we love with the public—the thrill of discovery, or in this case, the thrill of re-discovery,” said Julian Siggers, the Penn Museum Williams Director.  “Exploring and investigating our shared human past, whether it be in the field, in the lab, in the archives, or in storage, is what makes the field of archaeology and anthropology so exciting for us. We hope our visitors can join us as we make these fascinating connections.”

Unearthed in 1929–30 by Sir Leonard Woolley’s joint Penn Museum/British Museum excavation team at the site of Ur in what is now southern Iraq, the skeleton is about 2,000 years older than the materials and remains found in the famous Mesopotamian “royal tombs,” the focus of a Penn Museum signature exhibition, Iraq’s Ancient Past: Rediscovering Ur’s Royal Cemetery

After Woolley uncovered the Royal Cemetery, he sought the earliest levels in a deep trench that became known as “The Flood Pit” because, around 40 feet down, it reached a layer of clean, water-lain silt. Though it was apparently the end of the cultural layers, Woolley dug still further. He found burials dug into the silt and eventually another cultural layer beneath. The silt, or “flood layer,” was more than ten feet deep in places.

Reaching below sea level, Woolley determined that the original site of Ur had been a small island in a surrounding marsh. Then a great flood covered the land. People continued to live and flourish at Ur, but the disaster may have inspired legends. The first known recorded story of an epic flood comes from Sumer, now southern Iraq, and it is generally believed to be the historic precursor of the Biblical flood story written millennia later.

The burial that produced the Penn Museum skeleton along with ten pottery vessels was one of those cut into the deep silt. Therefore, the man in it had lived after the flood and was buried in its silt deposits. The Museum researchers have thus nicknamed their re-discovery “Noah,” but, as Dr. Hafford notes, “Utnapishtim might be more appropriate, for he was named in the Gilgamesh epic as the man who survived the great flood.”

According to Dr. Janet Monge, Curator-in-Charge, Physical Anthropology Section of the Penn Museum, a visual examination of the skeleton indicates it is that of a once well-muscled male, about age 50 or older. Buried fully extended with arms at his sides and hands over his abdomen, he would have stood 5’ 8” to 5’ 10” tall.

Skeletons from this time in the ancient Near East, known as the Ubaid period (roughly 5500–4000 BCE) are extremely rare; complete skeletons from this period are even rarer. Woolley’s team excavated 48 graves in the early, Ubaid-era flood plain; of those, Woolley determined that only one skeleton was in condition to recover: the skeleton that has now been identified in the Penn Museum’s collection. He coated the bones and surrounding soil in wax and shipped the entire skeleton to London, then on to Philadelphia.

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upperbody

A close-up view of the upper body and skull, showing the well-preserved teeth (photo: Kyle Cassidy, 2014) Courtesy Penn Museum

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The Ur skeleton was transported from storage to the Museum’s popular, ongoing In the Artifact Lab. Part exhibition gallery, part working laboratory, In the Artifact Lab invites visitors to watch Museum conservators at work on ancient Egyptian mummies—as well as artifacts from the Egyptian Section and other collections. The Ur skeleton is on partial view while on a working table inside the glass-enclosed lab space, with some images and information provided on a video screen. As soon as conservators complete their work documenting, cleaning, and stabilizing the skeleton, it will move to a display case in front of the lab; then visitors will have an opportunity to get a very up-close view.

Conservators estimate that the skeleton will be ready to move to the case by late September (date to be posted on the Museum website when known); the skeleton will stay on view through Saturday, October 18, when the Museum celebrates International Archaeology Day with a host of family activities and a chance to visit the new Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials.

Opportunity to Learn More

While the skeleton is inside In the Artifact Lab and later on display, visitors will have frequent opportunities to meet with a physical anthropologist or informed physical anthropology student to ask questions.  From Saturday, August 30 through Sunday, September 14 (exception: Labor Day Monday, when the Museum is open), an expert will be on hand from 11:00 am to noon, and again from 1:00 to 2:00 pm. From September 16 through International Archaeology Day on October 18, a physical anthropologist or student will be on hand Tuesday through Sunday (exception: Wednesdays) from 1:00 to 2:00 pm.

Also for those who want to find out more, Dr. William Hafford, Ur Digitization Project Manager, posted a blog entry on Beyond the Gallery Walls, the Penn Museum’s blog, with additional information about the skeleton and its history.

For more about what scientists are doing In the Artifact Lab, see the In the Artifact Lab blog and the special feature story in the current issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine.

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Source: Adapted and edited from two Penn Museum news releases: The Penn Museum Invites Visitors to Share in Recent “Re-Discovery”, and 6,500-Year-Old Skeleton Newly “Discovered” in the Penn Museum

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Read about the most fascinating discoveries with a premium subscription to Popular Archaeology Magazine.  Find out what Popular Archaeology Magazine is all about.  AND MORE:

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discovery2014cover2

Popular Archaeology’s annual Discovery Edition eBook is a selection of the best stories published in Popular Archaeology Magazine in past issues, with an emphasis on some of the most significant, groundbreaking, or fascinating discoveries in the fields of archaeology and paleoanthropology and related fields. At least some of the articles have been updated or revised specifically for the Discovery edition.  We can confidently say that there is no other single issue of an archaeology-related magazine, paper print or online, that contains as much major feature article content as this one. The latest issue, volume 2, has just been released. Go to the Discovery edition page for more information.

 

  





 

 

 

 

 

Rediscovering a Giant

Christofilis Maggidis is currently Director of Glas, Assistant to the Director of Mycenae, and President of the Mycenaean Foundation with nearly three decades of field experience at major archaeological sites, including Mycenae, Glas, Crete (Archanes, Idaion Cave), and Akrotiri (Thera). Since receiving his post-doctorate from Brown University and a research fellowship from Harvard, his research and teaching interests focus primarily on Minoan and Mycenaean art and archaeology, but they also include topics in Greek sculpture and architecture. Maggidis is the author of many articles, international conference papers, and three forthcoming books.

It all began some twenty-five years ago in the boiling-hot and humid basin of Kopais, a drained marshland in the region of Boeotia in Greece. In July of 1990, already a first-year graduate student at the University of Pennsylvania, I was working as a sector supervisor at the archaeological excavation of the Mycenaean citadel of Glas under the direction of my mentor, the late Sp. Iakovidis. At the time, our work focused on the east wing (C) in the area of the so-called “Agora,” the largest of three central enclosures that were protected by the cyclopean fortification walls of the citadel. The finds were astonishing: my team was unearthing a long storage building with ramps (K), which was filled with a thick destruction layer of burnt soil and crops, and residential quarters (M) that yielded frescoes, bronze pivot sockets, the first (and so far the only) seal stone ever found at Glas, and pottery dating the destruction (advanced LH III B2 – ca. 1220 BC). During intervals and occasionally in the afternoons I would walk the site with the other sector supervisor, my friend Dimitris Chaniotis, an archaeologist of the Department of Underwater Antiquities: it made no sense to either of us that two thirds of the vast area of the citadel (ten times the size of Tiryns and seven times that of Mycenae) would have been left void of any structures, as Iakovidis believed and published it, or that three kilometers of massive cyclopean walls would have been built to protect empty space. The site was literally covered with Mycenaean pottery sherds and at places wall corners were partly emerging from the soil, as also noted by R.H. Simpson in his plans and descriptions of the citadel (Mycenaean Greece, 1982). We promised ourselves that one day we would return to the site to further explore it. Dimitris never made it – he died young after a routine dive.

Almost twenty years later, while I was excavating the newly discovered Lower Town of Mycenae under the direction of Iakovidis, I made up my mind to pursue my long-standing goal. The last weekend of July 2009, I drove back to Athens to chat with Iakovidis. After having a cup of coffee at his apartment in the city, I posed the critical question: would he object to a re-investigation of Glas so long after his final publication of the site? At first, he tried to discourage me: the rest of the citadel was most probably empty; it would be a certain waste of funds, time and energy; and in any case, I had more important work to do at Mycenae with him, he said. I disagreed, remarking rather audaciously that he did not believe that there was a Lower Town at Mycenae either, which we did find after all. I promised that I would continue excavating and publishing at Mycenae with him ceaselessly as I had done for the past twenty years, and reminded him that at my age he was conducting not two, but three excavations at a time. He paused and stared at me enigmatically; if there were anything else to be discovered at Glas, I added, who else had better find it, if not his own protégé? He then smiled and nodded affirmatively. One year later, he was impatiently pacing in the hall of the McCarthy House at Mycenae in anticipation of my preliminary survey results; I still remember vividly his astonishment when I unfolded the new map of Glas before his eyes…

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glasBoeotiaandKopaisMapsMaps illustrating locations of Boeotia and Kopais. Credit: Iakovidis

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Description

glasaerialviewA vast citadel, today known as “Gla(s)” or “Kastro” (castle), was built on top of an island-like, flat-topped bedrock outcrop rising 9.5-38 m above the plain below and encompassing an area of 20 ha or 49.5 acres or 200,000 square meters at the northeastern edge of the Kopais basin. The Mycenaean citadel of Glas was fortified by a massive cyclopean wall (5.50-5.80 m thick), which runs along the brow of the rocky natural platform for approximately 3 km, features four gates (including one double gate), and encompasses a cluster of three adjacent and intercommunicating central enclosures. (Image credit above: Antonia Stamos)

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GLASgeneralplanforsurvey

General plan of the Glas site. Credit: Iakovidis

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The northern enclosure (II) (3.7 acres or 1.5 ha) surrounds an administrative and residential complex with two ‘twin’ long wings built at an angle on the summit of the rocky hill. Either wing contains a focal, single-storey megaron-like room (melathron) at its remote end, which was richly decorated with frescoes but lacks a throne or a fixed central hearth surrounded by interior columns. Both wings also contain several two-storey residential apartments communicating through two long corridors and a central staircase. The southern enclosure (III) (12.6 acres or 5.1 ha) encompasses two parallel, long (ca. 150 m.) storage buildings with a total capacity of ca. 2,000-2,500 metric tonnes, which were divided internally by cross-walls and were equipped with wide access ramps; other attached subsidiary rooms used as guard houses, personnel residential quarters, workshops, and kitchens (comprising totally ca. 660 sq. m.) were arranged quite symmetrically north and south of the storage facilities and were often decorated with frescoes (several rooms in E, Z, M, N, but also in A, H). The southern enclosure is connected with the south gate of the citadel via a road running through a central propylon on its southern peribolos wall, while another road connects the northern enclosure with the north gate of the citadel through a propylon on its eastern peribolos wall; the two adjacent enclosures communicate through a guarded internal gate. Another smaller enclosure is formed immediately east of the northern enclosure without any apparent entrance or visible ruins (I). Finally, an internal cross-wall running from the central tower of the southeast double gate to the north cyclopean wall separates and isolates the eastern sector of the citadel which was, thus, accessible only from the eastern entrance of the double gate (IV).

But what was the purpose of this vast Mycenaean citadel and how did it relate to its surrounding landscape? The Mycenaean palatial economy required specialized agricultural production to meet basic needs of a fast growing population and to afford surplus for exportation. However, the indigenous environmental circumscription and resource limitations of the Greek mainland eventually necessitated expansion and intensification of such surplus-geared specialized agricultural production. In the closing years of the 14th century BC (LH IIIA2) a large-scale engineering project of gigantic proportions was realized in Boeotia, perhaps a joint venture of the neighboring palaces of Thebes and Orchomenos, which effectively transformed the Kopais basin (ca. 20,000 ha) into the most fertile plain on mainland Greece: the submerged marshland was artificially drained by means of an ingenious and complex drainage control system which involved course diversion of six rivers and streams (Kephissos, Melas, Herkyna flowing from the west, Phalaros, Triton, Lophis on the south) from the basin into two wide peripheral canals, the North and the South Canal. These artificial and possibly navigable canals converged in the northeastern edge of the Kopais basin, exactly where Glas is located. The canals were flanked by massive watertight embankments (2 m high and 30 m wide) which were reinforced in places with double Cyclopean revetments bearing roads on their crowns, and were supplied with underground drains and channels leading the water overflow into artificial polders, natural bedrock cavities and sinkholes, or to the bay of Larymna (see area map above). The Kopais drainage project was colossal by both ancient and modern standards: it is estimated that 2,000,000 cubic meters of earth were moved to build the extensive dykes and massive embankments running for many kilometers on the periphery of the basin, more than 250,000 cubic meters of stone were used to revet the embankments, and the water overflow of the main canal is estimated at 100 cubic meters per second. The area once named Arne was still remembered as ‘multi-vined’ in the Iliad (“polystaphylon Arne,” II 507) and Orchomenos as one of the richest kingdoms of the heroic past (Iliad I. 381-382), whose wealth and power was associated in the ancient literary sources with the cultivation of the drained lake (Strabo IX.2.40; Pausanias IX.17.2; Diodorus IV.18.7).

Understanding the dynamics of the monuments with the formation/deformation processes of their related landscape ecosystem and their relative environmental impact is essential for an integrated synthesis. Land development, soil and water management, roads and bridges facilitating circulation and access to farmland, spatial organization, property delineation, and protection of land resources are essential parameters of systematic intensification of agriculture necessitated by a centralized economy.  Such public works of grand scale can only be designed and realized by palatial authorities aiming to appropriate ownership and exert political power. Therefore, land development and water management are also means of property claim which effectively transfered ancestral family/clan/community property rights to palatial management, control, and eventually possession, thus transforming not only landscape but also the dynamics of the socio-economic structure (integrative to coercive).

Glas was, therefore, interpreted as the regional storage center of production and fortified administrative seat and residence of two local rulers who were probably appointed by the palaces of Thebes and Orchomenos to supervise and maintain the complex draining system, organize and regulate the agricultural production, manage taxation, central storage and redistribution of products (crops and wine), and control and defend the satellite peripheral settlements and populations.

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A Brief History of Glas and the Mycenaean World

The first Greeks descended through the Balkans into mainland Greece in ca. 2300/2200 BC (beginning of the Early Helladic III). They settled down mainly in the fertile inland, formed villages and eventually small towns, organized egalitarian societies and developed a distinct regional culture (Middle Helladic) based on agricultural economy and limited trade contacts with the Cyclades and eventually Crete. Rising to power was a long process realized through trade, diplomatic contacts, and constant warfare abroad and at home during the formative Early Mycenaean period (Late Helladic I-IIA/B, ca. 1650-1420/1410 BC). The Mycenaeans proved to be meticulous students: through increasing contacts with Minoan Crete, their trade horizons gradually expanded from the Balkans and Northern Europe to Egypt, the Levant, Cyprus, and Asia Minor. This gradual expansion is documented in the multicultural amalgam of stylistic, iconographic, technical elements and materials of the exquisite finds in the royal Shaft Graves at Mycenae (Minoan, Egyptian, European/Balkan, Hittite, and Helladic influences), the extensive corpus of foreign imports in Greece (orientalia and aegyptiaca), and the increasing Mycenaean exports abroad. Contemporary iconographical evidence (e.g. flotilla fresco from Akrotiri at Thera, silver Siege Rhyton from Grave Circle A at Mycenae) illustrate some of the early military achievements of the rising new power abroad: raiding foreign exotic lands (Egypt?) jointly with the Minoan fleet, sieging and sacking foreign towns. The Mycenaeans were recorded as Ahhiya or Ahhiyawa (~Homeric Achai(w)oi/Achaeans) in Hittite diplomatic documents already by 1420/1400 BC (since the reign of Tudhaliya II) and as Danaja or Tanaja (~ Homeric Danaoi) in Egyptian tribute lists like those of Thutmose III (ca. 1450 BC) and Amenhotep III (Karnak, ca. 1380 BC), or on a statue-base from Kom-el-Hetan (ca. 1380 BC), where Mukanu or mki[n] (~Mycenae) was listed first among mainland sites. In the following decades, the Danaja references in Egyptian sources gradually replaced the earlier Keftiu accounts and depictions of Minoan embassies of the 15th century BC, echoing contemporary archaeological evidence for drastic Mycenaean expansion and simultaneous reduction of Minoan presence abroad. This reversal of the political and military situation in the Aegean in the 14th century BC was triggered by the gradual infiltration and, arguably, military presence of the Mycenaeans on Crete in 1420/1410-1370 BC (Late Helladic IIIA1), in the wake of a devastating earthquake which had leveled the Minoan palaces and left the Minoan world in disarray. The Mycenaean occupation of Crete marked for the Minoans the beginning of the end and for the Mycenaeans the end of the beginning.

The Mycenaean world and particularly Mycenae flourished in the following two centuries (ca. 1420/1410-1200/1175 BC), a period known as Palatial Mycenaean or Late Helladic IIIA/B. The Minoan palaces served as modus operandi for the sociopolitical and economic organization of the rising Mycenaean states. This period is marked by regional centralization of power, state formation, and advanced socio-economic organization, geared towards efficient surplus of local production and overseas trade, both coordinated and regulated by the palace administration and sustained by palatial bureaucracy (Linear B). At home, the Mycenaean palaces were fortified into citadels, large-scale public works were carried out (such as the Kopais drainage system, the Tiryns dam, the Pylos bay) and production was systematized. Abroad, the Mycenaeans assumed control over the Minoan colonies and trade outposts in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, and further expanded to the east and west, thus firmly establishing their own trade network and successfully succeeding the Minoans in the overseas trade (Mycenaean thalassocracy). A vital sector of the centralized palatial economy and sociopolitical structure, overseas trade required not only a tight network of island and coastal outposts, but also highly effective diplomacy. Diplomatic contacts involved exchange of royal letters and gifts, ambassadors, official royal visits, treaties and bilateral agreements. Certain Mycenaean palaces like Mycenae, Thebes, and Pylos maintained a protagonistic role in overseas trade of luxury/prestige goods and diplomatic contacts at the highest level. The organized trade of luxury/prestige goods which required a well-coordinated control mechanism for acquiring raw materials and producing artifacts or other products to be marketed in exchange, afforded luxury to the elite, while the king’s special access to external prestige goods reinforced royal image and authority. The exquisite artifacts found in tombs in the area of Mycenae, Pylos, and Thebes, as well as the great variety of precious materials recorded in palatial inventory lists and yielded in the archaeological contexts of palatial workshops further document privileged connections and constant contact with Egypt, Anatolia, and the Near East, closely following the successful Minoan archetype. The effective regulation of production and organization of the socio-economic life by the Mycenaean palatial administration was followed by a long period of prosperity and stability which led to population growth, as indicated by the rapid increase in the number and size of the Mycenaean settlements and cemeteries, and their geographical distribution in the homeland and abroad in the 13th century BC.

In the course of the 12th century BC, combined, rapid and dramatic changes in several socio-economic, political, and environmental variables affected a fragile balance and triggered a chain reaction of progressively magnified and multiplied cumulative effect, resulting inevitably in a catastrophic systems collapse which caused the decline and fall of the Mycenaean world. The latter half of the 13th century BC was marked by intense and frequent seismic activity in certain regions of mainland Greece (two major destruction horizons were recorded in the Argolid in ca. 1240 BC and 1200/1180 BC). These ‘earthquake storms’ caused severe structural damage, local fires, disorganization and disarray, immediate allocation of manpower for costly and energy-consuming repairs, and hence disruption of economic life and trade. A typical example of a low-diversified surplus-geared economy without sufficient alternative resources to fall back to, Mycenaean economy could hardly withstand and recover from temporary setbacks or survive the combined impact of various factors, such as natural catastrophes (earthquakes, extensive fires, severe climatic conditions, droughts, crop failure), ecological overexploitation, and palatial military/financial overextension. Natural disasters may have acted as catalysts for a catastrophic system failure, inflicting the final blow to the system: they eliminated short-term food supplies, destroyed high-yield specialized agricultural production and livestock, and consequently upset dependent satellite industries (flax, textile, wine and oil industries), disrupted trade, damaged the infrastructure, and demoralized the population. Inevitably, civil unrest, internal wars and raids by starving populations on less affected regions followed, causing decentralization and political fragmentation, dissolution of the socioeconomic nexus, severe depopulation of vital areas, and emigration to the coasts, islands, and overseas.

The three major Boeotian palatial centers, Thebes, Orchomenos, and Glas were destroyed by fire slightly earlier than Pylos, sometime in the advanced LH III B2 (ca. 1220/1200 BC), most likely by enemy action; Thebes and Orchomenos continued to exist and were reoccupied on a smaller scale, whereas Glas and the Kopais drainage works were completely destroyed and abandoned. This regional destruction may be associated with internal conflicts between the Mycenaean palaces of Thebes and Orchomenos, or, alternatively, may be attributed to external aggression by Mycenaeans from the Argolid. Both versions have been well-preserved in mythology, literature, and folk memory: according to mythical tradition, Thebes attacked and destroyed Orchomenos, with Heracles blocking the sinkholes and flooding the lake (Strabo IX.2.40), and the Argives repeatedly campaigned against and finally besieged Thebes (Seven against Thebes, and the Epigonoi); accordingly, the palace of Thebes (Kadmeia) was not included among the Boeotians in the “Catalogue of Ships” (Iliad II.494-516), a separate and possibly much older poem later embodied in the Iliad, and the king (wanax) of Thebes did not participate in the Trojan War which allegedly took place shortly after the destruction of Thebes.

The movement of peoples (called “Sea People” in the Egyptian sources) and the subsequent widespread destructions in Asia Minor and the Levant in the beginning of the 12th century BC led to the collapse of the Hittite Empire, but also eradicated the Mycenaean trade outposts and colonies in the East. The loss of their off-shore trade posts disrupted foreign trade and paralyzed the overseas sector of the centralized palatial economy, which, given the peripheral geopolitical location of Mycenaean Greece, depended on the contact with the main zone of exchange through intermediaries. That must have been another terrible blow to the already distressed and staggering palatial economy, forcing it to fall back on domestic production and isolation. In the course of the 12th century BC many small settlements in several regions (i.e. Argolid, Achaia, Attica, Euboia, Thessaly, islands, Cyprus, Asia Minor) sustained continuity and achieved substantial revival with their limited production and trade capacity, despite the general decline and fragmentation; on the contrary, the citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns, and Thebes, though partially repaired and reoccupied, and despite attempts for economic revival, never fully recovered and were gradually abandoned. The deterioration of the same system that had strengthened central palatial authority through the coordination and regulation of political and socioeconomic life resulted inevitably in the dissolution of the palaces’ power, decentralization and fragmentation of Mycenaean Greece. It appears, therefore, that it was the Mycenaean elite and its diagnostic, key elements (palatial administration and writing, foreign contacts and luxury goods, monumental art and megalithic architecture) that suffered the most from the system meltdown, whereas at a lower level the impact was less direct, and the core of Mycenaean society changed more gradually (in terms of basic material culture and cultural practices) and evolved organically into the Early Iron Age Greece.

 

History of the Excavations

The citadel of Glas was partially excavated (central enclosures) by T.A. de Ridder (1893), I. Threpsiades (1955-1961) and Sp. Iakovidis (1981-1983, 1990-1991). The exemplary publication by Sp. Iakovidis (1989, 1998, 2001) of earlier and recent excavations in the Mycenaean citadel of Glas and the synthesis of archaeological, geoarchaeological, and historical evidence established the form, function, organization, importance and uniqueness of this archaeological site. Recently, however, the archaeological plan of Glas changed drastically as a result of a systematic geophysical survey (2010-2011) which was conducted under my direction and the auspices of the Athens Archaeological Society, and was generously funded by Dickinson College and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP). The geophysical survey was carried out by a team of archaeologists, graduate and undergraduate students, and teams of specialists from INSTAP, led by Prof. A. Stamos, and the Exploration Geophysics Laboratory of the Univ. of Thessaloniki, led by Prof. Gr. Tsokas. The geophysical survey of Glas changed the archaeological picture of the site but also questioned the established interpretations of its function and purpose. The final results of the systematic geophysical survey are being currently prepared for publication in an international archaeological journal.

Posing the Problem: fort or fortified settlement?

The form and layout of the citadel of Glas, as published by Iakovidis, did present certain spatial peculiarities:

  • only one third or less of the total area of the citadel (49.5 acres or 20 ha) was occupied by various buildings and structures, whereas no other ruins were traced anywhere else in the citadel (V);
  • the northern and southern enclosures (II, III) surround and demarcate groups of buildings within the citadel, delineate their spatial arrangement, differentiate between storage areas and administrative or residential sectors, and isolate these sectors from the remaining (arguably empty) fortified area for some elusive reason;
  • the northeastern enclosure (I) contains no visible ruins, bears no definite entrance (except perhaps a couple of gaps in the peribolos wall that may have provided access), and its use remained obscure;
  • the eastern enclosure (IV) is separated and isolated from the remaining fortified area, being apparently accessible only from outside the walls through the eastern entrance of the double Southeast Gate, and its precise use –being arguably void of any visible ruins– remained unclear.

The systematic geophysical survey of the citadel of Glas focused mainly on unexplored sectors aiming to produce new architectural evidence and further define the topography, layout, and use of the citadel, as well as trace earlier occupation phases of the site. The project involved remote-sensing investigation of the following areas:

  • the northern and southern enclosures (II, III) to trace potentially other Mycenaean buildings, subsidiary structures, storage areas, retaining walls, terraces, courtyards, and roads;
  • the vast ‘void’ fortified area (V) to detect potentially a Mycenaean settlement within the citadel and/or earlier occupation remains on the hill of Glas (as suggested by scattered Neolithic pottery and stone tools);
  • the northeastern enclosure (I) and the eastern enclosure of the citadel (IV) to detect potentially Mycenaean ruins or diagnostic geomagnetic traces of human activities related to the use of land (e.g. cultivation, extensive burning, metallurgy, walking surfaces and artificial terracing).

 

Re-discovering Glas: Methods and Results of the Geophysical Survey

Aside from certain areas of the citadel (plateaus or steep slopes) that have been severely eroded down to the natural bedrock, the natural fill of the hill is approximately 1 m deep or deeper, when it contains artificial fills, archaeological layers, and ruins. The geophysical remote-sensing survey was conducted with a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) and a Fluxgate Gradiometer. Both types of equipment produce detailed images to a depth of 2 m. The portable geomagnetometer (Geoscan FM256 Fluxgate Gradiometer processed with Geoplot software) detects positive or negative anomalies in the magnetic field of the Earth and records them as dark grey or black features (positive magnetic anomalies potentially reflecting ditches, backfills, clay floors, intense firing, burnt mudbrick, metal finds) and light grey or white features (negative magnetic anomalies possibly indicating stone walls, pavements, stone piles). The fluxgate gradiometer offers several advantages, namely speed of geoprospection (on average one acre per day), portability, and use on irregular terrains or over low vegetation, as it does not involve any contact with the ground; on the down side, however, the gradiometer reproduces two-dimensional geoprospection images of the magnetic traces which are conflated and compressed on a single plane without any real indication of depth. On the other hand, the GPR (Subsurface Interface Radar or SIR-2000 with a 400MHz antenna) is considerably slower, as it is wheeled on the ground and, therefore, requires extensive preparatory work in the form of surface clearing; furthermore, it involves collection of data in two perpendicularly-oriented datasets with repeated passing on closely-spaced transects of an orthogonal grid to better detect subsurface features. The GPR, however, generates three-dimensional geoprospection images of the buried remains (stone walls and floors, rubble piles) with precise depth scale. The vast size of the citadel, the occasionally rough terrain and wild bush vegetation on the hill, and the need for time efficiency dictated a well-planned combination of both methods: at first, extensive and generalized use of the gradiometer for fast and immediate results, followed by targeted use of the GPR on select areas or sectors that present strong or diagnostic geomagnetic traces. Such combination of these two methods proved exceptionally successful and precise at Mycenae (2003-2013), where the systematic geophysical survey detected, recorded, and plotted extensive remains of the Lower Town outside the citadel.

Other geoprospection methods, such as Electrical Resistivity and Quickbird satellite panchromatic and multispectral imagery were also successfully employed at Glas. Geodetic measurements, the plotting of the survey grid, and the detailed mapping of all buried remains and features were done with the aid of Differential Global Positioning System (GPS) and Total Station. The topographical, archaeological, spatial, and geophysical data will be embedded in the G.I.S. database of Dickinson College and 3-D digital maps.

The geophysical survey focused on the two large northern enclosures (I, II), the western/central sector (V), and the eastern sector of the citadel (IV). The indications from the enclosures were rather poor due to severe ground erosion on the summit and the slopes. The results, however, from the western/central and eastern sectors of the citadel and the cyclopean fortification wall were impressive. Several buildings were detected, including three large, well-built complexes (D, F, J) consisting of long rectangular buildings with several large rooms. Clusters of walls, rooms, small buildings, and silos (E, G, K, N) were located between the large complexes, occasionally abutting on the inner face of the cyclopean wall.

In the northwestern part of the citadel lies the West Building (D) with an E-W orientation. This building complex consists of an oblong rectangular structure divided by at least four parallel partition walls into a row of five rooms, with the central two rooms being of equal size. Another parallel room and few wall remains were traced immediately south of the West Building and may belong to the same complex. A cluster of scattered rooms (E) were further explored in the vicinity of the West Gate, which may belong to a residential quarter, as indicated by their small size, simple plan, different orientation, and relatively poor construction. Among them, immediately north of the West Gate, lies a two-room (guard house?) abutting on the inner face of the western cyclopean wall (West Gate Building), while, farther south of this gate, four semi-circular rooms (silos?) were built against a recess of the western cyclopean wall.

The southwestern area of the citadel is accessible from both the West Gate and the South Gate, and is dominated by the plateau of a low hill, which is occupied by a large building complex and possibly enclosing other important structures as well (P, Q, R). The Southwest Complex (F) consists of at least three parallel, oblong rectangular wings of similar ground plan and same orientation as the West Building, divided by parallel partition walls into rows of large rooms. The complex has solid walls constructed of roughly dressed, large blocks. The size, construction and ground plan of the Southwest Complex and the West Building recall the two parallel, long storage buildings in the southern central enclosure (Sector III: B, C). Another cluster of scattered buildings, rooms, and wall remains (Southwest Cluster, G) were detected to the southeast of the Southwest Complex, which may belong to a residential quarter, as indicated by their relatively small size, simple plan, different orientation and construction.

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glaspic3generalplanThe Glas site general plan. Credit: Antonia Stamos, after Iakovidis

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In the southern sector of the cyclopean wall, approximately midway between the West and the South Gate, two sally ports were discovered, thus raising the number of gates in the citadel of Glas to six. The southwest sally port (H) is 3 m wide and gives access to a low terrace in front of the wall that affords unobstructed viewing of the plain to the south. The other sally port (I), located 60 m to the east, facilitates safe descent to the plain below via a narrow and steep staircase that was partly built and partly hewn out of the bedrock, providing access to a cave at the base of the rocky hill. Between the two sally ports were identified five narrow rectangular niches (1 m x 3 m) opening into the outer face of the wall with no access from within the citadel, but once accessible possibly through trapdoors from the upper part of the wall. These niches were likely sentry boxes associated with the guarding of the adjacent sally ports. Two more niches were located in the northern and western sectors of the cyclopean wall. Finally, traces of large rectangular rooms (casemates or towers) were detected within the thickness of the cyclopean wall in the western sector (100 m north of the west gate), in the northeastern sector (70 m east of the north gate), and in the southwestern sector (200 m west of the south gate and east of the sally ports).

The geophysical survey expanded eventually in the central and the eastern part of the citadel with equally impressive results. In the central area (Sector V) lies the South Complex (J), which consists of a large building with a NW-SE orientation, flanked by a parallel oblong rectangular wing. Farther to the northeast of this complex were detected a cluster of scattered buildings, rooms, and wall remains (Central Cluster, K).  This cluster includes a multi-room building (Central Building 1), an oblong rectangular wing of another building with an E-W orientation (Central Building 2), and a cyclopean cistern (L), partly built and partly hewn out of the bedrock, which is associated with a long retaining wall with a N-S orientation. The oblong wings of the central buildings, though smaller in size, are similar to those of the West Building and the Southwest Complex.

The eastern part of the citadel (between Sectors IV and V) preserves a surviving corner of the cross-wall that ran at an angle from the northeastern course of the cyclopean wall to the central tower of the double Southeast Gate.SE orientation, flanked by a parallel oblong rectangular wing. Farther to the northeast of this complex were detected a cluster of scattered buildings, rooms, and wall remains (Central Cluster, K).  This cluster includes a multi-room building (Central Building 1), an oblong rectangular wing of another building with an E-W orientation (Central Building 2), and a cyclopean cistern (L), partly built and partly hewn out of the bedrock, which is associated with a long retaining wall with a N-S orientation. The oblong wings of the central buildings, though smaller in size, are similar to those of the West Building and the Southwest Complex. This cross-wall separated and isolated the eastern part of the citadel (Sector IV) which was, thus, accessible only from the eastern entrance of the double Southeast Gate. This isolated eastern sector of the citadel contained scattered structures (East Cluster, N), including several retaining walls for terracing with an E-W orientation, walls and rooms of various buildings, and at least ten circular structures (2.5-3 m in diameter), possibly silos(?). Six of these circular structures are located in the center of the eastern sector, while four more were traced near the northeastern course of the cyclopean wall. Outside the eastern course of the cyclopean wall was found a built staircase (East Staircase, O); furthermore, several caves and sinkholes were located, mapped, and briefly surveyed at the foot of the rocky hill of Glas.

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glaswestbuilding

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glasswcomplex

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glassallyports

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glasstaircase

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glassilos

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glascaveCaves at Glas. Credit: Antonia Stamos

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glasgates

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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Microsoft Word - Document6.docx

Credit: Iakovidis

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glasquickbird

Credit: Antonia Stamos

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Assessing the Importance of Glas

The old archaeological picture of Glas changed drastically and, consequently, the traditional interpretation of the citadel as a fort is now being challenged. So far, the citadel of Glas presented the layout of a fort with enigmatic spatial peculiarities; our geophysical survey established that the citadel area was not left void of structures outside the central enclosures after all, but was apparently covered with many buildings of various uses, including several large, well-built complexes, extensive residential quarters and clusters of buildings stretching between these complexes, circular structures (silos?), a cistern, sally ports, staircases, retaining walls and terraces. Glas, therefore, may not have been merely a fort maintaining the drainage works and managing agricultural production; apparently, there is a whole city within the walls, whose identification raises interesting questions about Mycenaean political geography. The Homeric poems (Catalogue of Ships) and later literary sources list several important Mycenaean towns in the Kopais area (Arne among them); could Glas be identified with one of these towns? Alternatively, is it possible that Glas was a third, unknown so far, regional palatial center? If so, we would need to explore the dynamics between this regional administrative center and satellite peripheral settlements in the Kopais basin, and define the relations between the palatial centers of Glas, Orchomenos and Thebes in the framework of the Mycenaean political geography. Finally, a far more intriguing hypothesis: what if Glas is Orchomenos? Is it possible that the palatial authorities of Orchomenos moved their palace and settlement to the most strategically important and highly defensible location available after the draining of the marshland of Kopais in the 13th century BC, while using the original site of Orchomenos mainly as an ancestral burial place?

Unfortunately, despite such astonishing discoveries and fascinating prospects, the state-approved, five-year, systematic geophysical survey of Glas was abruptly suspended by the Athens Archaeological Society in 2012 after only the first two years of operation, on grounds of complete lack of interest in further exploring the site. The systematic investigation of the Mycenaean citadel of Glas will hopefully continue and must intensify in the next few years to unearth convincing answers to all these intriguing questions. The geophysical survey and excavation of this monumental site can offer field training to hundreds of undergraduate and graduate students through the D.E.P.A.S. project of Dickinson College, great opportunities for faculty/student collaborative research, doctoral theses, interdisciplinary collaboration and leading scholarship for scholars and researchers from around the world.

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For information, see the Project website: http://glas-excavations.org

Contact information to participate or donate to the project: contact Prof. Chr. Maggidis at [email protected] and (717) 245-1014

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The Hidden Art of Angkor Wat

Julie Masis is a freelance journalist based in Cambodia.  Her stories have appeared in the Christian Science Monitor, the Guardian, the Boston Globe, Science magazine and in other publications.

The musicians are floating in space. The middle of their bodies is missing and only their conical hats and the cloth that covers their folded legs allow the viewer to piece them together into human shapes. The instruments are more clear: the xylophone, the gongs, drums, and something that looks like a trumpet. Below the orchestra are seven flowers, their purpose still unclear.
 
This is one of more than 200 images that were recently revealed on the walls of Angkor Wat, Cambodia’s most famous tourist attraction. The images have probably been there for hundreds of years, but until a cave painting specialist decided to take a closer look, no one paid much attention. Of the ancient orchestra, the only part that anyone could see on the grey wall was a gong – if anyone could determine what it was, that it is – for it may as well have been a donut hanging on a string.
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Plan of Angkor Wat central structure/complex, showing locations of the paintings. The paintings on the outer wall are not marked. Courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.
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angkorwatpaintingstan13Above, as seen with naked eye on the structure wall, and below, the computer-enhanced version: The pinpeat or Khmer orchestral ensemble, consisting of various gongs and drums. The hanging gongs on the left are visible without enhancement. Courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.

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“I’m very accustomed to looking for traces of paint on rocks,” explains Singaporean archeologist Noel Hidalgo Tan, a Ph.D. student at Australian National University, who found the images after volunteering on an excavation project at Angkor. “On one of the lunch breaks, I was wandering around the temples, and I saw traces of red paint on walls and decided to take a few photos.”
 
When Tan ran the photos through a special computer program that enhances contrast, he saw more than 200 black and red pictures – approximately half of which had never been seen before, he said. His research was published in the UK journal “Antiquity” this year. (See Image Gallery below for selected images).
 
“[After the computer analysis] I realized the paintings were quite elaborate – and you can barely see anything on the walls. I didn’t think it was a new discovery. I thought everyone knew about the paintings,” he said.
 
But it turned out that while some of the paintings were known to the local people, they had never before been systematically documented.
 
“It’s a kind of art history that we didn’t have previously,” says American archaeologist Miriam Stark, who is the co-investigator on the Greater Angkor project. “Finding this kind of patterning beneath our noses is a great contribution.”
 
The images ranged in size from a large 2 by 5 meter painting depicting the Buddha on the ancient temple’s ceiling to smaller images that were probably left behind by pilgrims rather than professional artists. Here computer analysis revealed men on horseback, elephants, lions, horses, buildings, and boats  – as well as Angkor Wat itself. Still other images Tan describes as graffiti: they include handprints. Some pictures were hard to interpret. “There are figures and I don’t know what they mean,” Tan says.
Much research remains to be done to determine the age of paintings. Because the likeness of the Buddha is seen in a large painting—the image depicts a man seated in a meditation pose with something that looks like a crown on his head—Tan believes that the oldest images may go back to the 16th century, or the reign of Cambodian King Ang Chan I, who moved his capital back to Angkor and began transforming the Hindu temples into Buddhist sites.
 
“That is our best estimate currently,” he says. “It seems logical.”
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angkorwatpaintingstan3The computer-enhanced Buddha image. Courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.

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Another clue comes from the image of a European sailboat—there were no sailboats in Angkor, only row boats. The sailboat looks like it might be from the 18th century, the researchers say. And, Tan says, we know that the images are at least a hundred years old because some of them can be seen in French photographs from the 1920s.
 
One way to find out for sure how old the paintings are would be to carbon-date the paint. However, this would only work if the paint was made from an organic material, such as a plant resin. The pigment in the pictures hasn’t been analyzed yet to determine what it is made from, and no one has stepped forward to carbon-date the paint yet, Tan said.
 
The orchestra
 
Tan says his favorite image is the ancient orchestra—a picture that also attracted the attention of Patrick Kersale, a French ethnomusicologist who rebuilds historic musical instruments.
 
According to Kersale, the image is the oldest depiction of a xylophone that has ever been seen in Cambodia. The xylophone was unknown during the height of the Angkorian empire, and must have been imported to the region from Malaysia in the centuries after the decline of Ankgor, Kersale says.
 
“You can find musical instruments on the bar reliefs [of Angkor] from the seventh to the 13th century. Most musical instruments [in Angkor] came from India,” he said. “But in the 16th century, we have a new instrument not coming from India, but coming from Malaysia. There is no xylophone in India.”
 
The trumpet is also intriguing, as there are no trumpets in modern-day Cambodian orchestras—although the instrument existed in Angkor in the 9th century, Kersale said. In ancient times, the trumpet (which is visible on Angkor’s bar reliefs and has the shape of a sea monster, Kersale says) may have been used to call worshippers to religious ceremonies, he said.
 
“This is the first time we see a long trumpet [in Cambodia]” he said. “It looks like a trumpet we find in the Kathmandu valley of Nepal.”
 
Finally, the gong chime in the picture has eight gongs, which is also unusual. Currently, Cambodian orchestras use gong chimes with 16 gongs, while the ones during Angkorian times had fewer than eight.
 
“Maybe this instrument evolved from the 16th century,” Kersale says.
 
The orchestra itself resembles a type of musical ensemble that traditionally plays at Cambodian funerals.
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angkorwatpaintingstan1The Khmer orchestral ensemble (computer-enhanced). Courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.

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angkorwatpaintingstan14Pinpeat instruments in Siem Reap. Note the similarity of the kongvong (gongs set in a semi-circular frame) and roneat (metal or bamboo xylophones) to the forms in painting above. Courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.

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Kersale is currently working on rebuilding the orchestra from the painting, and plans to hold regular concerts at a pagoda in Siem Reap, the touristy town near Angkor Wat, starting in November. All the instruments will be built in Cambodia, except for the trumpet, which he plans to bring from Nepal, since Khmer instrument-makers no longer have the skills to make a trumpet, he said.
 
While one can rebuild ancient instruments, it’s unfortunately impossible to recreate the melodies that Khmer musicians produced on these instruments hundreds of years ago, Kersale said.
 
Is it really a new discovery?
 
According to Im Sokrithy, the head of the communications department for Cambodia’s Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor (APSARA), the paintings have always been known to the local people and could be seen with the naked eye.
 
“The paintings existed there. The local people know [about them], the Khmer researchers know, but we had no opportunities to publish it in the world-wide journals because the sculpture dominated everything,” he said. “The value (of the paintings) cannot compare with the value of the sculpture. That’s why we ignored it.”
 
Computer analysis only made the images clearer and more beautiful, he says.
 
“One image might be of two horses, but with the naked eye we cannot see that there are two. We can only see one,” he says. “Or some image might show a big elephant—with the naked eye we can see just a shape, but with the computer we can see some ornaments, some details on the head of the elephant.”
 
But Damian Evans, an Australian archaeologist who works in Angkor, said Tan’s work was very significant.
 
“Certainly if people had seen all the paintings then they never published that information, so the key thing really is that no one had gone through and done the proper documentation and analysis before,” he stated.
 
Meanwhile, Hawaii-university’s archaeology professor Stark compared Tan’s research to the impact 19th century French traveler Henri Mouhot had when he “discovered” Angkor Wat. While it’s true that Angkor Wat was known all along to the local residents in Cambodia, when Mouhot wrote about it, he revealed it to the world. That’s why Tan’s work is “a huge contribution,” she said.
 
“Only the boat paintings were clearly visible before. The only attention was by nautical archaeologists,” she said. “To convert some sort of knowledge to this academic currency makes it available to the rest of the world, makes it really important.”
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Image Gallery
 

angkorwatpaintingstan5One of the known boat paintings on the outer wall of Angkor Wat. Note the red paint on the apsara carvings, which is commonly seen in similar carvings inside the temple. 

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angkorwatpaintingstan6Enhanced boat painting

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angkorwatpaintingstan7Enhanced painting of elephants

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angkorwatpaintingstan8Black drawing of a zoomorph with scales and multiple legs

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angkorwatpaintingstan9Enhanced line painting of a figure with hands set in a praying position, possibly a preliminary sketch of an apsara

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angkorwatpaintingstan10Black line drawing of Hanuman, the monkey king

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angkorwatpaintingstan11Enhanced painting of a stepped pyramid structure, possibly a depiction of Angkor Wat itself. Note the mirror image of the building in the lower register, as if depicting a reflection on water. 

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angkorwatpaintingstan12Possible depiction of a stupa

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angkorwatpaintingstan1A pinpeat or Khmer orchestral ensemble, consisting of various gongs and drums. The hanging gongs on the left are visible without enhancement.

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angkorwatpaintingstan15Elaborate scene featuring riders on horses travelling between two possible temple structures

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All images courtesy Noel Hidalgo Tan and Antiquity Publications Ltd.
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A R T I C L E  S U P P L E M E N T 
 
Southeast Asian Rock Paintings
 
Other than revealing the hidden paintings on the walls of the world’s largest religious monument, Singaporean archeologist Noel Hidalgo Tan has been studying prehistoric rock paintings all over Southeast Asia. In fact, he is the expert on Southeast Asian cave paintings.
 
“I got interested in rock art because no one was really studying rock art. It seemed like a good area of research to go into,” he said. “There are paintings on rocks throughout Southeast Asia, but no one bothered to study them before.” 
 
Tan is currently doing research on a number of sites in Cambodia, including in Phnom Kulen, where he is studying red images on rock shelters depicting fish, cows and people. He believes that the paintings might go back thousands of years.
 
“In Australia, we have paintings that are 40,000 years old. Everyone who came to Australia had to make their way through Southeast Asia—so you expect to find cave paintings in Southeast Asia as old as in Australia,” he says.
 
In Cambodia, cave paintings have only been found in the last ten years, because no one has been looking. Everyone was focused on the temples of Angkor, Tan says.
 
The images on Cambodian rock ledges are red and black—and researchers know that the black paintings are younger because they are on top of the red pictures, Tan says. This, according to Tan, is a Southeast Asian trend: black paintings are always on top of the red ones.
 
Interestingly, the images Tan found on the walls of Angkor Wat were also done in red and black.
 
“That’s an interesting question—that the colors of Angkor Wat are the same as colors on the cave walls,” he said. “It would be interesting to compare.”
 
So what’s the difference between European and Southeast Asia rock paintings?
 
While both might go back 40,000 years, the European paintings are often found in deep and dark caves, while the Southeast Asian images are on rock ledges and cliffs, Tan said.
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Kurdistan’s 21st Century ‘Gold Rush’

 

bradshawbysebastianmeyer

Rebecca read BA Ancient History and Classical Archaeology at the University of Warwick, writing her first-class thesis on the relationship between the Greek city- states and Achaemenid Persia in the sixth century B.C. She then went on to complete her MPhil in Egyptology at the University of Cambridge, specialising in the commission, design and production of religious art in Egyptian Nubia (modern Sudan). 

From 2010-13 Rebecca lived and worked as an archaeologist in the Sudan, Egypt, Bulgaria and the UK for institutions such as the British Museum, the University of Cambridge, the University of Durham and the Austrian Archaeological Institute. She also undertook work for the National Trust, the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, and the British Museum. 

In early 2012 Rebecca began working with the University of Cambridge in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan, and has been back several times subsequently to explore the region and conduct research in Sulimaniyah, Iraqi Kurdistan’s liberal second city. Since 2013 Rebecca has also been the Tour Lecturer for The Traveller tours to Iraqi Kurdistan. As an Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) doctoral scholar, Rebecca is now conducting her PhD research into the multi-faceted social role of archaeology in shaping Middle Eastern communities and conflicts. Rebecca currently lives in Cairo.

Author Photo: Examining the bridge at Kifri, Iraq. Photo by Sebastian Meyer.

Following his excavations at Babylon in the early 1800s, the French explorer and antiquarian Claudius Rich travelled north to Mosul and the Kurdistan region of present-day Iraq. Almost 3,000 years before Rich’s arrival, the region’s plains and foothills had been the center of the ancient Assyrian empire, and he was intent upon rediscovering its illustrious capital cities: Assur, Nineveh, Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad) and Kalhu (Nimrud). Like many of his contemporaries, Rich was spellbound by the history and culture of ancient Assyria, and had a particular interest in Nineveh, whose fiery destruction in 612 B.C. had been prophesized in the Old Testament by Nahum ‘the Elkoshite’. Indeed, under the auspices of the Ottoman Sultan, Rich spent much of the 1820s unearthing the ruins of the great North Palace at Nineveh built by King Ashurbanipal (r. 668–627 B.C.), returning only sporadically to Europe to showcase freshly-excavated seals, statues and stele.

Rich’s success inaugurated an archaeological ‘gold rush’ in Mosul and the Kurdistan region, and in the remaining years of the 19th Century, Dur-Sharrukin and Kalhu were also rediscovered and excavated. In 1843, Pierre Botta revealed the majestic residences and temples of Dur-Sharrukin, the city built by King Sargon II (r. 721–705 B.C.) Just two years later, Austen Henry Layard exposed the remains of highly decorated palaces and administrative buildings bearing the name of King Ashurnasirpal II (r. 721–705 B.C.), and identified them as part of the ancient city of Kalhu. Then finally, in the opening years of the 20th Century, Walter Andrae discovered the remains of the temples, palaces, and distinctive double walls of Assur, the original capital of the Assyrian dynasty.                    

To celebrate and publicise their achievements, Botta, Layard and Andrae transported many excavated objects to Europe and installed them in exhibitions in the British Museum and the Louvre. The luxurious displays intensified the public’s fascination with the aesthetic of Assyrian art and architecture, admired for its beautifully executed reliefs and monumental dimensions. On account of the scholars’ success it seemed certain that archaeological exploration would continue, and the world held its breath and waited to see what other ancient treasures archaeologists would unearth.

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Archaeology, politics and warfare

Sadly, archaeology has always been vulnerable to the whims of politics, and significant upheaval in the region resulted in the end of this ‘gold rush’. Over the next one hundred years archaeological investigation necessarily became opportunistic rather than inevitable. In the first half of the 20th Century, the World Wars relegated archaeology as a low priority (though there existed a hybrid breed of ‘diplomat-cum-archaeologist’, personified by T.E. Lawrence and Gertrude Bell) and completely reshaped the geopolitical landscape. The Ottoman Empire was destroyed, a new Middle East was created, binding Kurdistan to the doomed Kingdom of Iraq, which emerged only briefly before its British-installed king, Faisal II, was overthrown. Things were little better for Kurdish archaeology in the new Republic of Iraq, as President Saddam Hussein actively prohibited foreign archaeological investigation in Kurdistan and, with his Ba’athist government, incited a series of events that paralyzed the region. The Iran-Iraq War (1980–88) bankrupted Iraq, devastated Kurdistan, and catalyzed a refugee crisis of astonishing magnitude. In a move to boost Iraq’s diminishing post-war funds, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait then provoked the Gulf War (1990–91), which crippled the economy even further and triggered Western intervention. Amidst such violence, archaeologists could only watch from afar, and wait for the chance to one day again explore Kurdistan’s tantalizingly rich archaeological landscape.        

It took the region a further twenty years to recover from these events, and for the full force of the 1991 ‘No Fly Zone’ over Kurdistan to take effect. After the withdrawal of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’athist army from Kurdistan, Kurdish political parties eagerly filled the vacuum and created a ‘semi-autonomous’ state. Quietly at first, but with increasing confidence in recent years, Kurdistan has emerged as a safe haven, a ‘bubble’ in the midst of a region otherwise brimming with violence and repression. In response to this transition, a number of pioneering archaeological teams have begun on-site work, and their success has encouraged many others to follow. The steady influx of foreign practitioners has created a new, dynamic and multi-national archaeological community whose collaborative work with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has fostered a 21st Century archaeological ‘gold rush’ in Kurdistan………..

Excavations in Erbil

kurdistanDSCN0056One team has been conducting excavations at the 32-meter high tell in the centre of Kurdistan’s capital city, Erbil (known as the ‘citadel’). Tells like these are a common feature of the Fertile Crescent, and their height is attributable to the continuous rebuilding of settlements in the same place, over an extended period of time. As such, tells can often offer information about society and culture over thousands of years, rather than during a single epoch. Indeed, according to popular rhetoric, Erbil citadel is the longest continuously inhabited city in the world, and preserves the stratified remains of over 8,000 years of settlement (c. 6,000 B.C.–present day). Ancient inscriptions and surface ceramics certainly suggest that the citadel has been a site of habitation since the Neolithic Ubaid period (c. 7,000–4,000 B.C.), but this is one of many questions the archaeologists seek to answer through excavation. Considering this ‘layer-cake’ treasure of ancient culture, over the past five years the KRG has been implementing the ‘Erbil Citadel Revitalization’ project, which includes archaeology as one of its main components. The excavations themselves are designed and directed by a collaborative team of archaeologists from the University of Cambridge and the Kurdish High Commission. Dr. Mary Shepperson, an archaeologist with the team, explains that since excavation began in 2013 they have discovered a 30-meter stretch of city wall below the north western edge of the citadel mound, along with decorated ceramics and other materials. Further scientific corroboration is needed before solid facts can be stated, but Dr. Shepperson hypothesizes that “there are at least six phases of rebuilding and repair, [and] the upper phase is certainly Ottoman.” There is little doubt in the minds of archaeologists that the city wall will be accompanied by even greater discoveries, because inscriptions from the 9th century B.C. record that Erbil citadel was an important religious center of the Assyrian empire, called Arba-Ilu (‘the Four Gods’). We also know that seven hundred years later, in 331 B.C., Erbil was the city to which Darius III fled after his defeat by Alexander the Great at the Battle of Gaugamela. Thus the historic significance of Erbil citadel led in June 2014 to its recognition by UNESCO as the first World Heritage Site in Kurdistan. The imposing visual grandeur of the citadel certainly supports this new title, as it is crowned with a distinctive perimeter ‘wall’ made up of adjoining 20th century Ottoman courtyard houses which tower over the modern city as a powerful symbol of this ancient region. (Pictured above: On the northern corner of the citadel, Mr. Sangar Mohammed Abdullah, archaeologist with the High Commission for Erbil Citadel, discusses the excavations with the author. Photo by Rebecca Bradshaw).  

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kurdistanDSCN0054

Archaeological Office, Erbil Citadel. Two decorated Abbasid-period ceramics. March 2014. Photo by Rebecca Bradshaw

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A series of surveys

Other archaeological teams are arriving in Kurdistan to conduct surveys and discover unidentified sites in Erbil and Duhok provinces. Departing from the dramatic palace- and temple-based archaeology practiced by their predecessors in the 19th and early 20th centuries, many 21st century archaeologists are pursuing the full spectrum of sites, regardless of their size. Harvard University archaeologist Prof. Jason Ur states that this is because many “parts of [Kurdistan] are important for the study of early civilizations, but were nearly completely unknown.” Prof. Ur is the director of the Erbil Plain Archaeological Survey (EPAS) and his research asks how different structures were distributed across the alluvial plains in Erbil province, and how space between rural and urban centres was used.

There are three other major survey teams active in Kurdistan: 1) UGZAR (Upper Greater Zab Archaeological Reconnaissance, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poland); 2) LoNRP (Land of Nineveh Regional Project, University of Udine, Italy); and 3) EHAS (Eastern Habur Archaeological Survey, University of Tübingen, Germany). Together with EPAS, these teams have united themselves theoretically and methodologically under the name, the “Assyrian Landscape Research Group” to enable data sharing and synthesis. The group uses remote sensing techniques in the form of declassified satellite images from NASA’s intelligence-gathering CORONA and ASTER programmes. These aerial images were once used by the US to detect other countries’ weapon-making capacities between 1959 and 1972. Today they allow these archaeological teams to trace ancient interventions in the landscape. Close examination of the photographs shows structures such as canals, tells, roads and reliefs, even before archaeologists arrive on site. “I could see thousands of sites, almost all unknown to archaeology, on my office computer”, recalls Prof. Ur. Image analysis is typically followed by on-the-ground topographical surveys, with the collection of surface ceramics and an evaluation of the sites’ suitability for excavation. Of course, the teams’ projects are not completely homogeneous; each has its own particular questions and aims. For example, UGZAR also investigates the famous rock reliefs at Gunduk, dating to the Early Dynastic III period (c. 2,600-2,350 B.C.); while LoNRP aims to understand how the hinterland around Nineveh was organised, and has already begun dove-tailing survey results with targeted excavations at nearby Tell Gomel.

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kurdistanFig07_Site31

The walled Middle Bronze Age city at Kurd Qaburstan (EPAS Site 31), possible ancient Qabra. CORONA 1039-2088DA038, 28 February 1967. Courtesy Prof. Jason Ur

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kurdistanFig08_Site2_Shemamok

The Late Bronze Age/Iron Age city at Qasr Shemamok (EPAS Site 2), ancient Kilizu. CORONA 1039-2088DA037, 28 February 1967. Courtesy Prof. Jason Ur

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kurdistanFig12 Kawr Gosk canalheads

Canal heads on the Upper Zab near Kawr Gosk village. CORONA 1039- 2088DA036, 28 February 1967. Courtesy Prof. Jason Ur

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The activities described here, alongside many others that constitute Kurdistan’s archaeological ‘gold rush’, have reintroduced the world to this remarkable region. The teams’ results reveal sites and spaces that were occupied across millennia and were able to withstand many regional wars and disasters. What has both shocked and delighted most archaeologists, however, is the density of sites that have been discovered. Dr. Rafal Kolinski notes that his UZGAR team has recorded over 100 new sites in the vicinity of the Greater Zab, some of which date to pre-Hassuna and Hassuna periods, thus “providing an overarching timespan of approximately ten thousand years of the settlement history of the area.” LoNRP’s two on-the-ground surveys revealed c. 800 new sites, in addition to the 500 they’d already identified from the CORONA images. EPAS’ preliminary image analyses revealed at least 1,200 new sites in their concession, while on-the-ground surveys showed around 100 new sites. Indeed, LoNRP director Dr. Daniele Morandi Bonacossi asserts that these areas of Kurdistan have “a settlement density of nearly one site per square kilometer, a much higher density than that observed in the adjacent regions of the Iraqi and Syrian Jezirah and southern Mesopotamia”. This result is quite extraordinary, and allows the archaeologists to expose trends in settlement and land use hitherto unknown. For example, Prof. Ur has compared the number of sites found dating to a particular period with the number of hectares of land covered by these sites. He found that during the Bronze Age (c. 3,300–1,100 B.C.), settlement density (the number of sites in existence) varied only slightly, but that average site size and the total area that was settled increased dramatically, pointing to a similarly dramatic rise in population figures. Results like these are rightly attracting attention from other archaeologists who wish to come and work in Kurdistan. According to Prof. Ur, they will be in good company, particularly as “the Directorate of Antiquities is welcoming and helpful, and [is] quickly growing to meet the challenges of the influx of archaeologists.”

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Preliminary histogram of settlements recovered in the 2012 EPAS field season. Gray bars are numbers of sites, read against the left vertical axis; black line is the total settled hectares (in ha, not including Erbil), read against the right vertical axis. Graphics: created by and courtesy of Prof. J. Ur

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An uneasy future?

After decades of anticipation, archaeologists are once again awing the global public with fresh evidence of the glory of ancient Mesopotamia. Kurds and Iraqis, as well as Westerners, are the new protagonists in the rediscovery of ancient Mesopotamia; the achievements of Rich, Botta, Layard and Andrae are now simply the first phase in the history of archaeology in this region. Despite the violent and ever-changing political landscape in Iraq, Kurdistan has been a relatively safe haven that encourages a new archaeological ‘gold rush’. But we can only hope, given the political instability in the Middle East and the shifting fortunes of conflict, that the revival is here to stay.

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Photo image above, 5th from top, right: The author with Kurdish archaeologist Mr. Sangar Mohammed Abdullah, examining the most recent excavations at Erbil citadel. Photo credit: Rebecca E. Bradshaw.

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Post-script: Will the rise of the ‘Islamic State’ in Iraq affect archaeology in Kurdistan?

As this article was being written (June 2014), the self-proclaimed ‘Islamic State’ (a group of Sunni Muslim fundamentalists, hereafter referred to as ‘IS’) successfully seized several key cities in Iraq, and firmly occupied territory on part of Kurdistan’s western border. Large numbers of people fled in the wake of the IS’ advance, including vulnerable non-Muslim communities of Christians and Yezidis. Many people were killed – civilians as well as fighters – and it became clear that the Iraqi and Kurdish governments were unable to adequately protect or support their civilians. Therefore, in early August, the United States began supplying the region with humanitarian aid. More recently, the IS’ appropriation of a strategic hydroelectric dam near Mosul and its continuing slaughter of local populations prompted the US to inaugurate a series of military strikes on IS artillery units. As this article went to press, the US were furnishing the Kurdish ‘Peshmerga’ army with weapons, and helped them to retake Mosul dam by providing ground offences with air support, while major European powers were seriously questioning the viability of their policy of non-intervention in the region.

Many people fear that the rapid escalation of the situation presents an increasingly serious challenge to Kurdistan’s status as a ‘safe haven’. However, observers on the ground are keen to reassure the international community that those living and working within Kurdistan are not under direct threat, because IS have not yet been able to extend their reach into Kurdistan itself. But with no decisive end to the conflict in sight, and an increasingly unpredictable situation, have archaeologists been forced to reconsider their fieldwork plans?

In conversation with several colleagues in late July, the word was that most teams were still planning to conduct their autumn seasons in Kurdistan. Some of those with archaeological concessions in close proximity of IS (for example those working in the Nineveh Plain), chose to shift their geographical focus to the north or east. Other archaeologists with concessions in the Zagros Mountains near Turkey and Iran seemed content to monitor the situation as it developed. And yet, as University of Pennsylvania archaeologist Darren Ashby notes, the security status of the physical location of a site is only part of the consideration: “The international airports are located in Erbil and Sulaymaniyah. Fighting in and around those cities would likely shut down their airports, which could cause us to cancel in spite of security where we actually work.” For Kurdish and Iraqi archaeologists, however, it is a very different situation, as they do not have the option to leave the region or cancel their fieldwork. Far from being sensationalist or reactionary, many practitioners have long-term experience conducting their projects in politically volatile regions, and are sensitive of the many factors (such as accessible escape routes and feasible evacuation plans) that need close attention.

But for several directors, the developments in early- to mid-August left them no option but to cancel their fieldwork. Prof. Jason Ur reluctantly cancelled his August-September season, whilst another archaeologist at the University of Pennsylvania, Steve Renette, also decided to postpone his field season until May 2015, stating that “we… feel that we should not draw resources from more important objectives, and that we might get in the way of efforts to help refugees and to defend the people of Iraqi Kurdistan.”

After a brief moment of peace and security, Iraq and Kurdistan are experiencing yet another wave of unimaginable violence, resulting in the tragic loss of thousands of human lives and the possible destruction of a remarkable and under-investigated archaeological heritage.

Merenptah Rising

As Founder and Editor of Popular Archaeology Magazine, Dan is a freelance writer and journalist specializing in archaeology.  He studied anthropology and archaeology in undergraduate and graduate school and has been an active participant on archaeological excavations in the U.S. and abroad.  He is the creator and administrator of Archaeological Digs, a popular weblog about archaeological excavation and field school opportunities.  

Any visitor would find it difficult to miss the Penn Museum’s iconic red granite sphinx. Resting center stage in the museum’s Lower Egyptian Gallery space, one doesn’t need to know that its estimated 15 tons of stone make it massive—the eyes already have it. It is touted as the third largest known sphinx in the Western Hemisphere. Originally quarried at Aswan by the ancients over 3,000 years ago in Upper Egypt, it was then floated down the Nile river to grace the sacred enclosure of Ramesses II’s Temple to Ptah at ancient Memphis.

Despite its incredible workmanship, however, the face of this sphinx can no longer be seen. It has long been eroded away by windblown sand over centuries of exposure. But from the shoulders down, details remain in place, that portion having been buried by sand and time and protected. One can still see inscriptions carved on its chest and about its base, looking almost as if they had been carved yesterday. 

Surrounding the sphinx are the monumental reminders of another ancient pharaoh. Known as Merenptah, he was the 13th son of Ramesses II, having succeeded his father to the throne at a relatively advanced age and ruling for almost 10 years. Some of the monumental elements of his palace—massive partial columns, a gateway, doorframes, and lintels—which once stood pristine, complete, and fully painted near the Temple of Ptah and its sanctuary where the sphinx stood millennia before—are artfully represented. They constitute the most substantial assemblage of an ancient Egyptian palace in any single collection in the world.

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Egypt Sphinx GalleryIn the Penn Museum’s Egypt (Sphinx) Gallery, visitors can view the 15-ton Sphinx and its surrounding pillars and gateways, which date back to the 19th Dynasty (ca2393-2285 BCE) in Memphis, Egypt. The Sphinx of Ramesses II was excavated from the sacred enclosure of the temple of the god Ptah. The pillars and gateways were part of the palace of Merenptah. Photo image courtesy Penn Museum

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doorjampalacemerenptahBut there is more to this assembly than meets the visitor’s eye. Part of it remains in storage. And Penn Museum (short for University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology) Director Julian Siggers has big plans for it, along with many other exhibition spaces at the museum.

“What we are to embark upon is the most ambitious renovation this museum has ever seen,” said Siggers, speaking of his vision to completely reinstall some of the museum’s signature galleries. “And in our basement we have a New Kingdom palace, the palace of Merenptah, and central to our plans is to install the throne room of the palace, complete with the full columns.” 

The plan harkens back to an earlier time, when, in the early 20th century Penn Museum archaeologist Clarence Fisher conducted excavations at a site in ancient Memphis that contained clues of a royal structure. By 1915, he and his work team had uncovered the major elements of what he identified as the Palace of Merenptah. More than 50 tons of excavated material, consisting of massive architectural elements such as columns, a monumental gateway, lintels, and doorframes, eventually made their way back to the Penn Museum in 1924 (see doorjamb example, above). Museum planners and curators were anxious to get these spectacular finds on display for the world to see, and thus a 3rd floor gallery space was prepared for the exhibition.

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merenptah-palace-excavation-1915Above, Merenptah’s palace being uncovered during the excavation in 1915. Below, the throne room of the palace emerges. Courtesy Penn Museum archives.

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throne-room-palace-merenptahMerenptah’s throne room emerges during excaations in 1915. Courtesy Penn Museum archives.

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But their initial vision could not be met. As it turned out, the gallery floor structure was not strong enough to sustain the weight of the massive objects. “The ceiling height was originally designed in the ’30’s to accommodate the full-length columns, but they miscalculated the floor carrying capacity,” said Siggers. The collection was moved to a first floor gallery, where they are seen today along with the sphinx—but only in part. The columns, for example, can only be seen as fragments or sections of their original form. Unseen elements still rest in storage, where today they await plans to restore the columns and gateway elements to their full height in a grand realization of the original scale in the 3rd floor gallery space as originally intended. “We just completed a feasibility study of how we can actually reinforce that floor very cheaply,” Siggers added. The project is expected to take at least several years to complete, in tandem with the many other renovation projects on the agenda.

The throne room reconstruction will be an apt tribute to a man who, like many of the pharaohs who came before and after him, made a clear imprint on Egyptian history. He is known to have carried out several military campaigns during his rule. In the 5th year of his reign he battled the Libyans, who, along with the help of the Sea Peopleswere challenging his kingdom from the West. He led a successful battle against the combined Libyan and Sea People forces at the city of Perire. Regarding another military theater, the Merneptah Stele, also known as the ‘Israel Stele, documents his victorious campaign in Canaan, where he boasts to have laid waste to the inhabitants there, including the ‘people of the book’:  “Israel has been wiped out…its seed is no more.” He escaped death on the battlefield, having died an old man, suffering from arthritis and arteriosclerosis. His remains, which were found in 1898 with a mummy cache of eighteen other mummies in the tomb of Amenhotep II (KV35) by Victor Loret, were transferred to Cairo and unwrapped and examined by G. Elliott Smith in 1907. Smith wrote:

The body is that of an old man and is 1 meter 714 millimeters in height. Merenptah was almost completely bald, only a narrow fringe of white hair (now cut so close as to be seen only with difficulty) remaining on the temples and occiput. A few short (about 2 mill) black hairs were found on the upper lip and scattered, closely clipped hairs on the cheeks and chin. The general aspect of the face recalls that of Ramesses II, but the form of the cranium and the measurements of the face much more nearly agree with those of his [grand]father, Seti the Great.*

Adjacent to the current gallery holding the Merenptah palace objects is a space exhibiting a small-scale artist’s model reconstruction of the throne room as it would have appeared in Merenptah’s day. Unlike the real, full-scale remains displayed nearby, it is brightly illustrated with the colors and symbols that would have adorned walls, columns and other architectural elements of the time. But it can’t compare in originality, feel and grandeur to the actual monuments  nearby. In this sense, actually ‘seeing is believing’—and putting it all together, at last, will be a perfect closure to a resurrection that began almost 100 years ago. 

Merenptah would be proud.

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MA1994-12An original watercolor reconstruction of the Throne Room of the Palace of Merenptah, painted by Mary Louise Baker, 1920. Image courtesy Penn Museum Archives.

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Throne Room ModelAn interior view of a model depicting a modern reconstruction of the Throne Room of the Palace of Merenptah, created in the 1930s by Mary Louise Baker. Photo image courtesy PennMuseum.

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Image third from top, right: Limestone door jamb from Palace of Merenptah, depicting the pharaoh in smiting pose defeating Asiatic enemies. Courtesy Penn Museum.

* Grafton Elliot Smith, The Royal Mummies, Cairo (1912), pp. 65-70 

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A R T I C L E   S U P P L E M E N T 

Penn_Museum

THE PENN MUSEUM’S BIG PLANS

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Williams Director Julian SiggersJulian Siggers is a man with a vision. Since assuming his responsibilities as the Williams Director of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in July of 2012, he has begun to reshape, in both institutional mission and physical layout, the museum’s face to the world. 

“I knew about this museum when I was an undergraduate in London,” says Siggers. “But even earlier, as a teenager my parents gave me a copy of Gods, Graves and Scholars, and one of the key stories it relates is the story of Ur, which of course is the account of the Penn Museum’s excavations there. So when I came here it was this incredible opportunity, because the focus of this museum, as a University museum, is of course research.”

It is thus Siggers’ dream to share this excitement of discovery through research with the public, launched from the foundation of it’s new mission statement, The Penn Museum transforms understanding of the human experience.

“What I have been able to do is work on a new strategic plan, and central to that is the reinstallation of some of our signature galleries, which includes our Egyptian galleries, our Asian *galleries, and our Near Eastern galleries,” Siggers continues. “These are some of the areas where our greatest excavations have been conducted. We’re going to bring the excitement of discovery into the galleries by redesigning everything and rethinking it from the ground up.”

It will mean presenting the objects in a chronological historical context so that visitors can understand the material culture as it developed in the timeline of human history. But what is more, it will be about telling the story of how and where they were discovered and who discovered them.

“Often when one goes to museums, the galleries are actually developed by departments, and they don’t reflect how one should properly tell the story of the past,” he explains. “I’m hoping to have more of a continuous story. But the thing I most want to see in the new galleries is to show how dynamic the process of discovery is. Right now we have all of these field projects, with people in Kurdistan, Egypt, Turkey, France, and Mesoamerica, and they’re coming back with these wonderful discoveries, and so we need to find a way to get these discoveries in the gallery.”

But Siggers’ new strategic plan goes beyond the gallery renovations. Two other initiatives will emphasize the museum’s prime traditions as a research and educational institution. The first will capitalize on the museum’s strength as a teaching and research institution—establishment of the Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials. In collaboration with the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Arts and Sciences, it is hoped that it will become a premier center for the teaching of archaeological science. The second, reaching out to potential future generations of archaeologists and history enthusiasts, involves a new partnership with the School District of Philadelphia. Bringing the fascination of archaeology and ancient history to the youth will be a major focus of the museum’s ongoing mission for public outreach and local engagement. It “will serve every 7th grade public school student in the city,” state museum officials.*  

In the end, Siggers feels that the science and contribution of archaeology is not only about discovery—it’s about translating it from the exclusive halls of academia and the specially equipped labs to those who ultimately matter the most in terms of understanding the human past—the inquisitive, appreciative public and future generations.

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* Building Transformation: A Strategic Plan for the Penn Museum 2013 – 2020, Expedition Magazine, Spring 2014, Volume 56, No. 1, p. 59

Photo image of Julian Siggers courtesy Penn Museum.

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