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New study reveals unique insights into the life and death of Stone Age individuals from modern-day Ukraine

PLOS—A research group led by Johannes Müller at the Institute of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Archaeology, at Kiel University, Germany, have shed light on the lives of people who lived over 5,600 years ago near Kosenivka, Ukraine. Published on December 11, 2024, in the open-access journal PLOS ONE, the researchers present the first detailed bioarchaeological analyses of human diets from this area and provide estimations on the causes of death of the individuals found at this site.

The people associated with the Neolithic Cucuteni-Trypilla culture lived across Eastern Europe from approximately 5500 to 2750 BCE. With up to 15,000 inhabitants, some of their mega-sites are among the earliest and largest city-like settlements in prehistoric Europe. Despite the vast number of artefacts the Trypillia left behind, archeologists have found very few human remains. Due to this absence, many facets of the lives of this ancient people are still undiscovered.

The researchers studied a settlement site near Kosenivka, Ukraine. Comprised of several houses, this site is unique for the presence of human remains. The 50 human bone fragments recovered among the remains of a house stem from at least seven individuals—children, adults, males and a female, perhaps once inhabitants of the house. The remains of four of the individuals were also heavily burnt. The researchers were keen to explore potential causes for these burns, such as an accidental fire, or a rare form of burial rite.

The burnt bone fragments were largely found in the center of the house, and previous studies surmised the inhabitants of this site died in a house fire. Scrutinizing the pieces of bone under a microscope, the researchers concluded that the burning probably occurred quickly after death. In the case of an accidental fire, the researchers propose that some individuals could have died of carbon monoxide poisoning, even if they fled the house.

According to radiocarbon dating, one of the individuals died ca. 100 years later. The death of this person cannot be connected to the fire, but is otherwise unknown. Two other individuals with unhealed cranial injuries raise the question of whether violence could have played a role as well. A review of Trypillian human bone finds showed the researchers that less than 1% of the dead were cremated, and even more rarely buried within a house.

While bones can help archeologists speculate how ancient people died, these remains can also help us understand how they lived. By analyzing the carbon and nitrogen present in the bones—as well as in grains and the remains of animals found at the site—the researchers determined meat made up less than 10% of the inhabitants’ diets. This is in line with teeth found at the site, which have wear marks that indicate chewing on grains and other plant fibers. That Trypillia diets consisted mostly of plants supports theories that cattle in these cultures were primarily used for manuring the fields and milk rather than meat production.

Katharina Fuchs, first author of the study, adds: “Skeletal remains are real biological archives. Although researching the Trypillia societies and their living conditions in the oldest city-like communities in Eastern Europe will remain challenging, our ‘Kosenvika case’ clearly shows that even small fragments of bone are of great help. By combining new osteological, isotopic, archaeobotanical and archaeological information, we provide an exceptional insight into the lives—and perhaps also the deaths—of these people.”

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Archaeological context of Kosenivka. A: Map showing the location of the settlement of Kosenivka and the Chalcolithic sites referred to in the text. B: Photo showing the location of house 6 within the landscape. C: Photo showing house 6 being excavated, in 2004 (Map: R. Hofmann. Photos: republished from Kruts et al. [22] under a CC BY license with permission from V. Chabanyuk, original copyright 2005). Fuchs et al., 2024, PLOS ONE, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Kosenivka, selection of oral and pathological conditions. A–E: Individual 5/6/+left maxilla. A: Teeth positions 23–26 (buccal view). Signs of periodontal inflammation (upper arrows) and examples of dental calculus accumulation (third arrow) and dental chipping (lower arrow) on the first premolar (tooth 24). B: First premolar (24, mesial view). Interproximal grooving with horizonal striations on the lingual surface of the root (upper arrow) and at the cemento–enamel junction (middle arrow). Larger chipping lesion (lower arrow). C: Canine (23, distal view). Interproximal grooving, same location as on the neighbouring premolar (see B), but less distinct. D, E: Signs of periosteal reaction on the left maxillary sinus (medio–superior view). Increased vessel impressions (D, upper arrow) and porosity, as well as uneven bone surface (D, lower arrow, E), indicating inflammatory processes. F: Individual 2, left temporal, fragment (endocranial view). Periosteal reaction indicated by porous new bone formation (arrow). G: Individual 5, frontal bone (endocranial view). Periosteal reaction indicated by tongue-like new bone formation and increased vessel impressions (arrows). H: Individual 5/6/+, frontal bone, right part, orbital roof (inferior view). Signs of cribra orbitalia (evidenced by porosity, see arrow). Illustration: K. Fuchs. Fuchs et al., 2024, PLOS ONE, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS ONE news release.

Early collective ritual practices in the Levant

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—Researchers uncovered a Paleolithic ritual chamber deep within a cave in the Levant*. The initial emergence of collective ritual practices among early humans in the Paleolithic period is not well-understood, partly due to the difficulty of identifying such ephemeral practices in the archaeological record. Omry Barzilai, Ofer Marder, Israel Hershkovitz, and colleagues documented an Early Upper Paleolithic ritual compound deep within Manot Cave in Israel. The ritual compound’s location in the deepest part of the cave is distinct from living areas close to the cave’s entrance, where activities such as flint knapping, animal butchering, and food consumption took place. The ritual site comprised a large gallery partitioned by speleothem cave formations. A large dolomite boulder engraved with complex, geometric patterns resembling a tortoise shell was prominently positioned at the back of the gallery. Linear microscratches within the grooves of the engraving indicated that it was carved by humans using sharp flint tools. Analysis of calcite crust on the boulder helped date the engraving to around 37,000–35,000 years ago. Wood ash particles identified in stalagmite laminae suggested that fire was used to illuminate the chamber. Acoustic analysis suggested that the ritual chamber was well-suited for conversations during communal gatherings. According to the authors, the ritual chamber represents the earliest known evidence of religious behavior in the Paleolithic Levant.

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Ritual compound at the deepest, darkest part of Manot Cave. Guy Geva

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Public ritual compound at the deepest part of Manot Cave and two rows of stalagmites leading to it. Guy Geva

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Early human collective practices and symbolism in the Early Upper Paleolithic of Southwest Asia,” by Omry Barzilai et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 9-Dec-2024. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2404632121

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Early rice beer fermentation in China

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—Early rice domestication expanded alongside alcohol fermentation in Neolithic China, according to a study. Archaeological evidence has linked the earliest stages of rice (Oryza sp.) cultivation to the Shangshan culture in China’s lower Yangzi River region. The social processes that drove early rice domestication have not been well-studied. To explore early uses of domestic rice, Li Liu, Jianping Zhang, and colleagues analyzed microfossil remains, including phytoliths, starch granules, and fungi, associated with 12 pottery sherds excavated from the earliest deposits at a Shangshan site dated to around 10,000–9,000 years ago. The authors analyzed residues from the interior surfaces of the sherds and plant material incorporated into the clay itself. The analysis suggested that early domesticated rice was used both as a staple crop and for brewing fermented beverages using a traditional qu starter containing Monascus mold and yeast as fermentation agents. The authors note that the warm, humid climate of the early Holocene Epoch would have promoted fungal growth. Job’s tears grains, Panicoideae and Triticeae grasses, acorns, and lilies supplemented rice as fermentation ingredients. The authors report that the documented brewing method represents the earliest known fermentation technique in East Asia. According to the authors, alcoholic rice beverages likely served ritual functions and may have played a key role in the expansion of rice cultivation in Neolithic China.

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Shangshan pottery vessels and artistic representation of red beer served with a jar and cup. Leping Jiang, Jianping Zhang

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Identification of 10,000-year-old rice beer at Shangshan in the Lower Yangzi River valley of China,” by Li Liu et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 9-Dec-2024. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2412274121

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Iberian Neolithic societies had a deep knowledge of archery techniques and materials

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona—The interdisciplinary research of archaeological remains found in the Cave of Los Murciélagos in Albuñol, Granada, has revealed the sophistication of Ancient Neolithic archery in the Iberian Peninsula (5300-4900 BCE), and provides unprecedented information in the European context on the materials and manufacturing techniques used.

The study was led by the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and published in Scientific Reports (Nature Portfolio). Several research teams from centres and universities in Spain were involved in the study, including the University of Alcalá (UAH), the Institute of Heritage Sciences (INCIPIT-CSIC) and the UAB Institute for Environmental Science and Technology (ICTA-UAB), as well as the Université Côte d’Azur and the CNRS in France.

The exceptional preservation of the organic remains, preserved thanks to having dried out, made it possible to identify and document elements of the archery equipment of Neolithic populations inhabiting the southwestern part of the peninsula some 7,000 years ago. Among the findings are arrows preserved with their original feathers, remains of fibres, and two bowstrings made of animal sinews, which are the oldest found so far in Europe.

«The identification of these bowstrings marks a crucial step in the study of Neolithic weaponry. Not only were we able to confirm the use of animal tendons to make them, but we also identified the genus or species of animal from which they came», explains Ingrid Bertin, researcher at the UAB and first author of the published article. Tendons from Capra sp. (a genus that includes several species of goats and ibex), Sus sp. (a genus to which wild boar and pigs belong) and roe deer were used, which were twisted together to create ropes of sufficient length. «With this technique, strong and flexible ropes could be made, to meet the needs of experienced archers. This degree of precision and technical mastery, where every detail counts, attests to the exceptional knowledge of these Neolithic artisans», says Raquel Piqué, researcher in the Department of Prehistory of the UAB and coordinator of the study.

Local resources and thorough transformations

On the other hand, the arrow shafts provide new information on the use of local resources and a thorough transformation. For the first time, the analysis has revealed the use of olive wood (Olea europaea) and reed wood (Phragmites sp).

The use of reeds for the manufacturing of arrows in prehistoric Europe, a hypothesis considered by researchers for decades, is finally confirmed by these findings. In addition, the combination of olive, willow and reed wood is a particularly interesting choice of materials: «This integration offers a hard and dense front section, complemented by a light back, which significantly improves the ballistic properties of the arrows, whose tips are made of wood without stone or bone projectiles. Future experiments may clarify whether these arrows could have been used for hunting or close-range combat, or whether they could have been non-lethal arrows», Ingrid Bertin states.

Finally, the arrow shafts were coated with birch bark pitch, a material obtained by a controlled heat treatment of the bark of this tree, used not only for its protective properties, but probably also for decorative purposes, which adds an aesthetic and functional dimension to the equipment.

New perspective on the region’s Neolithic groups

Since the early Neolithic, populations have developed technical knowledge that attests to an impressive adaptation to local resources, but the combination of varied materials and advanced techniques identified in this study redefines current understanding of the technologies used by prehistoric communities and offers a new perspective on Neolithic societies in the region, the research team states.

«The discoveries contribute to enrich the understanding of the artisan practices and daily life of prehistoric societies and open ways for the study of ancient weaponry, by revealing methods and materials that can be investigated at other European Neolithic archaeological sites», says Raquel Piqué. She goes on to say: «In addition, they provide a better understanding of the symbolic sphere linked to these grave goods from a funerary context, such as is the Cave of Los Murciélagos».

The research team concludes that the discoveries made at the Cave of Los Murciélagos redefine the limits of our knowledge about the earliest agricultural societies in Europe and provide a unique view on ancestral archery materials and practices.

The study of the archaeological remains was carried out by applying advanced microscopy and biomolecular analysis techniques, which combine protein and lipid analysis.

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This research was carried out under the framework of the CHEMARCH project (MSCA-ITN-EJD, The chemistry and molecular biology of prehistoric artifacts) funded by the European Union Horizon 2020 programme, with the participation of ICTA-UAB, Universidad de Alcalá, INCIPIT-CSIC, Universidad de Córdoba, Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canarias, Université Côte d’Azur and CNRS (France).

It was also carried out within the framework of the project “From the Museum to the Field: Updating Scholarship on the Cave of Los Murciélagos in Albuñol, Granada” (MUTERMUR), financed by the Regional Government of Madrid and the University of Alcalá. The objective of this project is the holistic study of the site and its material record, applying the latest archaeometric techniques and generating quality scientific data. The project included the collaboration of the National Archaeological Museum, the Archaeological and Ethnological Museum of Granada, the City Council of Albuñol, and the owners of the cave.

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Three Neolithic arrows recovered from the Cave of Los Murciélagos in Albuñol: reed and wood (above) and details of tied sinew fibers, feathers and birch bark pitch (below). © MUTERMUR Project.

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Fragments of sine bowstrings from the Cave of Los Murciélagos in Albuñol, the oldest bowstrings found so far in Europe. © MUTERMUR Project.

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Article Source: Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona news release.

*Iberian Neolithic societies had a deep knowledge of archery techniques and materials, Scientific Reports, 5-Dec-2024. 

Western Clovis people were mammoth-hunting specialists, according to new dietary analysis

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—A new analysis* of stable isotope data gathered from the only known representative of the ancient Paleoindian Clovis culture – an 18-month-old boy referred to as Anzick-1, who lived roughly 12,800 years ago in what is now Montana – has shown that his mother subsisted on a diet heavy in mammoth meat. Elk, bison, and a now-extinct genus of camel (Camelops) together ranked a distant second, with little evidence for smaller animals or plants contributing dietary protein. Moreover, the child’s isotopic “fingerprint” (inherited directly from his mother, as he was likely still breastfeeding) most closely resembles that of the extinct scimitar cat (Homotherium serum), known to be a mammoth specialist. James Chatters and colleagues suggest that their results lend substantial support to a long-debated hypothesis that the Western Clovis people were accomplished hunters, specializing in mammoth and other large animals – and not generalist foragers, as suggested by a competing hypothesis. “Our results provide direct evidence for Western Clovis diets at ~12,800 cal yr B.P.,” the authors write, noting that their analysis also comports with prior zooarchaeological evidence, including strong representation of mammoth remains across known Clovis faunal assemblages. “Collectively, these data suggest that Western Clovis people (represented by Anzick-1) were more focused on larger-bodied megafaunal grazers, primarily Mammuthus, and were not generalists who regularly consumed smaller-bodied herbivores.” To date, only three individuals have been identified as likely members of the Clovis culture. Of these, Anzick-1 is the only one that was both found in close association with Clovis artifacts and for whom researchers could generate an isotopic fingerprint from bone collagen. Found accidentally in 1968, analyses of Anzick-1 yielded genetic data in addition to isotopic fingerprinting, before the individual was repatriated and reinterred in 2014. Accordingly, Chatters et al. relied entirely on these previously published data for their analyses of Anzick-1’s maternal diet. They then gathered isotopic fingerprints for a variety of possible prey species that shared time and space with the Western Clovis culture – some previously published and some gained from new analyses. They plugged these profiles into three different dietary mixing models to generate a suite of likely diets for Anzick-1’s mother. They also did the same for several contemporaneous predator species for comparison, and saw that the scimitar cat – strongly suspected to be a mammoth specialist – offered the closest match. “Our findings are consistent with the Clovis megafaunal specialist model, using sophisticated technology and high residential mobility to subsist on the highest ranked prey, an adaptation allowing them to rapidly expand across the Americas south of the Pleistocene ice sheets,” Chatters et al. conclude.

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Location of Anzick site, faunal samples (circles) used in this study, and major Clovis sites (triangles). Glacial ice at 12,800 cal yr B.P. (72). Chatters et al., Sci. Adv. 10, eadr3814 (2024)

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A larger version of the submitted cover art depicting findings of the study. The image was created in a collaboration between the artist, Eric Carlson (Desert Archaeology, Inc.) and archaeologists Ben Potter (University of Alaska Fairbanks) and Jim Chatters (McMaster University).

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

*Mammoth featured heavily in Western Clovis diet, Science Advances, 4-Dec-2024. www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adr3814

We might feel love in our fingertips –– but did the Ancient Mesopotamians?

Aalto University—From feeling heavy-hearted to having butterflies in your stomach, it seems inherent to the human condition that we feel emotions in our bodies, not just in our brains. But have we always felt –– or at least expressed –– these feelings in the same way?

A multidisciplinary team of researchers studied a large body of texts to find out how people in the ancient Mesopotamian region (within modern day Iraq) experienced emotions in their bodies thousands of years ago, analysing one million words of the ancient Akkadian language from 934-612 BC in the form of cuneiform scripts on clay tablets. 

‘Even in ancient Mesopotamia, there was a rough understanding of anatomy, for example the importance of the heart, liver and lungs,’ says Professor Saana Svärd of the University of Helsinki, an Assyriologist who is leading the research project. One of the most intriguing findings relates to where the ancients felt happiness, which was often expressed through words related to feeling ‘open’, ‘shining’ or being ‘full’ –– in the liver.

‘If you compare the ancient Mesopotamian bodily map of happiness with modern bodily maps [published by fellow Finnish scientist, Lauri Nummenmaa and colleagues a decade ago], it is largely similar, with the exception of a notable glow in the liver,’ says cognitive neuroscientist Juha Lahnakoski, a visiting researcher at Aalto University.

Other contrasting results between ourselves and the ancients can be seen in emotions such as anger and love. According to previous research, anger is experienced by modern humans in the upper body and hands, while Mesopotamians felt most ‘heated’, ‘enraged’ or ‘angry’ in their feet. Meanwhile, love is experienced quite similarly by modern and Neo-Assyrian man, although in Mesopotamia it is particularly associated with the liver, heart and knees.

‘It remains to be seen whether we can say something in the future about what kind of emotional experiences are typical for humans in general and whether, for example, fear has always been felt in the same parts of the body. Also, we have to keep in mind that texts are texts and emotions are lived and experienced,’ says Svärd. The researchers caution that while it’s fascinating to compare, we should keep this distinction in mind when comparing the modern body maps, which were based on self-reported bodily experience, with body maps of Mesopotamians based on linguistic descriptions alone.

Towards a deeper understanding of emotions

Since literacy was rare in Mesopotamia (3 000-300 BCE), cuneiform writing was mainly produced by scribes and therefore available only to the wealthy. However, cuneiform clay tablets contained a wide variety of texts, such as tax lists, sales documents, prayers, literature and early historical and mathematical texts.

Ancient Near Eastern texts have never been studied in this way, by quantitatively linking emotions to body parts. This can be applied to other language materials in the future. ‘It could be a useful way to explore intercultural differences in the way we experience emotions,’ says Svärd, who hopes the research will provide an interesting contribution to discussion around the universality of emotions.

The results of the research will be published in the iScience journal on 4 December.

The corpus linguistic method, which makes use of large text sets, has been developed over many years in the Centre of Excellence in Ancient Near Eastern Empires (ANEE), led by Svärd. Next, the research team will look at an English corpus, or textual material from the 20th century, which contains 100 million words. Similarly, they also plan to examine Finnish data. 

In addition to Svärd and Lahnakoski, the team includes Professor Mikko Sams from Aalto University, Ellie Bennett from the University of Helsinki, Professor Lauri Nummenmaa from the University of Turku and Ulrike Steinert from Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz. The project is funded by the Finnish Cultural Foundation.

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Modern and Mesopotamian people experience love in a rather similar way. In Mesopotamia, love is particularly associated with the liver, heart and knees. Figure: Modern/PNAS: Lauri Nummenmaa et al. 2014, Mesopotamian: Juha Lahnakoski et al. 2024. 

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Modern man experiences anger in the upper body and hands. In Mesopotamia, anger was associated specifically with the feet. Figure: Modern/PNAS: Lauri Nummenmaa et al. 2014, Mesopotamian: Juha Lahnakoski et al. 2024.
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Happiness ‘lights up’ similar areas on both modern and ancient body maps, with the exception of the liver, which was more significant for the ancient Mesopotamians. Figure: Modern/PNAS: Lauri Nummenmaa et al. 2014, Mesopotamian: Juha Lahnakoski et. al 2024.

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Article Source: Aalto University news release.

*Embodied emotions in ancient Neo-Assyrian texts revealed by bodily mapping of emotional semantics, iScience, 4-Dec-2024. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.isci.2024.111365

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Digging Up the Roots of Human Culture

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

Culture is central to defining humanity. Throughout history, many definitions have been proposed to describe what we mean when we talk about culture, leading to considerable confusion.

The word “culture” was once reserved to designate the customs and behaviors of particular groups of people in specific regions and timeframes. In recent years, however, definitions concerning what is and what is not culture have widened considerably, to the point where “culture” is now used to describe the behaviors of numerous life forms. For example, it has become common to refer to culture when describing the social structures of sperm whales and other animals, including insects.

But while animal culture denotes behaviors that are learned and socially transmitted, human cultural practices go further, transforming these behaviors into coded systems that are reproduced within specific group settings. This explains the emergence of tradition—a key element of culture that seems exclusive to humans. Traditions provide abstract mechanisms through which humans symbolically assimilate the concept of identity over time.

This deeply symbolic derivation is only observed in humans. Human societies imbue culture with a network of meanings that can be shared and understood symbolically by individuals belonging to a particular social structure (family, tribe, community, and nation). The further we go back in time, the more difficult it becomes to reestablish the abstract (contingent) connections that once linked these symbols to their meanings.

Over time, human culture has not only included the concrete manifestations of extrasomatic survival strategies but also encompassed abstract notions that are barely perceptible in archaeological records.

The emergence of stone tools more than 3 million years ago marks the birth of culture in the human lineage. When the first Homo habilis remains were discovered at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, in the early 1960s, its name, which means handyman, was based on the idea that this hominin was the first toolmaker. This justified its placement at the root of the human family tree: the first species of the genus Homo.

However, this anthropocentric denomination proved to be short-lived. As early as the 1970s, the probability that other genuses, like Australopithecines and Paranthropus, were also making tools, came to light in some archeological records. This likelihood continues to be supported by new data, including discoveries of sites yielding stone tools that predate the emergence of H. habilis.

Because they were systematically made using techniques that had to be learned and shared communally, these activities meet the standard definition of culture used by cultural anthropologists. Furthermore, the repetitive technologies employed to make stone tools are defined as traditions, adding further weight toward culture. From this stage forward, for a period spanning almost the entire evolutionary trajectory of our genus (some 2.8 million years), stone toolkits provide virtually the only material evidence that catalogs successive phases of human cultural evolution leading to the present.

Ancient stone tools are essential for tracking cultures and their interactions. In studying them, we can see how culture evolves on uneven pathways on a cumulative trajectory. As human societies grew and sharpened their technological capacity, their cultural repertoire expanded, a process characterized not only by the empirical remains of their material culture but also by increasingly elaborate symbolic behaviors that—we logically infer—mirror the emergence of human consciousness.

The complex interplay of inter- and intra-human population exchanges and the capacity for learning, along with curiosity and inventiveness, have combined through time to create our species’ current state. Despite the fragmentary nature of archeological records, studying ancient stone toolkits brings to light precious information allowing us to recognize culture in the deep past. Lithic specialists, for example, identify and describe the specific stylistic traits and chains of production in the toolkits, permitting scientific inferences that contribute to the knowledge about our cognitive evolution.

Archaeologists combine “cultural” data with fossil genomics to track and compare hominin lineages and reconstruct the 2.8 million-year-old story of our genus. They are seeing a braided account of populations distinguished by their cultural manifestations and divided into groups with divergent species across continents. Today, however, with only one species of Homo remaining on the planet (H. sapiens), the supposed intra-human differences no longer have any biological foundation and have been laid bare for what they are: purely symbolic cultural constructions.

Parallels are drawn to compare human expressions of culture and analogous behaviors in other life forms. This is demonstrated in primate studies and has often been recognized in the pioneering work of Jane Goodall in Gombe National Park, Tanzania, during the 1960s, when she observed wild chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) modifying branches and using them as tools to probe for termites in termite mounds. Some believe these observations could serve as a template for early hominin toolmaking behavior, a hypothesis supported by the close genetic proximity of chimpanzees to humans and their apparent physical similarities. Primate toolmaking capacity continues to be explored in the wild and in captivity, yielding probing results.

Interestingly, other animals, such as crows, practice surprisingly similar behaviors, also modifying leaves to probe into crevices to retrieve insects, and even inventing compound tools. These “crow tools” are uncannily similar to those made by chimpanzees; the manufacturing processes, aims, and outcomes are also comparable.

Undoubtedly, there is a considerable gap separating the degree to which humans have developed material and immaterial cultures and the behaviors we observe in other animals. Through time, only humans have developed toolmaking into a fundamental adaptive strategy resulting in the techno-dependent species we have become. More importantly, only humans imbue their manufactured objects and behaviors with symbolically relevant identitarian meaning.

Language is a central pillar in any discussion about human culture and its origins; its emergence has been linked to the evolution of stone tool technologies. As early Homo reaped the benefits of their toolmaking capacity, they also increased their ability to compete with other animals for resources and these advantages gave them more free time to develop innovative ways to expand their benefits. Through time, successive hominin ancestors invented new and increasingly complex toolkits, requiring individuals to spend more time learning to make them. This process eventually came to depend on vocal communication strategies.

Paleoanthropologists have demonstrated that the cerebral and anatomical configurations necessary for spoken language could have resulted from changes in craniofacial features occurring over millions of years, as early hominins adapted to upright stature and bipedal locomotion. As hominins came to rely on specific kinds of stone tools, the conditions that made language physically possible also led to its selection and development as an advantageous adaptive culture-sharing strategy.

When we think about what is unique about human culture, we often consider technology as central to characterizing civilizations. Technologies have evolved over time to synchronize culture in a way that assimilates individuals into discrete (but potentially huge) collaborative social units; in doing so, it plays a vital role in the mental construction of both personal and shared identities.

Sharing culture and technological know-how creates a common sense of time. Museums, historical sites, and fictional history present the past through symbols of progress or failure and thus serve to chart a shared timeline. Although archaeological records correspond to a series of sequential stages—advancing our species through a process of “progress”—there is no inherent hierarchy to these developments, either at the biological or the cultural levels.

For those educated within a cultural framework that explains prehistory as a linear and codependent set of chronological milestones—whose successive stages are understood by conjured logical systems of cause and effect—this outlook is going to take time to be accepted. It takes an intellectual leap to reject such hierarchical constructions of prehistory and to perceive the past as a system of nonsynchronous events closely tied to the shifting ecological and biological phenomena.

This endeavor, however, allows people to recognize and use the lessons offered by the past. Notably, the fact that complexity of modern human culture results from baseline learning processes bolstered through time by biosocial adaptations.

The long-term processes involved in human techno-selection have been compared to Darwinian natural selection: like biological evolution, technosocial innovations can emerge and persist, or remain latent in the human repertory. When specific conditions arise, they can be selected and, if successful, be developed into defining aspects of the human condition.

At each stage of evolution, latent technological capacities exist within the structure of cultural variability; in different regions or time frames, they are selected, used, and refined, leading human groups to choose divergent evolutionary pathways. Refining these skills can even trigger technological revolutions; when the changes lead to positive results, they can set off wider cultural transformations in the populations that use them.

Culture evolves along diachronic trends. Distinct evolutionary stages occur (or not) in different areas of the world, sometimes in very divergent chronological frameworks. Humans have learned to adapt to rapid cumulative technological change by developing complex social behaviors as an adaptive response that favors the survival of our species. This process may have started gradually, but with the accumulation of breakthroughs, it continues in leaps and bounds into the present day.

Triggering a social response that could evolve in parallel to technological progress resulted in the emergence and sharpening of cultural traditions and identities, spring-boarding our genus toward exponential increases in social complexity. The archaeological records and our own intuitive cerebral processes preserve the memory of our acquired anatomical and cultural developments. They are two sides of the same coin that evolved throughout human prehistory and beyond.

Like other primates, humans are social animals, and as individuals, we need to learn, imitate, and emulate “acceptable” behaviors within specific contexts. Culture represents the set of norms transmitted from generation to generation and dictates how individuals must behave to maintain social balance. Humanity shares and exchanges culture, but over time, we have also learned to exploit the constructed sets of cultural norms that define the social unit we belong to and justify the exclusion of people living in less favorable situations. Humanity uses culture to invent differences between people with identical biological makeup, needs, and desires.

We have an increasingly useful 7-million-year-old global data set to better understand ourselves and how to survive and improve our well-being. With time, it will be increasingly recognized that using this information as a reference and planning tool is advantageous for practically every endeavor.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top Left: Stone Age Culture. Franz26, Pixabay

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New footprints offer evidence of co-existing hominid species 1.5 million years ago

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Newly discovered footprints show that at least two hominid species were walking through the muddy submerged edge of a lake in Kenya’s Turkana Basin at the same time, about 1.5 million years ago. The find from the famous hominid fossil site of Koobi Fora described by Kevin Hatala and colleagues provides physical evidence for the co-existence of multiple hominid lineages in the region—something that has only been inferred previously from overlapping dates for scattered fossils. Based on information on gait and stance gleaned from the footprints, Hatala et al. think that the two species were Homo erectus and Paranthropus boisei. This is the first evidence of two different patterns of bipedalism among Pleistocene hominids appearing on the same footprint surface. After examining the new Koobi Fora footprints, the researchers analyzed other similar-age hominid footprints and conclude there is a distinct pattern of two different types of bipedalism across the East Turkana region. The overall analysis indicates that the different species were contemporaneously using these lake habitats, with varying possibilities of competition or niche partitioning that could have impacted trends in human evolution. William Harcourt-Smith discusses the implications of the footprints in a related Perspective.

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A footprint hypothesized to have been created by a Homo erectus individual. Kevin G. Hatala

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An aerial photo of the excavated trackway surface, with members of the research team along its perimeter. Louise N. Leakey

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A footprint hypothesized to have been created by a Paranthropus boisei individual. Kevin G. Hatala

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Members of the research team excavating the trackway surface. Neil T. Roach

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A trackway of footprints hypothesized to have been created by a Paranthropus boisei individual. Neil T. Roach

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

Wyoming research shows early North Americans made needles from fur-bearers

University of Wyoming—A Wyoming archaeological site where people killed or scavenged a Columbian mammoth nearly 13,000 years ago has produced yet another discovery that sheds light on the life of these early inhabitants of North America.

Wyoming State Archaeologist Spencer Pelton and colleagues at the University of Wyoming and other institutions have found that these Paleolithic humans made needles from the bones of fur-bearers — including foxes; hares or rabbits; and cats such as bobcats, mountain lions, lynx and possibly even the now-extinct American cheetah. The needles likely were used to create garments from the animals’ furs to keep the early foragers warm in what was a cool climate.

The findings appear in the journal PLOS ONE, a top-tier, peer-reviewed, open-access scientific journal published by the Public Library of Science.

“Our study* is the first to identify the species and likely elements from which Paleoindians produced eyed bone needles,” the researchers wrote. “Our results are strong evidence for tailored garment production using bone needles and fur-bearing animal pelts. These garments partially enabled modern human dispersal to northern latitudes and eventually enabled colonization of the Americas.”

The LaPrele site in Converse County preserves the remains of a killed or scavenged sub-adult mammoth and an associated camp occupied during the time the animal was butchered almost 13,000 years ago. Also discovered in the archaeological excavation — led by UW Department of Anthropology Professor Todd Surovell — was a bead made from a hare bone, the oldest known bead in the Americas.

Identification of the origins of both the bone bead and bone needles was made possible through the use of zooarchaeology by mass spectrometry, also known as ZooMS, and Micro-CT scanning. Collagen was extracted from the artifacts, and the chemical composition of the bone was analyzed.

The researchers examined 32 bone needle fragments collected at the LaPrele Mammoth site, comparing peptides — short chains of amino acids — from those artifacts with those of animals known to have existed during the Early Paleondian period, which refers to a prehistoric era in North America between 13,500 and 12,000 years ago.

The comparison concluded that bones from red foxes; bobcats, mountain lions, lynx or the American cheetah; and hares or rabbits were used to make needles at the LaPrele site. This is the first such analysis ever conducted.

“Despite the importance of bone needles to explaining global modern human dispersal, archaeologists have never identified the materials used to produce them, thus limiting understanding of this important cultural innovation,” the researchers wrote.

Previous research has shown that, in order to cope with cold temperatures in northern latitudes, humans likely created tailored garments with closely stitched seams, providing a barrier against the elements. While there’s little direct evidence of such garments, there is indirect evidence in the form of bone needles and the bones of fur-bearers whose pelts were used in the garments.

“Once equipped with such garments, modern humans had the capacity to expand their range to places from which they were previously excluded due to the threat of hypothermia or death from exposure,” Pelton and his colleagues wrote.

How did the people at the LaPrele site obtain the fur-bearing animals? Pelton and his colleagues say it was likely through trapping — and not necessarily in pursuit of food.

“Our results are a good reminder that foragers use animal products for a wide range of purposes other than subsistence, and that the mere presence of animal bones in an archaeological site need not be indicative of diet,” the researchers concluded. “Combined with a review of comparable evidence from other North American Paleoindian sites, our results suggest that North American Early Paleoindians had direct access to fur-bearing predators, likely from trapping, and represent some of the most detailed evidence yet discovered for Paleoindian garments.”

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This is an aerial view of the LaPrele archaeological site near Douglas, Wyoming. Todd Surovell

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An eyed needle made from the bone of a red fox found at the LaPrele archaeological site in Wyoming’s Converse County. Todd Surovell

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Article Source: University of Wyoming news release.

Findings shed new light on the evolution of the human brain

A new study* provides new insight on the evolution of brain size among human ancestors and related species over a period of about 7 million years. The research by a team of scientists, published in a study report by Thomas A. Püschel, et al. in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, employed a phylogenetic approach to paleoanthropological data from fossil specimens across a variety of hominin species through a timeline of approximately 7 million years.  The results indicated that relative brain size increases across this time span arose from differential increases recorded within individual species. They also found that any variation in brain size after accounting for this effect was associated with body mass differences, not time. Moreover, the analysis showed that the within-species increases escalated in the more recent lineages, suggesting an overall pattern of accelerated increasing brain size in the later time periods.

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*Thomas A. Püschel , et al., Hominin brain size increase has emerged from within-species encephalization, PNAS, 26-Nov-2024. https://www.pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.2409542121 

Cover Image, Top Left: Lateral cranial comparison of  hominin species. Hawks et al. (9 May 2017). “New fossil remains of Homo naledi from the Lesedi Chamber, South Africa”. eLife, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons 

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A complex structure created by Neanderthals discovered in Gibraltar

University of Seville—All cultures, however primitive, have used glues, resins and pitches obtained from various plants for their mechanical or medicinal properties. Neanderthals were no exception.

The Hunter-Gatherer Guide to Keeping Society Equal

Brenna R. Hassett, PhD, is a biological anthropologist and archaeologist at the University of Central Lancashire and a scientific associate at the Natural History Museum, London. In addition to researching the effects of changing human lifestyles on the human skeleton and teeth in the past, she writes for a more general audience about evolution and archaeology, including the Times (UK) top 10 science book of 2016 Built on Bones: 15,000 Years of Urban Life and Death, and her most recent book, Growing Up Human: The Evolution of Childhood. She is also a co-founder of TrowelBlazers, an activist archive celebrating the achievements of women in the “digging” sciences.

There is a great deal of attention in modern societies to inequality and the social problems it causes. Often inequality is considered to be the unavoidable consequence of how society operates in many cultures, with large population numbers and competition for resources requiring a hierarchy of successful and less-successful individuals. While our globalized world may seem dominated by this kind of society, there remain groups around the world who even today live very differently, despite continual and sometimes inescapable pressure. Anthropologists, whose science is the study of humans, have been fascinated by the diversity of ways our species have found to exist, and never more so than when confronted with cultures whose ethos and way of being are radically different from the urban societies that dominate our world: where words are weapons that actually win; where showing off your skills will get you mocked, and where every aspect of life is carefully organized so that no one person should ever have any more power than anyone else.

How do some people come to live in a group that has no one at the top, telling the rest what to do? Anthropologists call societies that do not have ranks egalitarian, which means that everyone in them is equal to everyone else. This is a form of social organization that is almost exclusively seen in groups of people who are not settled in one place, tied to one type of food or resource. Rather, they spend quite a lot of their time in small groups, moving around as suits their needs. These kinds of groups have been called hunter-gatherers, but a more accurate name might be foragers: they make their living by walking through their world and exploiting what comes to hand. More than a century of research into the groups who follow their food through the landscape, and do not tie themselves to one location or one crop, has built up a picture of societies that choose to organize themselves very differently from nation-states and kingdoms, and, most importantly, actively refuse to allow any sort of rank among themselves.

For a long time, there was an assumption that egalitarian societies were egalitarian simply because they were… simple. Living in small groups and moving constantly, they just couldn’t build up mountains of wealth to wield power over other people. And with very small numbers of people in a group—say no more than a few dozen—anthropologists theorized that it couldn’t be that complicated to run a society, so you wouldn’t need a chief or a king making big decisions. As archaeology has revealed the shape of our distant human past, it is clear that before about 15,000 years ago, every human on earth lived the same mobile lifestyle. Living with only what you can carry and constantly on the move would seem very taxing to the armchair academic of the previous century. The rather impolite implication then is that modern human societies who chose to live in these mobile, egalitarian societies, were simply the last vestiges of a primitive form of human social organization—people who hadn’t ‘evolved’ civilization.

It is actually quite remarkable that this idea that an equal society was an easy thing to maintain hung around for so long. One of the problems may have been that the groups who lived these mobile lifestyles were often in the process of being colonized and controlled when anthropologists arrived to study them, and so were in the middle of considerable social upheaval. But another problem may simply have been a failure of imagination. There was considerable shock when anthropologists like James Woodburn began to conduct fieldwork by actually learning the language of the group they were studying and going to observe and ask questions of the people themselves about how life worked in a small foraging group. His work with the Hadza people of what is now Tanzania set in motion a train of research that pointed out that life in a small group is anything but simple. Tempers flare, relationships break down, and when you depend on your group for survival, any social unrest could have fatal consequences.

Groups from around the world who maintain an egalitarian ethos have shown that rather than being too simple to ‘invent’ rank, they are instead too complex to allow one person or group of people to simply take charge. Keeping everyone in a group on equal footing requires a huge amount of effort, and has to be constantly maintained. The Ju/’hoansi people of southern Africa reckon it is particularly important to ‘cool young men’s hearts’; to stop them being prideful and boastful if they display some special skill, everyone agrees it’s very important to bring them back down to earth. A hunter is never allowed to distribute his own meat; instead, the distribution is done in public, with everyone watching. Among the Ju/’hoansi, the proper etiquette is to gently mock a successful hunter—for instance telling them the giraffe that they have killed and will be feeding several camps for days was actually a bit scrawny, perhaps.

Mockery seems to be one of the most critical tools in the political inventory for groups that actively try to achieve equality. Jerome Lewis, an anthropologist who lived with the Mbendjele of Northern Congo for several years, tells how poor behavior is subtly (or not so subtly) corrected by women who act out whatever foolish or misguided thing someone has done. The improvisational theater always has an appreciative audience, and all of the group will laugh resoundingly at the person who has done something wrong. What might seem a recipe for social disaster in a group that must get along in order to survive is anything but; the mockery only ends when the person who is being made fun of eventually gives up and laughs along with the rest of the group.

We can now see that in those groups that refuse to have ranks among themselves, there are many ways that equality can be actively maintained, but they are almost entirely social. Many groups have a policy similar to that of the Ju/’hoansi when it comes to sharing meat or indeed, anything else that is in the camp—that it would be the height of rudeness not to. Those who transgress against the rules of society may have to face their whole society laughing at them. Even when and where groups choose to move is determined partly by social concerns. If you live in a small group, it is very important to stay connected to friends and family who live somewhere else, in case, for instance, you decide you just can’t stand who you are living with at the moment. It seems that the last human societies on earth to live the mobile lifestyles that our species maintained for hundreds of thousands of years do so largely as equals—but equals who must be very careful to stay that way.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Hadza hunter-gatherers. kiwiexplorer, CC BY-SA 2.0

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Focaccia: a Neolithic culinary tradition dating back 9,000 years ago

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona—A study* led by researchers from the UAB and the University La Sapienza in Rome indicates that during the Late Neolithic, between 7000 and 5000 BCE, the fully agricultural communities in the Fertile Crescent region of the Near East, developed a complex culinary tradition that included the baking of large loaves of bread and “focaccias” with different flavours on special trays known to archaeologists as husking trays.

Viking colonizers of Iceland and nearby Faroe Islands had very different origins, study finds

Frontiers—The ancient Vikings certainly had the travel bug. Between the late eighth century and approximately 1050 CE, they roamed the Atlantic in their longships all the way to Newfoundland, Labrador, and Greenland, as well as exploring the Mediterranean and continental Eurasia.

Among the places the Vikings are known to have settled were the Faroe Islands, an archipelago of 18 islands in the North Atlantic. They probably weren’t the first to do so: archaeologists have found evidence that these islands had been inhabited since approximately 300 CE, possibly by Celtic monks or others from the British Isles. But according to the Færeyinga Saga, written around 1200, a Viking chief called Grímur Kamban settled in the Faroe Islands between approximately 872 and 930 CE.

But where in Scandinavia did Grímur and his followers come from?

“Here we provide strong evidence that the Faroe Islands were colonized by a diverse group of male settlers from multiple Scandinavian populations,” said Dr Christopher Tillquist, an associate professor at the University of Louisville in Kentucky and the lead author of a new study in Frontiers in Genetics.

Tillquist’s co-authors were Dr Allison Mann from the University of Wyoming and Dr Eyðfinn Magnussen from the University of the Faroe Islands.

The scientists determined the genotype at 12 ‘short tandem repeat’ (STR) loci on the Y-chromosome of 139 men from the Faroese islands of Borðoy, Streymoy, and Suðuroy. They assigned each man to the most likely haplogroup, each of which has different known distribution across today’s Europe.

The researchers compared the distribution of genotypes to those found in 412 men from Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland, and Ireland. This allowed them to reconstruct the source population of the Viking population founders.

Advanced analyses showed that the range of Faroese samples resembled the range of genotypes from broader Scandinavian, whereas the Icelandic genotypes where distinct.

The authors also developed a powerful innovative genetic method, called ‘Mutational Distance from Modal Haplotype’ to analyze variation in SNPs (single-nucleotide polymorphisms) within the STRs. This allowed them to reveal a ‘founder effect’ – traces of random loss of diversity during historic colonization by a small number of people – persisting in the genetic make-up of today’s Faroese and Icelandic male populations.

“Scientists have long assumed that the Faroe Islands and Iceland were both settled by similar Norse people. Yet our novel analysis has shown that these islands were founded by men from different gene pools within Scandinavia,” said Tillquist.

“One group, diverse in their Scandinavian origins, established themselves in the Faroe Islands, while another and more genetically divergent band of Vikings colonized Iceland. They have separate genetic signatures that persist to this day.”

“There doesn’t seem to have been any interbreeding afterwards between these two populations, despite their geographic proximity. Our results demonstrate that Viking expansion into the North Atlantic was more complex than previously thought.”

“Each longship that set sail for these distant islands carried not just Vikings, but distinct genetic legacies. We can now trace these separate journeys of conquest and settlement, revealing a more nuanced story of Viking exploration than told by the history books.”

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The landscape on the Faroe Islands today. Eyðfinn Magnussen

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

Cities Made Differently: Try Imagining Another Urban Existence

David Graeber was an anthropologist and activist and is a bestselling author.

Nika Dubrovsky is an artist, writer, and founder of the David Graeber Institute and the Museum of Care.

In thousands of ways, we are taught to accept the world we live in as the only possible one, but thousands of other ways of organizing homes, cities, schools, societies, economies, and cosmologies have existed and could exist.

We started a project called Made Differently: designed to play with the possibility and to overcome the suspicion—instilled in us every day—that life is limited, miserable, and boring.

Our first focus is Cities Made Differently, exploring different ways of living together. Read and imagine four different kinds of cities taken from our book which are listed below, and continue your exploration, downloadable at a4kids.org, for drawing and dreaming.

City of Greed

What if you had to live in a city whose citizens must pay not only for housing and health care but also for the air they breathe?

The dystopian novel The Air Merchant takes place in a secret underground factory city. Mr. Bailey, the factory owner, condenses air from the atmosphere and sells it to his fellow citizens for a profit. Eventually, the Earth’s atmosphere thins, creating a catastrophic shortage of breathable air. With the price of air increasing, fewer and fewer humans can afford to keep breathing.

When people can’t pay for the air they breathe, the police throw them out of the city. Everyone lives in constant fear of suffocating, thinking only of how to earn enough money to spare their loved ones and themselves that terrible fate. The food company Nestlé is often criticized for its irresponsible use of water in India, Pakistan, and other developing countries. Captured in the documentary film We Feed the World (2005), former Nestlé chairman Peter Brabeck-Letmathe said:

“It’s a question of whether we should privatize the normal water supply for the population. And there are two different opinions on the matter… NGOs, who bang on about declaring water a public right… That’s an extreme solution. The other view says that water is a foodstuff like any other, and like any other foodstuff, it should have a market value. Personally, I believe it’s better to give a foodstuff a value so that we’re all aware it has its price…”

City as a Family

Imagine a city without any strangers, where everything is shared, and everyone looks after each other. There are no shops, no money, and no danger at all.

We think of the family as a group that practices “basic communism”: from each according to his ability to each according to his needs. Any family is thought to be protected by bonds of kinship from the cruel laws of the outside world. Unlike businesses, rarely will a family throw out a sick child or an elderly parent because they are no longer “revenue-generating assets.”

According to Roman law, which still underlies the value system of Western societies, a family was all those people living within the household of a paterfamilias or father whose authority over them was recognized as absolute. Under the protection of her father, a woman might be spared abuse from her husband, but their children, slaves, and other dependents were his to do with as he wanted.

According to early Roman law, a father was fully within his rights to whip, torture, or sell them. A father could even execute his children, provided that he found them to have committed capital crimes. With his slaves, he didn’t even need that excuse.

The patriarchal family is also the model for authoritarianism. In ancient Rome, the patriarch had the right to treat his household members as property rather than as equal human beings.

The Enlightenment philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau believed that humankind originally lived in small bands of hunter-gatherers composed of close friends and relatives until big cities and agriculture emerged, and with them wars, greed, and exploitation.

However, archaeology shows us numerous examples of how people in different times and across different parts of the Earth lived in large metropolitan areas while managing their collective affairs on a fairly egalitarian basis. At the same time, there have always been small communities where status inequality prevailed and a privileged minority at the top benefited by exploiting the rest.

We know from our personal experience that in almost every family there are elements of both authoritarianism and baseline communism. This contradiction never fully goes away but different cultures handle it differently.

A City оf Runners

The people who live in this city believe that real life is all about constant competition.

The people in a city of runners find it fascinating or even necessary to keep track of who among them is more important, who is richer, smarter, more beautiful, or more worthy. There are many ideas about how the city came to have habits like this.

One of the city’s revered philosophers, Thomas Hobbes, believed that the natural state of human beings is to seek violent domination over their neighbors, and that society without the authority of the sovereign would quickly turn into a battle of all against all. Constant competition between people is thus seen as an enjoyable game as compared to real war, which is always lurking around the corner.

Naturally, in cities like this, there must be some who are poor, ugly, and unhappy. Just as in some children’s games, there are winners and losers.

People living in the city of runners foster an admiration for winning in their kids, and an ambition to surpass their peers in all areas. Children in the city of runners have no interest in learning together, sharing, or mutual aid. Helping someone pass an exam is considered “cheating” and is strictly punished. All their lives, adults are engaged in constant competition over beauty, skill, and wealth.

Runners believe that people who live differently from them and who refuse to play their games simply choose to be losers. During the 1968 student unrest in Western countries, some disaffected young people abandoned the big cities for the “sleepy” provinces where they created autonomous settlements, many of which still exist today.

Underground City

Living in an underground city could be safe and convenient. Without weather, there’s no risk of storms. And no trees mean no forest fires.

Underground cities have been around practically forever. The city of Derinkuyu in the Turkish province of Cappadocia, for example, was built between 2000 and 1000 BCE. The landscape of volcanic tuff—a unique soft stone—could be hollowed out without requiring complex tools, making room to house 20,000 people. The underground city boasted a stable, corrals, churches, schools, canteens, bakeries, barns, wine cellars, and workshops. The intricate system of tunnels connecting it all together meant that intruders would not know their way around and quickly get lost.

Tunnels are found underneath many cities. Rome is famous for its catacombs, and at one time subterranean burial chambers were commonplace. These days, tunnels tend to be for underground trains called subways. In Beijing, the residents became so fearful of nuclear war that they built an entire bunker city, with 30 kilometers of tunnels connecting underground houses, schools, hospitals, shops, libraries, theaters, and factories. There’s even an underground roller skating rink!

Mexico City has not gone as far as to build an entire city underground, but architect Esteban Suarez is planning an underground apartment building. And what a building it will be! Piercing the center of the Mexican capital with its tip will be a 65-story pyramid—no wonder they call it the earthscraper. The glass-enclosed area above the surface will be for recreation and outdoor concerts.

Underground, the building will be heated and powered with geothermal energy, making the pyramid energy self-sufficient. It’s not easy building downward into the earth, but building underground won’t disrupt the historical landscape of the city. And it evades the city’s building codes restricting the height of structures to eight floors.

Mirny, a town in the Russian far north, has its eye on an abandoned diamond mine as the site for an underground city. There are no more diamonds to be found, but its abandonment threatens neighboring villages with cave-ins and landslides. Moscow architect Nikolai Lyutomsky has proposed a solution: building a strong concrete skeleton inside the quarry to strengthen its walls while covering its top with a transparent dome, resulting in an underground eco-city fit for 10,000 people.

Located in the Yakutia Republic, the town has a harsh arctic climate with temperatures reaching as low as -60 degrees Celsius in the winter. But underground, the temperature never falls below zero. The quarry would thus be good for both people and plants. Its architects have allocated most of the city’s inner space to vertical farms. Farms for food production, technical laboratories, factories, and research centers are located underground and, aboveground, there will be play centers and schools. Moving between the underground and the surface is quick and easy.

Going underground to avoid possible misfortunes—might seem like a good idea, but there’s a catch: if you don’t like the rules of your community it’s tough to get out. How important is it to be able to easily leave one community, whose rules no longer suit you, and join a different one?

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This excerpt is adapted from Nika Dubrovsky and David Graeber’s Cities Made Differently (MIT Press, 2024, all rights reserved) and is distributed in partnership with Human Bridges.

Source: MIT Press

Cover Image, Top Left: City Window. Barbaracascao, Pixabay

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An ancient, massive fish-trapping network found in a Belizean wetland likely aided the rise of the Maya

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Scientists have uncovered traces of an expansive fish-trapping network created by ancient Mesoamericans in what is now modern-day Belize. Located in an incredibly biodiverse wetland, this extensive system provided Archaic hunter-gatherer-fishers with significant food and likely supported the rise of Mayan civilization in the following Formative period. Belize’s Crooked Tree Wildlife Sanctuary (CTWS) has a 10,000-year-long record of human occupation that began in the Archaic Period around 8000 BCE to 1800 BCE and included the Formative Period from 1800 BCE to 150 CE. Using drones and Google Earth imagery, Eleanor Harrison-Buck and colleagues discovered an ancient and vast network of earthen channels used by ancient Mesoamericans for fish trapping. They also excavated 3 of these channels for radiocarbon dating. Evidence indicated that Archaic and Late Archaic hunter-gatherer-fishers built this network, which were subsequently used by the Maya to harvest fish. Notably, these channels predate similar ones in Amazonia by 1,000 years. Harrison-Buck et al. saw signs of a centuries-long drought in excavated sediment samples that started in 2200 BCE. They argue that the drought might have shifted societal focus from maize-based agriculture to aquatic food production. They calculate that the CTWS network could have yielded enough fish to feed around 15,000 people annually. “To be clear, we are not claiming that 15,000 people were congregating at any one time in the CTWS during the Late Archaic. However, there is evidence for such population growth in the Maya area by Middle to Late Formative times,” the authors note. “Fisheries were more than capable of supporting year-round sedentarism and the emergence of complex society characteristic of Pre-Columbian Maya civilization in this area.”

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Seasonal floodplain landscapes with earthen fish weirs that resemble those in the CTWS. Satellite imagery includes (A) a contemporary fishery in Zambia, Africa; (B) an ancient fishery in the Bolivian Amazon; and (C) the ancient fishery in the Western Lagoon, CT WS, Belize (all images courtesy of Google Earth). All images courtesy of Google Earth. Harrison-Buck et al., Sci. Adv. 10, eadq1444

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Digital Elevation Model (DEM) of a pond feature in the Western Lagoon. Harrison-Buck et al., Sci. Adv. 10, eadq1444 (2024)

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Linear wetland features identified in remote sensing data as probable fish-trapping facilities from areas across the Maya Lowlands. An overview map (top) with inset maps below showing linear channels identified in (A) the Candelaria and neighboring San Pedro Drainage, (B) the Rio Hondo and Bacalar, and (C) the New River and Western Lagoon in the CT WS (all images courtesy of the BREA project). All images courtesy of the BREA project. Harrison-Buck et al., Sci. Adv. 10, eadq1444 (2024)

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

World’s Oldest Synagogue Found to Be Part of Ancient Jewish Quarter

Volnoe Delo Foundation, Taman, Russia, 1November 2024, — Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation has announced the findings from the latest excavation season by the Phanagoria Archaeological Expedition. Continuing their research of the ancient synagogue unearthed last year, the archaeologists concluded it was part of a larger Jewish quarter, which included a winery, garden, residential houses, and public buildings.

The ancient Phanagoria synagogue was built no later than the early 1st century AD and was destroyed by barbarian tribes in the 6th century. It was located in the city’s most affluent neighborhood, at the junction of two main streets. It featured opulent architectural features, with the columns, a table for Torah readings, menorahs and bas-reliefs all crafted from imported marble. The synagogue was part of Phanagoria’s Jewish quarter, which also included a vineyard, a garden with clay pithoi used for irrigation, various buildings, and a water distribution network.

The eastern section of the synagogue housed the Torah ark, while the western area served as a space for ceremonial feasts and receptions of foreign guests. Among the remains of the floor, cracked open by the invaders back in the day, 58 copper coins were discovered. Some were found near the bimah, benches, and the threshold, in line with the Jewish tradition to protect the synagogue against the evil eye (‘ayin ha-ra’). A few more were located near the lid of the alms receptacle (‘tzedakah’).

The Jewish community in Phanagoria was one of the largest in the Mediterranean region, as evidenced by numerous tombstones bearing Jewish symbols. These often depict a seven-branched candlestick (menorah), a horn (shofar) and a palm branch. A unique find by the Phanagoria expedition was an amphora with a Hebrew inscription on its seal, translating to God:justice‘. It is believed that such amphorae were used by wandering Jewish merchants, the Radhanites, to import kosher food to Phanagoria.

Several Jewish manumissions dating back to the 1st and 2nd centuries AD were also discovered in the Jewish quarter. These documents granted freedom to slaves on the condition that they continue serving at the synagogue. This missionary work allowed the Jewish community to ensure safety during times of persecution against Jews. The Jewish community of that time adhered to all the laws and traditions of the Jewish people, while also respecting local customs and striving to create comfortable lives for everyone, noted Menachem Mendel Lazar, Chief Rabbi of Krasnodar and the Krasnodar Territory. “This reflects the wisdom of our sacred Talmud: ‘When you come to a city, do as the locals do.’”

In the 6th century, Phanagoria was raided by a neighboring barbarian tribe. During the attack, the invaders used palintonon-type throwing machines to hurl stone balls at the city. Most of the projectiles were discovered near the synagogue, suggesting that the Phanagorians sought refuge behind from the relentless bombardment. The city was completely destroyed and remained in ruins for 130 years before being restored. From the 7th to 9th centuries, until the city’s eventual decline, Judaism was one of the state religions of the Bosporan Kingdom, to which Phanagoria belonged.

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The excavation site. Credit Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation

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A sampling of the copper coins. Credit Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation

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Examining artifacts from the excavation. Credit Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation

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Amphorae from the excavation. Credit Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation

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Article Source: Volnoe Delo Foundation news release.

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About the Phanagoria Archaeological Expedition

The ancient city of Phanagoria, studied with the support of Oleg Deripaska’s Volnoe Delo Foundation, existed for over 1,500 years, and served as the capital of the Asian part of the Bosporan Kingdom, the oldest state formation on the territory of modern-day Russia. Today, it is the largest ancient monument in the country.

Among the most remarkable discoveries of the Phanagoria Expedition are the palace of King Mithridates VI, two ancient Greek temples, and a sunken ancient ship. Artifacts from Phanagoria are preserved in the Hermitage, the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, and museums in the United Kingdom, Germany, and other countries.

About the Volnoe Delo Foundation

Volnoe Delo, a foundation supporting social innovation, was founded by industrialist Oleg Deripaska. Today it is one of the largest organisations in Russia operating in the field of charity, philanthropy and volunteering. The foundation helps solve socially significant problems, supports education and science and contributes to the preservation of Russia’s cultural and historical heritage. The foundation has supported 500 projects in 50 Russian regions, benefiting 90,000 pupils, 4,000 teachers, 8,000 university and school students, 4,000 scientists, and 1,200 educational, scientific, cultural, healthcare, sports and other organisations.

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Deciphering the Untold of the Ancients

The world will likely never know how much human history has been lost because evidence has vanished to the elements of nature or the succeeding constructions of later societies — or to the fact that the untold stories have abbreviated our knowledge of certain civilizations because their written scripts and languages have remained undeciphered. Ancient civilizations like the Minoans, Etruscans, the Rapa Nui, and many others come to mind.

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“I like problem-solving, I like codes, I like puzzles,” says Valério. 

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Cover Image, Top Left: Linear A inscription on a clay tablet from Crete, probably 15th century BC. Archaeological Museum of Heraklion. Zde, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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USF study confirms Egyptians drank hallucinogenic cocktails in ancient rituals

University of South Florida—TAMPA, Fla. (Nov. 15, 2024) – A University of South Florida professor found the first-ever physical evidence of hallucinogens in an Egyptian mug, validating written records and centuries-old myths of ancient Egyptian rituals and practices. Through advanced chemical analyses, Davide Tanasi examined one of the world’s few remaining Egyptian Bes mugs.

Humans burned vegetation to change the landscape as they moved into Lutruwita (Tasmania) 41,000 years ago

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—New research confirms that ancient peoples used fire as a tool to manipulate landscapes during their migration into Lutruwita (Tasmania) beginning roughly 41,000 years ago. The practice of burning by early Palawa/Pakana communities then led to an ecological shift from woody to open vegetation. To reconstruct this ancient path of migration and ecological change, Matthew Adeleye and colleagues examined sediment samples from sites in Emerald Swamp and laymina paywuta in the Bass Strait Islands, which were once part of the land bridge that ancient people traversed to reach Lutruwita from the Australian continent. They found records of charcoal accumulation that pointed towards an abrupt increase in fires from vegetation burning around 41,600 years ago. This was followed by shift from woody, closed vegetation to open vegetation in landscapes roughly 2,000 years later. “Fire would have been an important tool used by early Palawa/Pakana communities to penetrate and manage the dense wet forest to promote open vegetation supporting key prey species and to access different raw materials and shelter,” the authors write, noting these observations corroborate existing findings from Lutruwita about Palawa/Pakana land management during the past 11,000 years.

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Article Source: AAAS news release.