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A glimpse into the wardrobe of King David and King Solomon, 3000 years ago

TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY—”King Solomon made for himself the carriage; he made it of wood from Lebanon. Its posts he made of silver, its base of gold. Its seat was upholstered with purple, its interior inlaid with love.” (Song of Songs 3:9-10)

For the first time, rare evidence has been found of fabric dyed with royal purple dating from the time of King David and King Solomon.

While examining the colored textiles from Timna Valley – an ancient copper production district in southern Israel – in a study that has lasted several years, the researchers were surprised to find remnants of woven fabric, a tassel and fibers of wool dyed with royal purple. Direct radiocarbon dating confirms that the finds date from approximately 1000 BCE, corresponding to the biblical monarchies of David and Solomon in Jerusalem. The dye, which is produced from species of mollusk found in the Mediterranean, over 300 km from Timna, is often mentioned in the Bible and appears in various Jewish and Christian contexts. This is the first time that purple-dyed Iron Age textiles have been found in Israel, or indeed throughout the Southern Levant. The research was carried out by Dr. Naama Sukenik from the Israel Antiquities Authority and Prof. Erez Ben-Yosef, from the Jacob M. Alkow Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures at Tel Aviv University, in collaboration with Prof. Zohar Amar, Dr. David Iluz and Dr. Alexander Varvak from Bar-Ilan University and Dr. Orit Shamir from the Israel Antiquities Authority. The unexpected finds are being published today in the prestigious PLOS ONE journal.

“This is a very exciting and important discovery,” explains Dr. Naama Sukenik, curator of organic finds at the Israel Antiquities Authority. “This is the first piece of textile ever found from the time of David and Solomon that is dyed with the prestigious purple dye. In antiquity, purple attire was associated with the nobility, with priests, and of course with royalty. The gorgeous shade of the purple, the fact that it does not fade, and the difficulty in producing the dye, which is found in minute quantities in the body of mollusks, all made it the most highly valued of the dyes, which often cost more than gold. Until the current discovery, we had only encountered mollusk-shell waste and potsherds with patches of dye, which provided evidence of the purple industry in the Iron Age. Now, for the first time, we have direct evidence of the dyed fabrics themselves, preserved for some 3000 years”.

Prof. Erez Ben-Yosef from Tel Aviv University’s Archaeology Department says, “Our archaeological expedition has been excavating continuously at Timna since 2013. As a result of the region’s extremely dry climate, we are also able to recover organic materials such as textile, cords and leather from the Iron Age, from the time of David and Solomon, providing us with a unique glimpse into life in biblical times. If we excavated for another hundred years in Jerusalem, we would not discover textiles from 3000 years ago. The state of preservation at Timna is exceptional and it is paralleled only by that at much later sites such as Masada and the Judean Desert Caves. In recent years, we have been excavating a new site inside Timna known as ‘Slaves’ Hill’. The name may be misleading, since far from being slaves, the laborers were highly skilled metalworkers. Timna was a production center for copper, the Iron Age equivalent of modern-day oil. Copper smelting required advanced metallurgical understanding that was a guarded secret, and those who held this knowledge were the ‘Hi-Tech’ experts of the time. Slaves’ Hill is the largest copper-smelting site in the valley and it is filled with piles of industrial waste such as slag from the smelting furnaces. One of these heaps yielded three scraps of colored cloth. The color immediately attracted our attention, but we found it hard to believe that we had found true purple from such an ancient period”.

According to the researchers, true purple [argaman] was produced from three species of mollusk indigenous to the Mediterranean Sea: The Banded Dye-Murex (Hexaplex trunculus), the Spiny Dye-Murex (Bolinus brandaris) and the Red-Mouthed Rock-Shell (Stramonita haemastoma). The dye was produced from a gland located within the body of the mollusk by means of a complex chemical process that lasted several days. Today, most scholars agree that the two precious dyes, purple [argaman] and light blue, or azure [tekhelet] were produced from the purple dye mollusk under different conditions of exposure to light. When exposed to light, azure is obtained whereas without light exposure, a purple hue is obtained. These colors are often mentioned together in the ancient sources, and both have symbolic and religious significance to this day. The Temple priests, David and Solomon, and Jesus of Nazareth are all described as having worn clothing colored with purple.

The analytical tests conducted at Bar Ilan University’s laboratories, together with dyes that were reconstructed by Prof. Zohar Amar and Dr. Naama Sukenik, can identify the species used to dye the Timna textiles and the desired hues. In order to reconstruct the mollusk dyeing process, Prof. Amar traveled to Italy where he cracked thousands of mollusks (which the Italians eat) and produced raw material from their dye glands that was used in hundreds of attempts to reconstruct ancient dyeing. “The practical work took us back thousands of years,” says Prof. Amar, “and it has allowed us to better understand obscure historical sources associated with the precious colors of azure and purple.”

The dye was identified with an advanced analytical instrument (HPLC) that indicated the presence of unique dye molecules, originating only in certain species of mollusk. According to Dr. Naama Sukenik, “Most of the colored textiles found at Timna, and in archaeological research in general, were dyed using various plant-based dyes that were readily available and easier to dye with. The use of animal-based dyes is regarded as much more prestigious, and served as an important indicator for the wearer’s high economic and social status. The remnants of the purple-dyed cloth that we found are not only the most ancient in Israel, but in the Southern Levant in general. We also believe that we have succeeded in identifying the double-dyeing method in one of the fragments, in which two species of mollusk were used in a sophisticated way, to enrich the dye. This technology is described by the Roman historian Pliny the Elder, from the first century CE, and the dye it produced was considered the most prestigious.”

Prof. Ben-Yosef identifies the copper-production center at Timna as part of the biblical Kingdom of Edom, which bordered the kingdom of Israel to the south. According to him, the dramatic finds should revolutionize our concepts of nomadic societies in the Iron Age. “The new finds reinforce our assumption that there was an elite at Timna, attesting to a stratified society. In addition, since the mollusks are indigenous to the Mediterranean, this society obviously maintained trade relations with other peoples who lived on the coastal plain. However, we do not have evidence of any permanent settlements in the Edomite territory. The Edomite Kingdom was a kingdom of nomads in the early Iron Age. When we think of nomads, it is difficult for us to free ourselves from comparisons with contemporary Bedouins, and we therefore find it hard to imagine kings without magnificent stone palaces and walled cities. Yet in certain circumstances, nomads can also create a complex socio-political structure, one that the biblical writers could identify as a kingdom. Of course, this whole debate has repercussions for our understanding of Jerusalem in the same period. We know that the Tribes of Israel were originally nomadic and that the process of settlement was gradual and prolonged. Archaeologists are looking for King David’s palace. However, David may not have expressed his wealth in splendid buildings, but with objects more suited to a nomadic heritage such as textiles and artifacts.” According to Ben-Yosef, “It is wrong to assume that if no grand buildings and fortresses have been found, then biblical descriptions of the United Monarchy in Jerusalem must be literary fiction. Our new research at Timna has showed us that even without such buildings, there were kings in our region who ruled over complex societies, formed alliances and trade relations, and waged war on each other. The wealth of a nomadic society was not measured in palaces and monuments made of stone, but in things that were no less valued in the ancient world – such as the copper produced at Timna and the purple dye that was traded with its copper smelters.”

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Wool fibers dyed with Royal Purple,~1000 BCE, Timna Valley, Israel. Dafna Gazit, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority

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Wool textile fragment decorated by threads dyed with Royal Purple, ~1000 BCE, Timna Valley, Israel. Dafna Gazit, courtesy of the Israel Antiquities Authority

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Excavating Slaves’ Hill. Sagi Bornstein, courtesy of the Central Timna Valley Project.

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Article Source: TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY news release

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Ancient indigenous New Mexican community knew how to sustainably coexist with wildfire

SOUTHERN METHODIST UNIVERSITY, DALLAS—Wildfires are the enemy when they threaten homes in California and elsewhere. But a new study led by SMU suggests that people living in fire-prone places can learn to manage fire as an ally to prevent dangerous blazes, just like people who lived nearly 1,000 years ago.

“We shouldn’t be asking how to avoid fire and smoke,” said SMU anthropologist and lead author Christopher Roos. “We should ask ourselves what kind of fire and smoke do we want to coexist with.”

An interdisciplinary team of scientists published a study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences documenting centuries of fire management by Native American farmers. The team included scientists from SMU, the University of Arizona, Harvard University, Simon Fraser University, the US Geological Survey, Baylor University, the University of Illinois, and the University of South Florida.

Jemez people learned how to live with and manage fire long ago

Ancestors of the Native American community in the Jemez Mountains of northern New Mexico lived continuously in fire-prone forests for more than five centuries. Similar to today’s communities in the western U.S. forests, Pueblos of the Jemez people had relatively high population densities, and the forested landscape they managed was an area larger than the city of Chicago.

Starting in the 1100s, the Jemez people limited fire spread and improved forest resilience to climate variability by creating purposeful burning of small patches of the forest around their community, researchers found.

“The area around each village would have been a fire-free zone,” Roos said. “There were no living trees within two football fields of each village, and the hundreds or thousands of trampling feet mean that fine fuels, such as grasses, herbs, and shrubs, to carry surface fires would have been rare too. The agricultural areas would have seen targeted applications of fire to clean fields after harvest, to recycle plant nutrients as fertilizer, and to clear new fields.”

Roos calls those controlled burns “the right kind of fire and smoke.” The Jemez practice of burning wood for heat, light, and cooking in their homes also removed much of the fuel that could burn in wildfires, he said.

Roos said the ancient Jemez model could work today. Many communities in the western United States, including those of Native Americans, still rely on wood-burning to generate heat during the winter, he said. Regularly setting small, low-intensity fires in a patchwork around where people live to clear out flammable material would also follow the Jemez model, he said.

“Some sort of public-private tribal partnership might do a lot of good, empowering tribal communities to oversee the removal of the small trees that have overstocked the forests and made them vulnerable to dangerous fires, while also providing wood fuel for people who need it,” Roos said.

Since 2018, wildfires have destroyed more than 50,000 structures in California alone. Global warming is only expected to make the amount and severity of wildfires worse.

Almost every major study of fire activity over the last 10,000 years indicates that climate drives fire activity, particular larger fires. Yet, many examples from traditional societies suggest the role of climate can be blunted or buffered by a patchwork of small, purposeful burns before the peak natural fire season. In the Jemez Mountains, the climate influence was weakened and large fires were rare when Jemez farmers used fire preemptively in many small patches, effectively clearing out the materials that fuel today’s megafires.

In contrast, today’s forests are filled with these young trees, increasing the chances they can generate huge flames and waves of flaming embers that can catch homes on fire.

The scientists used a variety of methods to document how Jemez people handled smoke and fire centuries ago, including interviewing tribal elders at Jemez Pueblo. The team also compared tree-ring fire records with paleoclimate records, which indicated that fire activity was disconnected from climate during the time when Jemez’s population was at a peak. In addition, charcoal and pollen records show that Jemez people began using fire to establish an agricultural landscape and to promote habitats for large animals, such as mule deer and elk.

Roos noted that tolerance of fire and smoke hazards probably went hand-in-hand with recognition of the benefits of fire and smoke.

“Paul Tosa, former governor of Jemez Pueblo, said ‘Fire brings richness to the land,'” Roos noted. “We could do very well to learn from the wisdom of Jemez peoples and change our relationship to fire and smoke at the wildland-urban interface.”

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Christopher Roos, professor of anthropology at SMU (Southern Methodist University). Christopher Roos

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Article Source: SOUTHERN METHODIST UNIVERSITY news release

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Theban Mapping Project Website Relaunched

The American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE) announces the relaunch of the Theban Mapping Project (TMP) website, providing a new resource for educators, students, and researchers by showcasing and detailing what is currently known about the tombs of New Kingdom Egypt’s ancient pharaohs and their families. 

“With the launch of the redesigned Theban Mapping Project website, ARCE is pleased to make available once again to the world this important data set,” said Dr. David A. Anderson, Associate Professor of Archaeology, University of Wisconsin-La Crosse. “With something for both school children and academics alike, the TMP is a wealth of information about the burial places of some of Egypt’s most famous ancient rulers.” 

The TMP website is not an entirely new creation. It was first developed in response to the massive outpouring of worldwide public interest in 1989 with the rediscovery and excavation by the TMP team of the entrance to KV5, the family mausoleum for the sons of Rameses II. The excavation revealed that KV5 was the largest known tomb in the Valley of the Kings, and the website, then known as KV5.com, was established to provide worldwide access to information about TMP’s work. The website, however, crashed in 2010 and could not be restored—until now.   

“The American University in Cairo, long home of the Theban Mapping Project, is delighted that ARCE has resurrected and improved the TMP website, and is providing a permanent home for it,” says Dr. Salima Ikram, Distinguished University Professor at the American University in Cairo. “This is a wonderful opportunity for the TMP, ARCE, and the American University in Cairo to collaborate in the promotion of the study of ancient Egypt worldwide, with the new, accessible website providing fresh generations of students, scholars, and lovers of ancient Egypt with a unique way in which to learn about ancient Egypt.” 

The Theban Mapping Project was established in 1978 by Egyptologist Dr. Kent R. Weeks at the University of California, Berkeley, with the original mandate to create an archaeological map of the Valley of the Kings.  In 1985, it was moved to the American University in Cairo

The TMP team initiated work in Luxor’s West Bank in 1979, mapping the terrain and creating resulting architectural plans of the ancient tombs it contained, beginning with the Valley of the Kings. In March and June 1978, the project commenced its first season with a team of eight consisting of Dr. Weeks, a chief surveyor, a cartographer, three assistant surveyors and architects, an inspector of antiquities from the Egyptian Antiquities Organization (the predecessor of the Supreme Council of Antiquities) and an Egyptologist. During the first season, the survey grid was laid out, upon which all future work has been built. This grid was constructed on the existing grid created at the Temple of Karnak. Eight tombs in the Valley of the Kings were surveyed during this season (KV1, KV2, KV3, KV4, KV5, KV6, KV46 and KV55). In 1979, the second season of work was carried out on the Berkeley Map of the Theban Necropolis which focused on obtaining complete aerial photographic coverage of the entire necropolis. Another ten tombs in the Valley of the Kings were surveyed, planned and the survey grid network was extended north and south to the limits of the Theban necropolis. It was in 1989 when the TMP team rediscovered the entrance to KV5 and began excavating. 

The work in the Valley of the Kings has been ongoing, with seasonal and daily activity largely unseen by the world. But the new website will change that.

“On the new TMP website, individuals of all ages, from elementary school to retirement, can explore the wonder of the Valley of the Kings from anywhere in the world,” promises Anderson. “Through rich visual content, accessible articles, and future updates, the new website will be a resource for everything Valley of the Kings for years to come.” 

The Theban Mapping Project website can be accessed here.

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Valley of the Kings with pyramid-shaped Qurn above. Photographed by Francis Dzikowski.

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Article Source: American Research Center in Egypt press release

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Inequality in medieval Cambridge was ‘recorded on the bones’ of its residents

UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE—Social inequality was “recorded on the bones” of Cambridge’s medieval residents, according to a new study of hundreds of human remains excavated from three very different burial sites within the historic city centre.

University of Cambridge researchers examined the remains of 314 individuals dating from the 10th to the 14th century and collected evidence of “skeletal trauma” – a barometer for levels of hardship endured in life.

Bones were recovered from across the social spectrum: a parish graveyard for ordinary working people, a charitable “hospital” where the infirm and destitute were interred, and an Augustinian friary that buried wealthy donors alongside clergy.

Researchers carefully catalogued the nature of every break and fracture to build a picture of the physical distress visited upon the city’s inhabitants by accident, occupational injury or violence during their daily lives.

Using x-ray analysis, the team found that 44% of working people had bone fractures, compared to 32% of those in the friary and 27% of those buried by the hospital. Fractures were more common in male remains (40%) than female (26%) across all burials.

The team also uncovered noteworthy cases, such as a friar who resembles a modern hit-and-run victim, and bones that hint at lives blighted by violence. The findings are published in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology.

“By comparing the skeletal trauma of remains buried in various locations within a town like Cambridge, we can gauge the hazards of daily life experienced by different spheres of medieval society,” said Dr Jenna Dittmar, study lead author from the After the Plague project at the University’s Department of Archaeology.

“We can see that ordinary working folk had a higher risk of injury compared to the friars and their benefactors or the more sheltered hospital inmates,” she said.

“These were people who spent their days working long hours doing heavy manual labour. In town, people worked in trades and crafts such as stonemasonry and blacksmithing, or as general laborers. Outside town, many spent dawn to dusk doing bone-crushing work in the fields or tending livestock.”

The University was embryonic at this time – the first stirrings of academia occurring around 1209 – and Cambridge was primarily a provincial town of artisans, merchants and farmhands, with a population of 2500-4000 by the mid-13th century.

While the working poor may have borne the brunt of physical labour compared to better-off people and those in religious institutions, medieval life was tough in general. In fact, the most extreme injury was found on a friar, identified as such by his burial place and belt buckle.

“The friar had complete fractures halfway up both his femurs,” said Dittmar. The femur [thigh bone] is the largest bone in the body. “Whatever caused both bones to break in this way must have been traumatic, and was possibly the cause of death.”

Dittmar points out that today’s clinicians would be familiar with such injuries from those hit by automobiles – it’s the right height. “Our best guess is a cart accident. Perhaps a horse got spooked and he was struck by the wagon.”

Injury was also inflicted by others. Another friar had lived with defensive fractures on his arm and signs of blunt force trauma to his skull. Such violence-related skeletal injuries were found in about 4% of the population, including women and people from all social groups.

One older woman buried in the parish grounds appeared to bear the marks of lifelong domestic abuse. “She had a lot of fractures, all of them healed well before her death. Several of her ribs had been broken as well as multiple vertebrae, her jaw and her foot,” said Dittmar.

“It would be very uncommon for all these injuries to occur as the result of a fall, for example. Today, the vast majority of broken jaws seen in women are caused by intimate partner violence.”

Of the three sites, the Hospital of St John the Evangelist contained the fewest fractures. Established at the end of the 12th century, it housed select needy Cambridge residents, providing food and spiritual care. Many had skeletal evidence of chronic illnesses such as tuberculosis, and would have been unable to work.

While most remains were “inmates”, the site also included “corrodians”: retired locals who paid for the privilege of living at the hospital, much like a modern old-age care home.

The Hospital was dissolved to create St John’s College in 1511, and excavated by the Cambridge Archaeological Unit (CAU), part of the University, in 2010 during a renovation of the College’s Divinity School building.

CAU excavated the Augustinian Friary in 2016 as part of building works on the University’s New Museums Site. According to records, the friary acquired rights to bury members of the Augustinian order in 1290, and non-members in 1302 – allowing rich benefactors to take a plot in the friary grounds.

The friary functioned until 1538, when King Henry VIII stripped the nation’s monasteries of their income and assets to fortify the Crown’s coffers.

The parish of All Saints by the Castle, north of the River Cam, was likely founded in the 10th century and in use until 1365, when it merged with a neighboring parish after local populations fell in the wake of the Black Death bubonic plague pandemic.

While the church itself has never been found, the graveyard – next to what is still called Castle Hill – was first excavated in the 1970s. Remains were housed within the University’s Duckworth Collection, allowing researchers to revisit these finds for the latest study.

“Those buried in All Saints were among the poorest in town, and clearly more exposed to incidental injury,” said Dittmar. “At the time, the graveyard was in the hinterland where urban met rural. Men may have worked in the fields with heavy ploughs pulled by horses or oxen, or lugged stone blocks and wooden beams in the town.

“Many of the women in All Saints probably undertook hard physical labours such as tending livestock and helping with harvest alongside their domestic duties.

“We can see this inequality recorded on the bones of medieval Cambridge residents. However, severe trauma was prevalent across the social spectrum. Life was toughest at the bottom – but life was tough all over.”

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The remains of an individual buried in the Augustinian friary, taken during the 2016 excavation on the University of Cambridge’s New Museums site. Nick Saffell

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The remains of numerous individuals unearthed on the former site of the Hospital of St. John the Evangelist, taken during the 2010 excavation on the site of the Divinity School building, St John’s College, University of Cambridge. Cambridge Archaeological Unit

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X-rays of butterfly fractures to both femora of an adult male buried in the Augustinian friary. Dr Jenna Dittmar

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE news release

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First people to enter the Americas likely did so with their dogs

DURHAM UNIVERSITY—The first people to settle in the Americas likely brought their own canine companions with them, according to new research which sheds more light on the origin of dogs.

An international team of researchers led by archaeologist Dr Angela Perri, of Durham University, UK, looked at the archaeological and genetic records of ancient people and dogs.

They found that the first people to cross into the Americas before 15,000 years ago, who were of northeast Asian descent, were accompanied by their dogs.

The researchers say this discovery suggests that dog domestication likely took place in Siberia before 23,000 years ago. People and their dogs then eventually travelled both west into the rest of Eurasia, and east into the Americas.

The findings are published in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (PNAS).

The Americas were one of the last regions in the world to be settled by people. By this same time, dogs had been domesticated from their wolf ancestors and were likely playing a variety of roles within human societies.

Research lead author Dr Angela Perri, in the Department of Archaeology at Durham University, said: “When and where have long been questions in dog domestication research, but here we also explored the how and why, which have often been overlooked.

“Dog domestication occurring in Siberia answers many of the questions we’ve always had about the origins of the human-dog relationship.

“By putting together the puzzle pieces of archaeology, genetics and time we see a much clearer picture where dogs are being domesticated in Siberia, then disperse from there into the Americas and around the world.”

Geneticist and co-author Laurent Frantz (Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich) said: “The only thing we knew for sure is that dog domestication did not take place in the Americas.

“From the genetic signatures of ancient dogs, we now know that they must have been present somewhere in Siberia before people migrated to the Americas.”

Co-author Professor Greger Larson, Oxford University, said: “Researchers have previously suggested that dogs were domesticated across Eurasia from Europe to China, and many places in between.

“The combined evidence from ancient humans and dogs is helping to refine our understanding of the deep history of dogs, and now points toward Siberia and Northeast Asia as a likely region where dog domestication was initiated.”

During the Last Glacial Maximum (from ~23,000-19,000 years ago) Beringia (the land and maritime area between Canada and Russia), and most of Siberia, was extremely cold, dry, and largely unglaciated.

The harsh climatic conditions leading up to, and during this period may have served to bring human and wolf populations into close proximity given their attraction to the same prey.

This increasing interaction, through mutual scavenging of kills from wolves drawn to human campsites, may have began a relationship between the species that eventually led to dog domestication, and a vital role in the populating of the Americas.

As co-author and archaeologist David Meltzer of Southern Methodist University (Dallas, TX) notes, “We have long known that the first Americans must have possessed well-honed hunting skills, the geological know-how to find stone and other necessary materials and been ready for new challenges.

“The dogs that accompanied them as they entered this completely new world may have been as much a part of their cultural repertoire as the stone tools they carried.”

Since their domestication from wolves, dogs have played a wide variety of roles in human societies, many of which are tied to the history of cultures worldwide.

Future archaeological and genetic research will reveal how the emerging mutual relationship between people and dogs led to their successful dispersal across the globe.

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Early settlers in the Americas were accompanied by their dogs. Ettore Mazza

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Article Source: DURHAM UNIVERSITY news release

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‘Rosetta Stone’ of the internet could help researchers finally solve puzzle of ancient Minoan language

St. John’s College, University of Cambridge—Huge strides have been made towards deciphering a ‘mysterious’ Greek script that could transform our knowledge of a Bronze Age civilization.

Known as Linear A, the ancient script from Crete appears on some 1,400 inscriptions, most of which are on clay tablets dating back to c1800-1450 BC, during the island’s flourishing Minoan era. A later prehistoric Greek script called Linear B was cracked in the 1950s – but Linear A has continued to elude scholars.

The Minoans were a Bronze Age civilization based on Crete and other islands in the Aegean Sea. Named after the legendary King Minos, this lost civilization was one of Europe’s first urban societies. Ruled from vast palaces, its people were accomplished artists and maritime traders, but their civilization fell into decline after a devastating volcanic eruption on the nearby island of Thera.

Now Dr Ester Salgarella, Junior Research Fellow in Classics at St John’s College, Cambridge, has shed fresh light on the Minoan Linear A script and proved a close genetic link to Linear B, which appeared 50-150 years later in mainland Greece and Crete, c1400-1200 BC. Her research, which has been hailed as ‘an extraordinary piece of detective work,’ could provide the key for linguists to unlock the secrets of the Minoan language – and learn more about its society and culture.

Taking an interdisciplinary approach using evidence from linguistics, inscriptions, archaeology and palaeography (the study of the handwriting of ancient scripts), Dr Salgarella examined the two scripts in socio-historical context. To compare them more easily, she has created an online resource of individual signs and inscriptions called SigLA – The Signs of Linear A: a paleographic database

She said: “At the moment there is a lot of confusion about Linear A. We don’t really know how many signs are to be taken as core signs, there’s even been a partial misclassification of signs in the past. This database tries to clear up the situation and give scholars a basis for advancement. 

“We don’t have a Rosetta Stone to crack the code of Linear A, and more linguistic analysis is required, but this structural analysis is a foundation stone.”

The discovery of the Rosetta Stone, which was inscribed with writing in ancient Egyptian and Greek, helped linguists to understand Egyptian hieroglyphics in the 19th century.

Parallels between signs in Linear A and B have been identified before, but Dr Salgarella has shown that a great many graphic variants of signs in the Minoan script were carried onto Linear B. “This combined palaeographical and structural examination – using sign typology and associations – has led me to revise the current script classification and to argue that these two scripts are actually two sides of the same coin,” said Dr Salgarella. “Most scholars have assumed that because the two languages are different the scripts must be distinct, but the relationship is more subtle than this.”

Following the fall of the Minoan civilization, there is a gap of about 50 years with no archaeological evidence of either script on Crete. Dr Salgarella, who has revealed her findings in her newly published bookAegean Linear Script(s): Rethinking the Relationship between Linear A and Linear B, said: “There is sufficient evidence that Linear B is a derivative from Linear A, so the question is, how did this transmission process happen? I wanted to find out how we can account for the similarities and, more importantly, the differences, and fill in these gaps.”

The Minoans used Linear A primarily, but not exclusively, for administrative purposes. Small clay ‘labels’ found on Crete bear short Minoan inscriptions on one side and imprints of fibres or string on the other. These suggest the labels were used to secure information written on folded or rolled perishable material, such as papyrus. 

Natural disasters caused fires, which destroyed any writing materials and baked the inscriptions into the clay labels and tablets. It’s possible, said Dr Salgarella, that in the two generations between the periods when Linear A ended and Linear B appeared, writing may not have been used widely, but her findings show parts of the earlier script did survive and was adapted by the Greeks into Linear B.

The open access SigLA database of inscriptions has been developed in collaboration with computer scientist Dr Simon Castellan, from the University of Rennes, France. It features a list of 300 standard signs and 400 inscriptions copied by hand. It is still under construction but more than 3,000 individual signs found within the inscriptions are currently searchable.

To form words, the scripts use syllabaries, which means that one written sign or symbol is not a single sound but a syllable. “Other signs are more like Chinese ideograms, or picture words,” said Dr Salgarella. Structural analysis involved looking at how the signs function, the direction they read, and whether they represent syllables, words or punctuation. 

Composite signs fall into ‘configurational categories’. “I could see that there is some kind of rationale on how to put them together,” said Dr Salgarella. By examining the patterns, she was able to come to a better understanding of how to read the composite signs, and make sense of some of the combinations.

Dr Salgarella hopes her findings will be a stepping stone to further research by linguists, paleographers and archaeologists working together. She said: “Collecting the Linear A inscriptions in a unified database is of paramount importance to be able to answer sophisticated paleographical and linguistic questions about the Linear A script as well as the Minoan language it encodes, which will help us reconstruct the socio-historical context of the Minoan civilization.”

Professor Tim Whitmarsh, A.G. Leventis Professor of Greek Culture and Fellow of St John’s, said: “Cracking Linear B was a huge post-war triumph for Classics, but Linear A has remained elusive. Dr Salgarella has demonstrated that Linear B is closely related to its mysterious and previously illegible predecessor. She has brought us one step closer to understanding it. It’s an extraordinary piece of detective work.”

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A Minoan clay tablet inscribed with Linear A, on display in Crete’s Archaeological Museum of Heraklion. Dr Ester Salgarella

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Linear B clay tablet. Dr Ester Salgarella

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One of the hand-drawn tablets from the SigLA database featuring different Linear A signs. Dr Ester Salgarella.

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Dr Ester Salgarella began studying Linear A and B during her PhD. Her findings are revealed in her book, Aegean Linear Script(s) (Cambridge University Press) Dr Ester Salgarella.

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Article Source: St. John’s College, University of Cambridge news release

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Chimpanzee friends fight together to battle rivals

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR EVOLUTIONARY ANTHROPOLOGY—Chimpanzees, one of the closest relatives of humans, cooperate on a group level – in combative disputes, they even cooperate with group members to whom they are not related. Those involved in fights with neighboring groups put themselves at risk of serious injury or even death.

Within the context of the Tai Chimpanzee Project researchers observed three chimpanzee communities in Tai National Park in Cote d’Ivoire documenting social relationships, territory range and intergroup encounters amongst others. “We have been able to analyze almost 500 vocal and physical battles from the last 25 years with participation of at least one of the three habituated communities, some of which have caused severe injury or death”, says Liran Samuni, the first author of the study.

The study* showed that males, as well as females participate in the battles and that three factors increased the likelihood of participation in the intergroup encounter when there were many individuals participating, when maternal kin joined and when non-kin social bond partners were present. “It seems chimpanzees not only consider the sheer number in their sub-group when moving into battle, but they consider the presence of a trusted group member, who will support them in case of an attack”, adds Catherine Crockford, senior author of the study. “These results suggest”, Liran Samuni continues, “that the link between strong, enduring social relationships and costly collective acts is not uniquely human, but is present in one of our closest living relatives, the chimpanzee.”

“This study is part of a series of several investigations linking in-group cooperation with out-group competition”, explains Roman Wittig, director of the Tai Chimpanzee Project and senior author of the studies. “We were able to show that out-group competition reduces chimpanzees’ reproduction and their territory size. On the other hand, out-group competition increases in-group cohesion and, likely facilitated by the neurohormone oxytocin, reduces the likelihood of defection in battle.”

Data from the Tai Chimpanzee Project, with four neighboring communities observed on a daily basis, will be a key source for scientific investigations into the ultimate and proximate causes of group-level cooperation. “The Tai chimpanzees can teach us”, Roman Wittig points out, “what social tools enable human’s unique capacity for large-scale cooperation with non-kin”.

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Chimpanzees join their close bond partners – related group members and friends – to battle rivals. Liran Samuni, Taï Chimpanzee Project

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Article Sources: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR EVOLUTIONARY ANTHROPOLOGY news release

*Liran Samuni, Catherine Crockford, Roman Wittig, Group-level cooperation in chimpanzees is shaped by strong social ties, Nature Communications, 22 January 2021

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Early humans used chopping tools to break animal bones and consume the bone marrow

TEL-AVIV UNIVERSITY—Researchers from the Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology at Tel Aviv University unraveled the function of flint tools known as ‘chopping tools’, found at the prehistoric site of Revadim, east of Ashdod. Applying advanced research methods, they examined use-wear traces on 53 chopping tools, as well as organic residues found on some of the tools. They also made and used replicas of the tools, with methods of experimental archaeology. The researchers concluded that tools of this type, found at numerous sites in Africa, Europe and Asia, were used by prehistoric humans at Revadim to neatly break open bones of medium-size animals such as fallow deer, gazelles and possibly also cattle, in order to extract the nutritious high-calory bone marrow.

The study was conducted by Dr. Flavia Venditti of the University of Tübingen and Prof. Ran Barkai and Dr. Aviad Agam of the Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology at Tel Aviv University, in collaboration with the Laboratory of Technological and Functional Analyses of Prehistoric Artefacts (Sapienza, University of Rome) and researchers from Sapienza, University of Rome. The paper was published in January 2021 in the PLOS One Journal.

Prof. Ran Barkai: “For years we have been studying stone tools from prehistoric sites in Israel, in order to understand their functions. One important source of tools is Revadim, an open-air site (as opposed to a cave) dating back to 500,000-300,000 years before our time, and rich with remarkably well-preserved findings. Over the years we have discovered that Revadim was a highly favored site, reinhabited over and over again by humans, most probably of the late Homo Erectus species. Bones of many types of game, including elephants, cattle, deer, gazelles and others, were found at the site.”

The researchers add that the prehistoric inhabitants of Revadim developed an effective multipurpose toolkit – not unlike the toolkits of today’s tradesmen. After discovering the functions of some stone tools found at the site, the researchers now focused on chopping tools – flint pebbles with one flaked, sharp and massive edge. Prof. Barkai: “The chopping tool was invented in Africa about 2.6 million years ago, and then migrated with humans wherever they went over the next two million years. Large quantities of these tools have been found at almost every prehistoric site throughout the Old World – in Africa, Europe, the Middle East and even China – evidence for their great importance. However, until now, they had never been subjected to methodical lab testing to find out what they were actually used for.”

The researchers analyzed a sample of 53 chopping tools from Revadim, looking for use-wear traces and organic residues. Many specimens were found to exhibit substantial edge damage as a result of chopping hard materials, and some also showed residues of animal bones, preserved for almost half a million years! Following these findings, experimental archaeology was also applied: The researchers collected flint pebbles from the vicinity of Revadim, manufactured replicas of prehistoric chopping tools and used them to break open bones of dead medium-size animals. Comparisons between the use-wear traces and organic residues on the replicated tools and those on the prehistoric originals significantly substantiated the study’s conclusions.

Prof. Barkai: “Early humans broke animal bones in two to extract bone marrow. This requires great skill and precision, because shattering the bone would damage the bone marrow. The chopping tool, which we examined in this study, was evidently outstandingly popular, because it was easy to make, and highly effective for this purpose. This is apparently the reason for its enormous distribution over such a long period of time. The present study has expanded our knowledge of the toolkit of early humans – one more step toward understanding their way of life, tracking their migrations, and unraveling the secrets of human evolution.”

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A chopping tool from late Acheulian Revadim. Prof. Ran Barkai

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Article Source: TEL-AVIV UNIVERSITY news release

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On the origins of money: Ancient European hoards full of standardized bronze objects

PLOS—In the Early Bronze Age of Europe, ancient people used bronze objects as an early form of money, even going so far as to standardize the shape and weight of their currency, according to a study* published January 20, 2020 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Maikel H. G. Kuijpers and C?t?lin N. Popa of Leiden University, Netherlands.

Money is an important feature of modern human society. One key feature of money is standardization, but this can be difficult to identify in the archaeological record since ancient people had inexact forms of measurement compared with today. In this study, the authors assessed possible money from the Early Bronze Age of Central Europe, comparing the objects based on their perceived – if not precise – similarity.

The objects studied were made of bronze in shapes described as rings, ribs, and axe blades. The authors examined more than 5,000 such objects from more than 100 ancient hoards. They statistically compared the objects’ weights using a psychology principle known as the Weber fraction, which quantifies the concept that, if objects are similar enough in mass, a human being weighing them by hand can’t tell the difference.

They found that even though the objects’ weights varied, around 70% of the rings were similar enough to have been indistinguishable by hand (averaging about 195 grams), as were subsets of the ribs and axe blades.

The authors suggest that this consistent similarity in shape and weight, along with the fact that these objects often occurred in hoards, are signs of their use as an early form of standardized currency. Later, in the Middle Bronze Age of Europe, more precise weighing tools appear in the archaeological record along with an increase in scrap bronze, pointing to a developed system of weighing.

The authors add: “The euros of Prehistory came in the form of bronze rings, ribs and axes. These Early Bronze Age artefacts were standardized in shape and weight and used as an early form of money.”

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Ribs (Spangenbarren). M.H.G. Kuijpers, author photo (CC-BY 4.0, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Rings (Osenringen). M.H.G. Kuijpers, author photo (CC-BY 4.0, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Kuijpers MHG, Popa CN (2021) The origins of money: Calculation of similarity indexes demonstrates the earliest development of commodity money in prehistoric Central Europe. PLoS ONE 16(1): e0240462. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0240462

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Learning from Native American fire management

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—A recent study* of an ancient wildland-urban interface managed by ancestors of Jemez Pueblo in northern New Mexico could provide an alternate model for modern fire management. As communities expand into fire-prone wildland regions, the threat of wildfire hazards such as property loss increase. Christopher I. Roos and colleagues worked with the Pueblo of Jemez and three other tribes to reconstruct fire use and human impact near settlements in the dry ponderosa pine forests of the Jemez Mountains across centuries. The authors analyzed charcoal and pollen from six sites to look at patterns of fire activity, vegetation change, and herbivore abundance over a 2,000 year period. The authors modeled fire behavior over time by factoring in population size, agricultural land use, fuelwood harvest, and human ignition. Initial settlement from 1100-1300 CE increased fire frequency in the landscape. Wood harvesting and frequent, patchy fires led to landscape that burned often but not extensively. Population collapse following the Spanish invasion brought the return of frequent, widely spreading fires. According to the authors, the landscape avoided extreme fire behavior even given large fires or conducive conditions like drought, and the experiences could inform local management of fire and fuels at modern wildland-urban interfaces.

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Archaeological remains of a “fieldhouse” in Jemez ponderosa pine forests. More than 3,000 similar structures surround more than two dozen villages and towns occupied by Jemez people from 1100-1700 CE. Kacy Hollenback 

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Article Source: PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES news release

*”Native American fire management at an ancient wildland-urban interface in the Southwest United States,” by Christopher I. Roos et al.

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Resurrecting the Wisdom of the Past

If you think archaeology is much like the popular depictions we often experience through the entertainment industry, you need to think again. 

In a report published in the scientific journal, Nature Ecology and Evolution, researchers of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History relate how real archaeology, the archaeology practiced today by researchers and scholars throughout the world, is actually radically different than the classical archaeology performed by explorers a century or more ago, exemplified typically by scenes of people digging within controlled earthen square units, unearthing remarkably preserved, sensational artifacts—a stereotype often projected to the public by the media. But, as the researchers relate in the paper, much ‘archaeology’ as we know it today is actually more often conducted in the labs behind the scenes, where new techniques and technology is applied to analyze the finds brought from the field, employing a multi-disciplinary approach to understanding not only the artifacts themselves but the contextual landscapes of the finds, human settlement patterns and behavior, and how it all relates to other subject matter and disciplines. As noted in the subject Max Planck Institute press release by Nicole Boivin, lead author of the study and Director of the Institute’s Department of Archaeology: “Archaeology today is a dramatically different discipline to what it was a century ago. While the tomb raiding we see portrayed in movies is over the top, the archaeology of the past was probably closer to this than to present-day archaeology. Much archaeology today is in contrast highly scientific in orientation, and aimed at addressing modern-day issues.”*

“Addressing modern-day issues” is an operative phrase here. Key to understanding the evolution of the discipline today, say the study authors, is recognizing how archaeological research is now bing applied to studying and developing solutions to present-day issues. “It is clear that the past offers a vast repertoire of cultural knowledge that we cannot ignore,” states Professor Boivin in the Max Planck Institute press release.* Recognizing this, researchers are examining the way people in past societies enriched their agricultural land, mitigated or prevented devastating fires, moved and distributed water and made their settlements ‘greener’  without using fossil fuel energy sources. 

The study authors emphasize that today’s advancements in the application of technological and social solutions to global present-day problems, such as climate change, must work in tandem with archaeology. 

“It’s not about glorifying the past, or vilifying progress,” states Boivin in the press release. “Instead, it’s about bringing together the best of the past, present and future to steer a responsible and constructive course for humanity.”

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Around the world today, we can find many examples of how past cultural and technological practices and solutions are being revived to address pressing environmental and land management challenges. Examples include (left to right) mobilization of ancient terra preta (anthropogenic dark earth) technology, revitalization of landesque capital (long-term landscape investments) and adoption of traditional fire management regimes. Michelle O’Reilly

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Archaeological studies of low-density, agrarian-based cities such as ancient Angkor Wat in Cambodia are increasingly being used to inform the development of more sustainable urban centers in the future. Alison Crowther

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*Article Source: A new archaeology for the Anthropocene era, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History

If you liked this article, see Beyond Monuments: Ancient Maya Landscapes Revealed Through Technology for an example of modern archaeology at its best.

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Beyond Monuments: Ancient Maya Landscapes Revealed Through Technology

Walking through this lush, tropical forest, visitors may not realize at first that they are among the monumental remains of a large ancient Maya center. Where are all the great stone pyramids, ball-courts, temples, and other monuments so often attributed to great ancient Maya centers? Yet, one sees a tropical landscape that is anything but flat. There is a jungle-shrouded mound here, another one over there. A well-planned walking path winds through what a visitor might describe as the Maya version of the Garden of Eden. Like the very first 18th and 19th century explorers of the Maya world, one sees what could be ancient structures still hidden beneath their canopy shroud. Some of them here have now been partially exposed, betraying what might lie beneath and leaving the rest to the imagination. Visitors soon acquire the impression that this place is very different than any other encountered in the Maya world. Straddling the border between Guatemala and Belize, it is known as El Pilar. It has been explored and studied by archaeologist Dr. Anabel Ford of the University of California, Santa Barbara for decades.

“Based on excavations exposures, several key locales at El Pilar have been consolidated for viewing under the forest canopy, while most have been preserved under a mantel of earth for later consideration,” wrote Ford and co-author Maggie Knapp in a previous article about the site*. “Partial exposures offer examples of the monumental architecture, while the covered temples can be compared with those exposed at other sites. The objective of Archaeology under the Canopy [the program plan for excavating and researching El Pilar] is to maintain architectural harmony and integrity and to give priority to the monuments at risk.” With this approach, Ford hopes to better preserve the site’s monumental features, sustaining the stability of the structures that otherwise would deteriorate due to environmental temperature, humidity, and precipitation effects — all factors that erode plaster walls and the delicate, elaborate facades that characterize ancient Maya works.

Thus, most of the monumental features of this ancient city remain ‘hidden’ beneath its tropical forest shroud. But now, teams of researchers, led by Ford, have recently undertaken a new way of “seeing” the ancient settlement and its surrounding context with high-tech eyes, significantly expanding their understanding of the true complexity and size of its otherwise ‘invisible’ human-modified landscape.

“We have integrated LiDAR imagery into settlement surveys for seven years to examine the landscape beyond  “downtown” El Pilar,” writes Ford and her team of researchers about their recent research**. LiDAR is a method for measuring distances in the topography of an area by directing laser light from aerial positions to the surface and then measuring its reflection with a sensor. The differences in laser return times and wavelengths are then applied to mapping technology to create digital 3-D and other images of the landscape, as well as creating new data sets about the landscape.

“We have documented over 1,862 structures over the 14 square kilometers surveyed to date, with more to be added by future work,” says Ford and her colleagues**.

Much more than this, Ford and her team of researchers have also identified a variety of other features related to how the ancient inhabitants managed or modified their environment within El Pilar’s landscape ‘footprint’, including aguadas (small reservoirs), chultuns (storage pits), berms, depressions, terraces and quarries — all features that would otherwise elude the casual eye as one traverses the area on foot, but which signal site investigators where to look on the ground for evidence of the ancient peoples’ presence and activities.

Additionally, by consulting and cooperating with the indigenous people of today’s El Pilar area — the ‘citizen scientists’ — the researchers have greatly enhanced their ability to accurately interpret what they are finding. Altogether, combining the LiDAR surveys and analysis with the input and knowledge of the indigenous participants have provided a gold mine of information for analysis, promising a fuller and more detailed understanding of the settlement, agricultural activity, and clues to the lifestyle of these ancient people.

Ford believes this overall approach has important implications and significance for the study of the ancient Maya across all of Mesoamerica.

Says Ford and her colleagues: “The combination of these different ways of knowing has a synergistic effect, which deepens mutual understanding across cultures and creates a more holistic framework for conducting research, and we are excited about the direction we are headed.”**

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Map of the El Pilar core, or “city center”, made possible by LiDAR. Courtesy BRASS/El Pilar

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For more about this, see the article, Modeling Ancient Maya Landscapes, in the Winter 2021 issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine

*El Pilar: Archaeology under the Canopy, by Anabel Ford and Maggie Knapp, Popular Archaeology Magazine, September 6, 2011. 

**Modeling Ancient Maya Landscapes, by Sherman Horn, Anabel Ford, Thomas Crimmel, Justin Tran, and Jason Woo, Popular Archaeology, Jan. 10, 2021.

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Join Anabel Ford on this unique mega-trip to Mesoamerica!

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The Anniversary Issue

As Founder and Editor of Popular Archaeology Magazine, Dan is a freelance writer and journalist specializing in archaeology.  He studied anthropology and archaeology in undergraduate and graduate school and has been an active participant on archaeological excavations in the U.S. and abroad.  He is the creator and administrator of Archaeological Digs, a popular weblog about archaeological excavation and field school opportunities.  

Marking Popular Archaeology Magazine’s 10-year anniversary, here are the most compelling published stories over the last 10 years. Some have an element of controversy, some discoveries took place decades before, and others entail findings that may lead to further discoveries yet to come. In all cases, they represent the excitement and adventure of archaeology as it opens new and fascinating windows on humanity’s collective past. 

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The discovery of the world’s largest trove of ancient writings opened an unparalleled window on a vanished world. Read About It Here

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The story of a forgotten explorer and his intrepid journey to discover great ancient Arabian cities of the Incense Road. Read About It Here

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How an archaeologist-sculptor is bringing bones of the dead back to life. Read About It Here

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Two remarkable sites are shedding light on a critical transitional period in human evolution. Read About It Here

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The startling discovery of million-year-old human footprints on a beach in the United Kingdom had scientists jumping. Read About It Here

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The recent controversial discoveries, and a renowned scholar’s quest to uncover the historical truth about Jesus of Nazareth. Read About It Here

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Excavations of princely tombs are shedding new light on a formative time before the high florescence of the Mycenaean civilization. Read About It Here

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An anthology of articles focusing on the findings that are informing a new paradigm about the early settling of the Americas. Read About It Here

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Archaeologists are unearthing new clues to America’s historic “lost” colony. Read About It Here

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The in-depth story about the controversial discovery of a 130,000-year-old human presence in Southern California. Read About It Here

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Saqqara: Gateway to Eternity

Archaeologists are unearthing tantalizing new finds that are shedding more light on our understanding of Egyptian mortuary cults . . .

This article is available to Premium members of Popular Archaeology.

Become a member or upgrade to a Premium membership: REGISTER HERE.

Tutankhamun, Nefertiti, and Akhenaten

Kathlyn (Kara) Cooney proves that the value of a great scholar and speaker is timeless and priceless. A few years ago, Richard (the interviewer) met her after her lecture on ancient Egypt at One Day University in New York City. This was a poignant example of how an afternoon immersion in the land of the Nile can lead to all sorts of tributaries and surprises. Kara (pictured below) is a professor of Egyptian Art and Architecture and Chair of the Near Eastern Studies Department at UCLA. She is currently researching coffin reuse in ancient Egypt and has studied nearly 300 coffins around the world. Her two books – The Woman Who Would Be King: Hatshepsut’s Rise to Power in Ancient Egypt (Crown, 2014) and When Women Ruled the World: Six Queens of Egypt (National Geographic Press, 2018)—have been generously reviewed. In late fall 2020, National Geographic released a special edition on Kara’s work on female pharaohs.

In 2008, Kara co-wrote and produced the Discovery Channel’s Out of Egypt, an exploration of ancient cultures, architecture and the sacred, with a special emphasis on timeless, archetypal shapes: cities and civilization go hand in hand, but disease and strife are not far behind. Kara was also co-curator of Tutankhamun and the Golden Age of the Pharaohs at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, which opened in 2005. She was also a member of the team that excavated the artisan’s village of Deir el Medina in Egypt. This interview focuses on King Tut and his remarkable parents, Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Kara is interviewed here by author and professor Richard Marranca.  

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Kara Cooney onsite in Egypt. Courtesy Patina Productions

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RM: It is exciting that you curated the Tut (Tutankhamun) exhibit in Los Angeles. Do you think Tut returned to the old gods and rejected the “monothesism” of Akhenaten on his own, or was he forced into that? Why did he abandon the new capital, Amarna, in the desert?

KC: Interestingly, our history of Tutankhamun is inseparable from our history of Nefertiti (the queen and royal wife of Pharaoah Akhenaten); more and more Egyptologists are realizing that the end of the Amarna period was being shaped by a powerful female rather than a powerful male. Tutankhamun is famous today because of his funerary material; but one of the only reasons I’m interested in his funerary material is because it’s a reflection of Nefertiti as ruler before him. And if anybody returns to the old gods and the old ways and traditions, it was Nefertiti. It was not Tutankhamun.

He was actually the beneficiary of her activities. Yes, he was born Tutankhaten and became Tutankhamun, but that likely happened before he took the throne. It probably happened when he was quite a young boy. And even when I experience my own son, who is now 10, I consider that even though Tutankhamun was brought up in the Amarna religion as a young boy, his earliest memories would have been shaped by Nefertiti, likely moving Egypt back to traditional ways, with the entire court quickly falling in line.

So the pendulum was already swinging in that direction. Whatever the ruler did after Akhenaten, I think everybody knew they needed to swing back into that direction. It doesn’t seem that Tutankhamun was raised with any protective nature towards his father’s religion. I think that’s his earliest memories, but his most formative memories as a child, starting around six, seven or eight years of age, would have been of the old religion rather than his father’s new religion.

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Close-up detailed view of Tutankhamun’s innermost coffin found within his tomb. Jon Bodsworth, Pubic Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The death mask of Tutankhamun. Image by Gerhard G. from Pixabay.

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The bust of Nefertiti, exhibited at the Neues Museum. Philip Pikart, GNU Free Documentation License, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: Tut’s uncle or father Akhenaten is one of the most enigmatic figures in history. Bob Brier said that he was the first “hippie” and monotheist. Can you be a monotheist if you think you’re a god yourself? Can you tell us about him?

KC:  Akhenaten may have been the father of Tutankhamun. Or he may have been the grandfather or uncle. We actually don’t really know. The lack of clarity is of itself very suspicious. Akhenaten is quite the character, and there’s been much attention on him by Egyptologists trying to figure out what made him tick and why he did what he did. Opinions are quite varied, and it’s difficult to determine the truth because of course we’ve never been able to meet the guy. He never put his thoughts into writing in a way that would allow us to understand why he did what he did. The “hippie” idea is the traditional way of looking at this guy. He implemented these great ideas, and then people didn’t like them. But there’s this hippie 1968 sort of feeling about him that he’s about peace and love and it’s an amazing time of experimentation. What is god? What is the universe? It seems all ‘poppies and rainbows’. But even hippies have a dark side. Right? There was the Summer of Love in ’69 and then things got really dark in the ‘70s. You have things like Charles Manson, Patty Hearst kidnappings and all kinds of bombs going off and revolutionary thinking — “You Say You Want a Revolution”, as the Beatles song goes. But I wouldn’t call Akhenaten a revolutionary. That’s the wrong word. A revolution comes from the grass roots of society. This is coming from the very pinnacle, from the very top, the most authoritarian regime one can possibly imagine. And I wouldn’t call him a monotheist, necessarily.

More accurately, I would say Akhenaten was likely the first fanatic. He’s the first to take religion and make it not just exclusionary, but fanatically tell people what is right and what is wrong. And when people don’t go along with what he says, there is a reaction. Here the Egyptians are not clear about what happened. But there was probably some level of coercion to what Akhenaten implemented in his country. He leaves the traditional capitals of Memphis and Thebes, funneling money away from those very archaic temple institutions. He moves them into a new direction and founds this new capital city in the middle of nowhere.

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Relief of Akhenaten, Nefertiti and two daughters adoring the Aten. 18th dynasty, reign of Akhenaten. Between -1372 and -1355 BC. The Royal Tomb, Tell el-Amarna, Egypt. Photographer Jean-Pierre Dalbéra from Paris, France. Attribution 2.0 Generic license, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: It was very bold and quixotic — bringing all those followers out to the desert. 

KC: When he makes that move, he marshaled his main support from the army. Because it comes from the military part of society, this implies that the priests were not interested in going along with these ideas. Does that mean he is coercing the rest of the population to either get in line or not say anything against him? It’s not clear, but the Egyptian regime was always authoritarian and people never spoke against their king in a public or documented way. This wasn’t a Greek democracy or a Roman tribunal senatorial system. This was an authoritarian divine kingship and the king was not to be questioned. And so, we wouldn’t expect to see dissent clearly recorded anywhere. And so I think the best evidence that people were suffering under Akhenaten’s rule and his fanatical religious changes was the return to the old ways in the aftermath of his rule, to the polytheism of before, and the temples functioning as they had before.

There was also a great destructive event after Akhenaten was gone. When that happened is not clear. But his new city of Amarna was destroyed down to the blocks, down to the foundation. Those blocks were subsequently hauled off to other places and reused. The statues were smashed into tiny bits that archaeologists have tried to piece together in whatever way they can. And the city itself was swallowed up by the sands, later to be discovered by a variety of archaeologists—British, German, and others.

Akhenaten is a person I’m very interested in and I think I will do some more writing about him in the future. But because of the amount of ink that’s been spilled, the research that goes into it would have to be quite thoroughly and carefully done and I would need to formulate a position on how I interpret his life and times. And then there comes the interesting tidbit that Akhenaten’s history is very much being sorted out right now, particularly the aftermath — what happened after his totalitarian fanatical regime was over and the return to the old ways. Who was really responsible for doing that?

As to Tutankhamen, it is thought that he was the major king following Akhenaten, but there seems to have been another king named Smenkhkare, who ruled in between; Smenkhkare may have been none other than Nefertiti herself, taking on a masculine role. Also, Nefertiti may have been a co-king alongside Akhenaten. So there’s a lot of interesting elements to this story that we’re just sorting out now as Egyptologists unravel these different strands of history.

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Remains of the North Palace at Tell el-Amarna. Olaf Tausch, Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported license, Wikimedia Commons

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Small Temple of the Aten, at Akhetaten. Markh, GNU Free Documentation License, Wikimedia Commons

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RM:  I recall a unique image of Nefertiti in battle. And about Akhenaten – aren’t there images of him giving out necklaces? And didn’t analysis show that their people may have been starving or very low on calories?

KC: Yes. How did he get people to do what he wanted them to do? Well, he relied on the army. And secondly, he paid them off. And he’s wasn’t shy about showing it. So you see in the elite’s tombs scenes of the Window of Appearances, with the king and his bride, Nefertiti, often accompanied by their daughters, throwing gold at the people, tying the gold of honor necklace around an elite neck, essentially bribing people, paying them off, making them rich to accompany his fanatical journey. That is very clearly represented, although it has taken Egyptologists some time to see the more cynical side of that exchange.

Regarding the people (his subjects), there’s a lot of focus on that through archaeological work in Amarna now, led by Barry Kemp and his many specialists. They are examining the bodies of the laborers who built this city, comparing them to peasants’ bodies from other parts of Egypt. Forensic analysis suggests these people led a brutal existence — numerous broken bones, stress fractures in people who were too young to be working, injuries that had no time to heal; and also evidence of malnutrition, of people not having enough to eat and the right foods to eat and yet simultaneously doing this work probably at the end of a whip.

So it seems that Akhenaten was doing a lot with less and less resources as time went on. He paid off his elites with a great deal of gold. Those elites in turn wanted to keep the resources that they could, and so they didn’t let that wealth trickle down to the people who were working for them and instead ended up exploiting people quite cruelly. The scientists who examined the remains of the people who were buried in those workers’ cemeteries could see that they were treated differently than those they found in the workers’ cemeteries at Giza or Deir el-Medina, where you see stress fractures and work-related injuries but nothing like the poorly healed injuries and the evidence of back-breaking labor forced at Amarna. That was probably a nail in the coffin for Akhenaten’s fanatical religious changes.

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Detail, statue of Akhenaten from his Aten Temple at Karnak. Egyptian Museum of Cairo. Gérard Ducher, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.5 Generic license, Wikimedia Commons

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Cover photo, top left: Bluesnap, Pixabay

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About the interviewer

Richard is a college teacher and author. His recent publications were in Minerva Magazine, Raven’s Perch, Paterson Literary Review and Months to Years. He has authored two books in print, Dragon Sutra and New Romantics: Ten Stories, and four books online, such as Alexander in India and NY Interviews. He, his wife Renah and daughter Inanna produce videos, the latest being Childe Hera’s World on YouTube (educational travel).

As a child, Richard was given books on history, archaeology and folklore/myth; his interests have never changed. He and his wife have traveled to sixty countries. Richard studied in Greece for a semester through New York University, from where he obtained his Ph.D. From 2002-2003 he was awarded a Fulbright to teach at LMU in Munich, Germany, as well as six NEH summer seminars, such as Andean Worlds, Transcendentalists/Concord and High Plains Indians. Richard is currently finishing up a collection of speculative stories and The Story of the Egyptian Mummy, a collection of interviews with Egyptologists about mummies.

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A Few Words About Mummies

Salima Ikram is Professor of Egyptology at the American University in Cairo. She is perhaps best known for her work with ancient Egyptian animal mummies, and is currently the founder and co-director of the Animal Mummy Project at the Egyptian Museum. As such, she is the world’s leading expert on animal mummies. Ikram has a prominent media presence, authoring articles on Egyptology in Egypt Today, National Geographic, and KMT. She has also appeared in documentaries and specials for PBS, Channel 4, Discovery Channel, History Channel, National Geographic Channel, and the BBC. Salima is interviewed here by author and professor Richard Marranca.

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RM: Why is the Isis and Osiris story so important to the idea of creating mummies and much else in ancient Egyptian religion and politics? 

SI: The Story of Isis and Osiris is so compelling because it is a love story as well as a promise of eternal life and resurrection. It has all the components for a good tale of swashbuckling, good vs evil, drama, romance, with the good guys winning in the end. For the ancient Egyptians this established and explained the role of divine kingship as well as the idea of eternal life and was key to both state religion as well as personal piety in terms of funerary beliefs.

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Isis and Osiris

The family of Osiris. Osiris on a lapis lazuli pillar in the middle, flanked by Horus on the left and Isis on the right (22nd dynasty, Louvre, Paris). Between 874 and 850 BC  Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 France license, Wikimedia Commons

 

To begin to understand ancient Egyptian religion and culture, one must fist know the story of  Osiris. It begins with the murder of the god Osiris, a primeval king of Egypt, by his brother Set. Set subsequently usurps Osiris’s throne. Osiris’s wife Isis restores her husband’s body (thus the introduction of the concept of resurrection), allowing them to posthumously conceive their son, Horus. The rest of the story revolves around Horus, who as a child is protected by his mother, but then becomes Set’s rival for the throne. Their violent conflicts end with Horus’s triumph, which restores Maat (or cosmic and social order) to Egypt after Set’s unrighteous and dark reign and ultimately completes the process of Osiris’s resurrection.

The story is key to understanding ancient Egyptian views of kingship and succession, the eternal conflict between order and disorder, and death and the afterlife. Mummification represents the process of resurrection embodied at the core of the Osiris story.

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RM: What is the history behind the study of ancient Egyptian mummification?

SI: The majority of the early mummy and skeletal studies used basic tools to extract limited information from mummies. The most simple and common method, sometimes the sole one used when in the field, is visual examination. Such examinations yield crucial information about the bandage patterns, amulets and other objects placed on the mummy, body and arm positions, cosmetics, tattooing, and hairstyles. Although the unwrappings and resulting autopsies are destructive, they still provide invaluable detailed and useful information. Several scientific autopsies were carried out on mummies during the 1970s, with multidisciplinary teams of researchers involved in the investigations (Cockburn et al. 1975; Hart et al. 1977; David 1979; Cockburn et al. 1980: 52–70; Millet et al. 1980; Reyman and Peck 1980; David and Tapp 1984; Goyon and Josset 1988).

Diseases can also be tentatively identified with the naked eye, although such identifications are unreliable. For example, visual examination identified a possible case of poliomyelitis in the mummy of the Pharaoh Siptah (Smith 1912: 70–73). Polio is a viral infection of the central nervous system that manifests itself in the paralysis of one or more muscle groups: Siptah has one short and withered leg. On the other hand, the same symptoms can result from certain types of cerebral palsy. Smallpox has also been suspected in the mummy of the pharaoh Ramesses V, due to the pox markings visible on his face (Smith 1912: 90–92). Visual examination can be augmented by scientific analyses that can provide information about other aspects of mummification, such as identification of the materials used in mummification, or a study of mummified tissues. As the sciences evolved, so did mummy studies.

The first mummy to be submitted to a professional chemical analysis (in an effort to determine the materials used in its manufacture) was the ‘Leeds Mummy’ (George 1828); although the results of this examination raised more questions than answers, it was the first such scientific investigation carried out on a mummy, setting the foundation for further studies, particularly those performed by Alfred Lucas in the early twentieth century. Lucas collaborated extensively with Egyptologists and physical anthropologists on identifying the different materials used in mummification (Lucas 1910, 1931, 1932, 1962). The first microscopic examination of ancient Egyptian tissue was performed by the Viennese laryngologist, Johan Czermak (1852). This sort of study increased dramatically in the twentieth century with the advent of ‘palaeopathology’—a term coined by Marc Armand Ruffer (1921), Professor of Bacteriology in Cairo, meaning the study of ancient diseases from the tissues. One of this field’s major aims is to trace the origins, development, and disappearance of specific diseases and to study the effects of diseases on society (Brothwell et al. 1967). Ruffer used microscopic examination on many samples from mummies and managed to identify diseases as well as organs that had dried beyond recognition (Ruffer 1921, 1911; Moodie 1931). Nowadays of course we have X-rays and very good CT scans that allow for much more nuanced imaging. Of course, it is always helpful to have the data from the earlier studies as it helps us to interpret things that might not be immediately clear or apparent on the CT scan. Imaging methods allow us to study mummy’s nondestructively, which is a great boon.

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The Mummy Mask

In ancient Egypt, mummified bodies were intended  to receive the ba, or spirit.  A mask, usually made from linen and plaster and then painted with images of gods and spells for protection, was placed over the head and shoulders of the mummy so that the spirit could recognize it and enter. The mask typically represented the young, ideal image of what the person would look like in the afterlife. The mummy and mask was placed in a painted wooden coffin and surrounded by the food, tools, and gifts needed in the afterlife. This image shows an unidentified mask currently maintained in the Smithsonian American Art Museum. Courtesy Smithsonian Open Access.

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RM: Can you tell us about the Animal Mummy Project? 

SI: Animal mummies are fascinating, as they seem such a curiosity to us today. They tell us a lot about how the ancient Egyptians thought of animals, and the complex way in which they viewed the world. Pets were beloved and they were preserved so that the souls of the animals and their owners could be united for eternity.

But animals also provided food, and thus food mummies were made to nourish the dead forever. 

Animals were thought to have a unique position in the realm of the gods, and each god had a totemic animal. In some cases, the god’s spirit would enter into one of his/her totemic animals, recognizable to the priests by special markings. The animal would be worshipped and cared for during its lifetime and after its death it would be mummified and buried with great pomp in special tombs. The god’s spirit would move to the body of another uniquely marked creature, a bit like the migratory spirit of the Dalai Lama. 

Animals were also given as votive offerings to the gods, but of course these would be animals that bore no special markings. These were sometimes killed deliberately and given as mummies by pilgrims, taking their prayers to the gods. Curiously many of the animals mummified for this purpose were killed deliberately. Perhaps the priests felt that these animals had been especially blessed as they had been chosen as messengers to the gods.

Recently, there has been an extraordinary find of cat, crocodile, and other mummies at Saqqara. One of the most wonderful was the identification of a lion cub mummy.Also at Saqqara, we found at a place that contained at least 7.8 million dog mummies!

Animal cults provided people with a more intimate relationship with the gods, and  votive offerings of animal mummies might have been seen as a more powerful way of interacting with the gods. These mummies also played a significant role in the economy as this practice involved temple personnel to look after the animals, to obtain them, to mummify them, and other people might have sourced animals as well. Additionally, natron, resins, oils, and bandages had to be obtained, as well as pottery vessels and coffins for the creatures. Thus, a network of trade with huge economic ramifications depended on this practice.

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Animal Mummies of Ancient Egypt

Sacred animal mummy containing a dog, circa 400 B.C.–100 A.D. Rogers Fund, 1913.  CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication. Wikimedia Commons

According to Ikram, pets were loved by their owners and mummified so the animal souls could be united with them throughout eternity. They were also a source of food, so their mummies served to nourish the dead in the afterlife. The Egyptian pantheon of gods also owned totemic animals. Sometimes the spirits of the gods would possess one of their totemic animals. These animals were identified by specific marks by the temple priests, given special care while living and then mummified and memorialized after death. Additionally, animals were killed, mummified and given as votive offerings to the gods, many of which were intended to carry messages to the gods. The practice of mummifying animals was important to the ancient Egyptian economy, in that significant resources were required and exchanged to administer it, involving sourcing the animals and mummifying them, which included the acquirement of natron, resins, oils, bandaging, pottery vessels and coffins, all relying on an extensive trade network.

Recently, Akrim was involved in the discovery of a large cache of animal mummies in a tomb near the recovery of a remarkably well-preserved priestly tomb in Saqqara. The finds included cat, crocodile, and other animal mummies, including a well-preserved lion cub, a first of its kind at Saqqara. Other animal mummy discoveries at Saqqara, said Akrim, included a location containing “at least 7.8 million dog mummies”.

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RM: I viewed Secrets of the Dead: Egypt’s Darkest Hour, where you are featured. What you discussed in that film was both interesting and macabre – the mass grave of mummies and body parts strewn about from the collapse of the Old Kingdom. Can you describe that history and carnage? 

SI: The end of the Old Kingdom was brought about by a variety of factors. The most significant was of course climate change, where a series of Low Niles and an increasing desertification caused famine, and therefore unrest. In addition to that, King Pepi the second had an extraordinarily long reign, during which time a lot of power slipped out of his hand and into that of provincial nobility. He also allowed the royal women to marry provincial elites, which gave those people greater power legitimacy, diluting the power of the king.

In order to make sure that the priesthood supported him, he allowed temples not to pay taxes to him and this series of exemption decrees also decreased royal power and general control. In general, what happened is that with this decrease of central authority and control, a lot of the provincial elites started to flex their muscles and challenge central authority, particularly upon the death of the King.

Egypt then fell into a group of warring city states, with the nobles having their own armies, and probably also bringing in mercenaries, both from the south and north-east. These battles were in part responsible for the mass graves. Of course, what you saw on television was really also a result of secondary looters in modern times.

RM: Are there curses in the tombs?

SI: The idea of curses is actually a false one. Tutankhamen’s tomb had no curse inscribed within it. That was made up by journalists. There are some tombs, however,  that do have curses and they basically say that if anyone comes in to violate the tomb, or is impure, then may they be strangled like a goose and may the gods sit in judgement of the violator. A few of them do have more colorful variations on this theme, saying may the snake, may the crocodile, or may the lion destroy you. 

RM: What did ancient authorities do when they realized it wasn’t safe to keep mummies in their tombs – bring them into more secure hiding spots?

SI: Moving mummies was something that really seemed to happen mostly in the Third Intermediate period, although it is quite possible that violated tombs were reconsecrated and bones gathered together and reburied in earlier periods, as well. Of course, in times of political turmoil when raiders, whether Egyptian or from abroad, were terrorizing the countryside, burials had to be protected and this is why bodies were moved about and put into caches for safe keeping.

RM: Beginning in ancient times, the theft and abuse of mummies is rampant. Can you tell us about them being used for fuel and medicine, for amusement and parties?

SI: In addition to eating them for medicine, once the mummies got to Europe they provided people with further ghoulish entertainment: unwrappings. These became social events and were very much a part of Victorian parlor entertainment, with special invitations being sent out for them. Mummy unwrappings did not start in the nineteenth century; many other curious individuals had staged unwrapping shows in previous years. One of the earliest recorded unwrappings occurred in September 1698, when Benoit de Maillet (1656-1738), Louis XIV’s consul in Cairo, unwrapped a mummy before a group of French travelers. Unfortunately he, as with most of his successors in unwrapping, did not record anything concerning the mummy; they only mention some of the amulets found on it. Mummies were so abundant that despite the mania for collection and unwrapping, there still remained sufficient mummies in Egypt for what might be termed ‘useful purposes’.

A special paint, called Mummy Brown, was derived from fragments of mummified bodies and used in oil painting. One singularly pious artist was so upset to find that actual bodies of humans had been used to manufacture his paint, that he took all his tubes of Mummy Brown into the garden and gave them a decent burial. In the nineteenth century an American paper manufacturer from Maine, Augustus Stanwood, used linen mummy wrapping to make brown paper. This paper was sold to butchers and grocers who wrapped meat, butter, and the like in it. Once people found out the source, this stopped being common practice. Cat mummies were shipped from Egypt to Europe for a twofold purpose: first, they helped provide a bit of ballast for the boats; second, they were used as fertilizer until public outcry put a stop to it. Mummies suffered many ignominies in Egypt, as well. They were burnt as firewood. Since wood was scarce and mummies plentiful, their arms and legs were used as torches when people wished to explore sepulchres or see their way at night. Mark Twain reports (one suspects with his tongue firmly in his cheek) that they were even reported as being used as fuel to fire locomotives.

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A fragment of mummy linen, typically used to wrap the body during mummification. ca. 1550 BC. Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum. Courtesy Smithsonian Open Access.

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RM: Can we talk about museums and displaying mummies for the public? In “From Thebes to Cairo, the Journey, Study, and Display of Egypt’s Royal Mummies, Past, Present, and Future,” you wrote that there have been “religious and political sensibilities.” Can you speak about this?

SI: It is an issue as to whether one should display dead bodies and how one should display them if one is going to. It is hard to say that there is one right or wrong answer. I think that if I were dead and on display in a museum after my death I would not mind particularly, though I would like to be shown in a slightly decent way with some covering. We cannot ask each ancient Egyptian about what he or she thought about this display business. I think that perhaps the way they have been displayed in the Royal Mummy Room with only the heads visible is acceptable. And I also think that maybe if one says a prayer, that is also helpful, but that is a personal opinion. Depending on each person’s religious or personal beliefs, the ideas of whether one should or should not display the dead will vary.

RM: In your books (as well as essays you shared with me), there are state-of-the-art displays of mummies. I recall Meresamun, a temple singer, at the Oriental Institute. The exhibit includes objects from her life, CT scans, and forensic reconstructions of her face. Is the concept here to be very informative, respectful and holistic?

SI: I think yes because then you can see her in all of her glory as a mummy as well as a human being. And for me the most important thing is to think of the ancient Egyptians as human beings because that is why I’m interested in them. I want to know as much as I can about them as individuals, which is why I perhaps prefer non-royalty to royalty.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Mummy of a child. Greco-Roman Period Egypt, Penn Museum. Mary Harrsch.  Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license

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About the interviewer

Richard is a college teacher and author. His recent publications were in Minerva Magazine, Raven’s Perch, Paterson Literary Review and Months to Years. He has authored two books in print, Dragon Sutra and New Romantics: Ten Stories, and four books online, such as Alexander in India and NY Interviews. He, his wife Renah and daughter Inanna produce videos, the latest being Childe Hera’s World on YouTube (educational travel).

As a child, Richard was given books on history, archaeology and folklore/myth; his interests have never changed. He and his wife have traveled to sixty countries. Richard studied in Greece for a semester through New York University, from where he obtained his Ph.D. From 2002-2003 he was awarded a Fulbright to teach at LMU in Munich, Germany, as well as six NEH summer seminars, such as Andean Worlds, Transcendentalists/Concord and High Plains Indians. Richard is currently finishing up a collection of speculative stories and The Story of the Egyptian Mummy, a collection of interviews with Egyptologists about mummies.

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For more about mummies, see the story about the amazing work experts are doing at the Penn Museum to conserve and study mummies and coffins, and the fascinating things they are learning about them. Published previously at Popular Archaeology.

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Modeling Ancient Maya Landscapes

A single-engine Cessna soars over the tropical Mesoamerican forest, revealing the splendors of an ancient city in stunning, three-dimensional detail. Such stories, and the breathtaking images that accompany them, have captured the popular imagination over the past decade, as Maya archaeologists have incorporated Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) technology into their toolkit. Sophisticated imaging techniques used to visualize these high-resolution remote sensing data have revolutionized settlement pattern studies in the region, allowing archaeologists to study ancient Maya cities and their surroundings at a level of detail previously unimaginable. Our work at El Pilar has been at the leading edge of this tectonic shift in Maya studies, and we continue to push the boundaries of what LiDAR can help us learn about life in the Maya Forest.

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Fig 1: Animation of aerial LiDAR survey.

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Fig 2: Map of the El Pilar site and its local and regional context. Thomas Crimmel

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El Pilar and LiDAR

El Pilar is a large Maya center, located on the edge of an elevated limestone escarpment that extends north and west into Petén, Guatemala, the heartland of Maya civilization in the southern lowlands. The modern Belize/Guatemala frontier splits the site epicenter—the “downtown” core containing the largest temples, palaces, and administrative buildings—roughly in half, with monumental structures spread over two kilometers in both countries. Anciently, this location was politically strategic, placing El Pilar within 50 km of the massive capital Tikal to the west, between 10 – 20 km from the major centers Naranjo, Holmul, and Xunantunich, and within the same distance to numerous medium-sized sites in the upper Belize Valley to the south. Several distinctive landforms—upland ridges, foothills, lowland plains, and the Belize River valley—also converge at an ecotone near this area, which provided a range of plant, animal, and geological resources to the ancient inhabitants. Twenty-square-kilometers of protected reserve land now surround El Pilar in Belize and Guatemala, but the influence of the city in ancient times would have spread over a much larger area.

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Fig 3: Central Maya lowlands and elevation cross-section (El Pilar within its local context and the elevation profile). Thomas Crimmel

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Fig 4: Map of El Pilar core area showing structures in their context (“downtown”). Thomas Crimmel

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Above and below: Most of the El Pilar structures remain enshrouded in foliage, a natural strategy for conserving its remains. Courtesy BRASS/El Pilar Program

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Archaeological projects across the Maya region now employ LiDAR, and most share the primary goal of settlement prospection: the identification of ancient occupation over vast expanses of dense tropical forest. Areas that would take years or decades to systematically survey on foot can be imaged in hours or days, allowing researchers to locate new settlement areas, understand the extent of cities, and generate population estimates. Our settlement survey program at El Pilar shares these goals, although we view settlement prospection somewhat differently. Knowing where people lived, and estimating how many people lived somewhere, are important aspects of understanding life in the past, but settlement and population size are only the starting points for understanding how the Maya lived within, and shaped, their environment.

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Fig 5: LiDAR surveys in the Maya lowlands (after Canuto).

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Above: Settlement features validated after LiDAR at El Pilar, from 1986 to 2020. Thomas Crimmel. Slideshow by canva.com

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More Than Monuments

We have integrated LiDAR imagery into settlement surveys for seven years to examine the landscape beyond  “downtown” El Pilar. Images produced by processing LiDAR data provide a starting point for ground-truthing settlement remains. We have documented over 1,862 structures over the 14 square kilometers surveyed to date, with more to be added by future work. LiDAR provides the most accurate renderings of topography that, when analyzed in Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software, can produce detailed datasets to measure the slope of the ground surface, the flow of water, and other facets important to understanding how the Maya used their landscape.

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Fig 7: LiDAR slope classification at El Pilar. Slopes range from 0 degrees (dark brown) to 90 degrees (dark blue). Thomas Crimmel

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Fig 8: LiDAR-derived water flow model at El Pilar. Elevation ranges from the high (red) to low (green) with contour lines (brown) indicating 10 meters of difference. Thomas Crimmel

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Fig 9: LiDAR-derived hilltop and basin locations at El Pilar. Concavity ranges from convex (yellow) to concave (dark blue). Thomas Crimmel

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Fig 10: Validated Looter’s Trenches (red points) at El Pilar. Roads (dotted lines) and architecture (black lines) are also shown. Thomas Crimmel

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The landscape of ancient Maya cities included more than houses and monumental precincts. A quick examination of any Maya settlement map will show large open spaces between residences, and the topographic detail revealed in LiDAR images allows archaeologists to model how the Maya may have used those seemingly “empty” spaces (see Figure 4). For example, calculations of the slope of the ground surface, derived from LiDAR measurements, reveal what areas within El Pilar were suitable for farming. Working from the premise that slope gradients above 14-degrees would be too steep to effectively grow crops, we can exclude these areas of the landscape from analyses of food production capacity, and we can apportion the remaining areas into individual farmers’ fields using our GIS. This gives us a starting point for modeling which areas within the city were intensively managed for resource production and which were left as managed forests. Sophisticated hydrological models, also partially based on slope measurements, provide methods to explore how water flowed, pooled, and was perhaps diverted and stored. El Pilar is separated from the Belize River by 10 km of rugged terrain, so managing water supplies—especially during the months-long dry season when no rain falls—would have been imperative to its inhabitants. Analyzing these aspects of the landscape brings us much closer to understanding the experiences of thousands who lived in similar centers across the Maya Lowlands.

Maya cities also contain a variety of features related to landscape management that are neither residences nor public structures. Our survey efforts have mapped a range of landscape modification features—aguadas (small reservoirs), berms, chultuns (storage pits), depressions, quarries, and terraces—that may, or may not, display strong LiDAR signatures. Long, linear features, such as terraces stretching more than 100 meters, show up clearly in LiDAR images, while smaller, irregularly shaped berms often do not. Large and deep aguadas may also be easily identified, but smaller aguadas, as well as depressions possibly serving similar water-storage functions, typically await discovery in the field. Quarries and chultuns have proven to be the most elusive features in LiDAR images, although the subterranean nature and small size of chultuns makes their low visibility predictable. Understanding the distribution of these features indicates how the Maya used different areas of their cities, and how intense their activities may have been.

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Fig 11: Example areas at El Pilar showing locations and cross-sections of Amatal, Berms, and Corozal. Thomas Crimmel

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Fig 12: LiDAR image of Amatal, points of interest, and survey results. By Justin Tran. Slideshow by canva.com

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Fig 13: LiDAR image of Berms, points of interest, and survey results. By Justin Tran. Slideshow by canva.com

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Fig 14: LiDAR image of Corozal, points of interest, and survey results. By Justin Tran. Slideshow by canva.com

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Fig 15: LiDAR cross-sections of Amatal, Berms, and Corozal (Note: High points are unidentified flying objects!)

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Making Sense With Traditional Knowledge

Interpreting how archaeological features, and the “empty” spaces around them, combined to form the structure of an ancient Maya city is not a simple process, and it cannot be accomplished without an appropriate frame of reference. To understand how the Maya domesticated the landscape in and around their cities, and to begin unraveling the meaning encoded in settlement and topographic data, we have partnered with Indigenous citizen scientists since the beginning of our research program. The contemporary Forest Gardeners of the Maya Lowlands are living encyclopedias of traditional ecological knowledge, skills, and practice. Their insights about land use and agriculture provide bridging arguments to make sense of ancient occupations.

Traditional knowledge of agricultural methods is particularly important to developing models of landscape use and management in ancient Maya cities and the contemporary Maya Forest. The Indigenous foundation of food production in the Maya Forest is the milpa cycle, which is frequently derided as “slash-and-burn” agriculture and cited as a factor in environmental degradation. Our citizen scientist partners, however, reveal the complexity of the milpa cycle: using hand tools, fire, and skills accumulated over generations of living in the forest, Forest Gardeners carefully tend their plots to provide food, construction materials, utensils, medicines, and many other necessities of daily life. They manage the succession of forest plants and trees in these fields, over an average of twenty years, to ensure the ability to produce goods that transcend their “daily bread.” In addition to their direct productive utility, milpa land management practices endow ecological benefits including animal habitat and water conservation, soil fertility maintenance, and erosion reduction on the Maya Forest landscape. We have learned about the wealth of resources this managed forest environment can provide through close collaboration with our citizen scientist partners—who help us identify and map the distribution of economically useful plants in the forest todayand we have incorporated this knowledge into hypotheses for understanding the lives of their ancestors.

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Fig 16: Example tree species identified by citizen scientists at validated mapping points. By Justin Tran. Slideshow by canva.com

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Understanding Life in the Forest

The synthesis of archaeological data, LiDAR imaging, and traditional ecological knowledge at El Pilar pushes our research into new realms of understanding. Our settlement survey, for example, has identified numerous mounds that are the remains of ancient structures, sometimes arranged together in groups and sometimes in isolation. Archaeologists regularly view these mounds as household remains and use counts of mounds as the basis of population estimates. Forest Gardeners across the Maya Lowlands, however, traditionally build small structures in fields located away from their homes. This information allows us to distinguish primary residences—the main home of a household, consisting of more than one mound—from secondary residences or field-houses, which would enter the archaeological record as small, isolated mounds and impact population estimates.

Knowledge of the traditional size of milpa plots, which typically average about one hectare, informs our efforts to understand how space was used at El Pilar. We are building land-use models that combine this information with LiDAR slope data to examine how land may have been allocated within the milpa agricultural cycle, which will reveal the dynamic and complex landscape this cycle could create. Modeling the milpa cycle allows us to explore the productive potential of the city and the forest in which it was built, and to test prevailing explanations that the Maya deforested their environment.

Work at El Pilar endeavors to understand life in the Maya Forest, both past and present, by bringing together different threads of knowledge to expand the limits of archaeological research. While the acquisition of LiDAR data continues to have a profound effect on our archaeological survey, it is the inclusive nature of our project that propels our research forward. Incorporating LiDAR has greatly benefited our settlement survey and enhanced our ability to topographically model the landscape. Our citizen scientist partners enrich our understanding of this landscape and work with us to build land-use models that reflect traditional practices. The combination of these different ways of knowing has a synergistic effect, which deepens mutual understanding across cultures and creates a more holistic framework for conducting research, and we are excited about the direction we are headed.

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Fig 17: Above and below: Is it “Field or Forest” or “Field and Forest”? It is not a trade, it is a cycle.

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Fig 18: Milpa cycle land-use model incorporating LiDAR-derived slope measurements and validated sites.

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If you liked this story, you may also like The Milpa Way, and  Mysterious Maya ‘citadel’ begins to reveal its secrets, published previously at Popular Archaeology.

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Join us for an unforgettable mega-trip with Dr. Anabel Ford to see ancient Maya cities:  Rainforest Kingdoms: Maya Archaeology under the Canopy

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Heritage at Risk

From historic forest fires in Australia to thawing permafrost in Greenland, global warming is wreaking havoc on archaeological sites around the world. The southeastern US is no exception, where heritage sites are being destroyed not only by more frequent and more intense hurricanes, but by flooding and incessant coastal erosion exacerbated by rising sea levels. The 2020 Atlantic hurricane season, for example, made history. It began more than two weeks early, with the formation of Tropical Storm Arthur on May 14, and became the most active hurricane season of the satellite era. That season shattered numerous records, producing the most named storms, the highest number to make landfall in the contiguous United States and the most to strike Louisiana. What does this mean for archaeologists in the Southeastern United States? Hurricanes are just one of many growing threats to the thousands of at-risk heritage sites they are working to document and preserve.

To gain a better understanding of the challenges archaeologists are facing, I interviewed Mark Rees, Director, Louisiana Public Archaeology Lab, University of Louisiana at Lafayette; Sarah Miller, Florida Public Archaeology Network, Chair of the Heritage at Risk committee for the Society of Historical Archaeology; Tad Britt, Chief, Archaeology and Collections, National Center for Preservation Technology and Training, National Park Service; and Meg Gaillard, Heritage Trust Archaeologist with the South Carolina Department of Natural Resources. Here is what they had to say:

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Florida • Sarah Miller

Describe the at-risk heritage sites found in Florida.

Miller: The State came up with an informal estimate a few years back of all types of at-risk historic sites: 34,786 sites affected by a two-meter rise and 16,015 sites by a one-meter rise. I tend to focus on the 3,000 archaeological sites to be potentially impacted with a one-meter rise as it’s a smaller number I can start to wrap my head around. These are close to estimates by Anderson et al. that focused more on archaeological sites—3,959 with a one-meter rise and up to 32,301 with greater than five meters in SLR (Sea Level Rise). There are models for SLR that get down to small units like square meters to show it’s not just inching up, but whole pine flats that could flood all at once. Add to that storm surge zones, which change after major storms like Matthew and Irma. Then you have to consider changes to individual sites. Some will erode away, some will become flooded but generally stay in place. Others will be fine, but the access to the sites will flood. Sites that are already submerged are not out of danger either. There is increased temperature and salinity that erode underwater sites as the oceans warm up. There is migration of sea grasses that hold sites in place as they get further under water. In diving, it’s all about more bottom time. As sites get deeper, it will cost more and increased safety stops make dive operations more complicated.

How have past hurricanes and storm events damaged the sites?

Miller: There are sites we know about, that we’ve been able to see and verify their condition. We’ve seen all above-ground features at cemeteries in the Keys wiped out in a single hurricane. We’ve seen the gradual erosion of nine meters of shoreline expose a historic coquina (stone) well that was maybe 20 feet inland and flush to the ground, now fully exposed and the stack of stones detached from the bluffline. We’ve seen flood lines on pre-Columbian mounds from even minor storms. They don’t have to be hurricanes. One of the issues this time of year are the king tides coupled with nor’easters. In St. Augustine, a tornado during Irma came onshore across the lawn of the Castillo de San Marco and wreaked havoc in Huguenot Cemetery. I work for the Florida Public Archaeology Network and I developed the Heritage Monitoring Scout (HMS Florida), which is a participatory site stewardship program to monitor sites to be potentially impacted by climate change. The information I’m sharing here is due in large part to the 1,971 Scout reports we’ve received from 677 volunteers to date.

What impact have storms and hurricanes this year had on these sites?

Miller: This year has had less activity so far, but Sally brought major flooding. After Isaias, we had a Scout report a tree down and artifacts observed on the surface of a mound near Fort Pierce. There is also a pre-Columbian canoe in the same area we’ve had our eye on, which is currently sandbagged to keep it from eroding out of the shore. After Isaias, the sandbags need to be replaced as within a month there was enough wave action to start impacting the site.

Are you noticing an increase in damage to at-risk heritage sites in recent years?

Miller: Oh, yes! We just happened to have our monitoring database up and running right before Matthew hit. At FPAN, we were not tracking it as closely until then. Right away, the database became incredibly useful to track changes over time. The only problem was, in some cases, we didn’t know what the sites looked like before. For example, at one of our flagship sites, we noted after Matthew some impacts, but later saw some of the trees were actually down before that storm. With before and after images, it’s much easier to attribute damage to a storm event with certainty.

How important is it to have archaeologists and citizen scientists in place to monitor heritage sites in real time?

Miller: I’d say absolutely essential. If you look at the Register of Professional Archaeologists, there are 147 archaeologists in the state of Florida. But there are over 180,000 cultural resources listed in the Florida Master Site File. It is really impossible to keep eyes on them all. Many are under state or federal jurisdiction, but many are on private land or in remote areas that are difficult to monitor. It’s also true that after a storm, archaeologists living where the storm hit may have other complicating factors, like their own home has been impacted, or they are deployed to other areas as part of their job. After Matthew, we had a call that there were “shoeboxes” of sherds (pottery pieces) observed near where the shoreline had a new inlet carved out literally overnight. By the time we got to the site, there was a 40-foot pile of sand placed where the sherds had been noted. The Army Corps of Engineers placed the sand as part of a previously approved project and filled in the gap. There was only a short time to observe and record impacts to this area. Another example, at Shell Bluff Landing, we saw a lens (thin layer) of scallops shell not observed before and recorded what we could. The next week another nor’easter came through and the lens was no longer visible.

What threats do future hurricanes and storm events pose to heritage sites in Florida?

Miller: Anything and everything. You never know what will be impacted or where. Sites are disappearing at such a fast rate, and those are the ones we know about. The sites we don’t even know about create another major issue, especially in areas where no comprehensive coastal zone surveys have happened. I read a statistic that Florida has the most number of sites to be potentially impacted, but Louisiana has the most land loss: a football field of land lost every hour to the ocean. In any state, sites that seem safe and upland could be impacted by migration of communities away from the coast in frequent flooding areas.

What is the biggest threat to at-risk heritage sites in Florida?

Miller: Lack of education and coordinated action. It may be easier in other countries where the right to roam and private property do not come in to play as much as they do here in the US. We have lots of jurisdiction issues that are quite complicated and create this patchwork quilt of great disparities between what’s been surveyed, what’s being monitored and managed, and places we have no idea what resources are there nor who is responsible for them. One threat that’s not very sexy, but is a major issue, is our current preservation laws. The main law that protects cultural resources on the federal level, and is replicated on the state level here in Florida, is Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act. The process described in that section involves a lengthy consultation, and having permits issued requires a crystal ball to know what will be impacted and where to get coverage for monitoring activities. These sites are disappearing so rapidly, we really need a new system for monitoring that allows for more opportunistic and autonomous monitoring by citizen scientists. Some places have such a participatory site stewardship model in place. We are constantly working with our State Historic Preservation Office, which is very supportive of our efforts. Looking to the future, we hope we can have much greater impact to assist in resilience planning and implementation in the next 30 years, which is critical in the SLR timeline.

Are there actions the archaeology community can take to mitigate these threats to at-risk sites?

Miller: There are great examples internationally and nationally of programs activated to help: SCAPE in Scotland, CHERISH in Ireland and Wales, Midden Minders in Maine, state stewardship programs that are constantly monitoring sites, especially out west. Networking is essential, and borrowing any effective tools from others is important as we are out of time for many to develop programs and resources from scratch. Everyone is doing their part to help reduce carbon emissions and keep the planet and biodiversity healthy. Living shorelines are a great option for sites in places like Florida, so look for opportunities to help with that form of heavy lifting. Stay current in heritage at-risk issues. We have the EnvArch group on Facebook that people can join to share the latest resources and post best practices. If anyone in Florida wants to join HMS Florida, we put out a monthly Scout report with a resource and challenge to keep volunteers active and learning. If you are outside of Florida, the first national site stewardship conference that was scheduled in Las Vegas was recorded and videos will be posted free to all. Let your elected officials know this topic is important to you and that we need to do more to advance regional and local planning efforts. Get in touch with your local State Historic Preservation Office (every state has one) to see if they have a monitoring or stewardship program you can join.

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FPAN staff member Emily Jane Murray during a Heritage Monitoring Scout training at Guana Tolomato Matanzas National Esturine Research Reserve (GTM-NERR) outside of Saint Augustine Florida. Courtesy FPAN

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Sarah Miller excavating at the Fountain of Youth Archaeological Park in Saint Augustine Florida. Courtesy Sarah Miller

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South Carolina • Meg Gaillard

Which heritage sites in South Carolina are most at risk from hurricanes and other severe weather events?

Gaillard: The Heritage Preserve that is most at risk is the Botany Bay Plantation Heritage Preserve, which is where the Pockoy Island Shell Ring Complex is located. As a whole, Edisto Island sees the highest rate of erosion of anywhere in South Carolina. Pockoy Island Shell Ring One is nearly gone. That is currently our top priority — to get in there, excavate and investigate as much as we can before we lose that site. Edisto Island has been watched for a very long time. Its rate of erosion puts it at the top of our list for immediate investigation. Once Pockoy is gone, what is next? Other places like the Tom Yawkey Wildlife Center Heritage Preserve, which is another SCDNR property, also see high rates of erosion. However, I can’t tell you specifically how that compares to other coastal sites and I should be able to do that. That’s the hope of the next step of our investigations — being able to strategically and scientifically analyze the coastline, using applications like the Sea Level Affecting Marshes Model (SLAMM), to see where our efforts need to move quickly so that we don’t lose more sites and lose that data before the next hurricane season.

How important is having a comprehensive strategy for identifying at-risk archaeological sites?

Gaillard: We need to have a way where we can identify a top priority list of sites in every state, so that we can strategically investigate and mitigate sites along the coast. There needs to be a strategic methodology to how we approach the archaeological investigations of these sites. Knowing, for example, that Edisto Island sees the highest rate of erosion, that would propel Edisto Island to the top of the list. Creating the framework and the knowledge base for that information is our next step forward. We really want to collaborate with other states in doing that so that we’re using the same methodology, not just within South Carolina but up and down the coastline.

What type of damage have heritage sites in South Carolina sustained from past storms?

Gaillard: Mostly, the damage is typical land loss. It’s everything between a meter to an entire site. With a high tide or a king tide, we could lose meters of a site overnight. It was approximately 200 feet of beachfront that was lost during Hurricane Irma off of Botany Bay Plantation Heritage Preserve. The small events like a high tide, a king tide, or a massive event like a hurricane can strip away a couple of meters, or they can strip away an entire site overnight. When Hurricane Isaias came through, I was contacting our climate office throughout the weekend, getting updates every eight hours to see where the track of that hurricane was going. It’s not as though I could have jumped in a vehicle with the crew and gone down there and rescued anything, but just knowing what we were losing within those hourly timeframes was in a strange way comforting. We weren’t being completely isolated from the climate data and what was happening. We could strategically plan for when we could get boots back on the ground.

Did Hurricane Isaias damage South Carolina heritage sites this summer?

Gaillard: We don’t know to the meter what we lost, but we do know that we lost some from the Pockoy Island Shell Ring Complex. We received photographs from the property managers at Botany Bay Plantation Heritage Preserve, and we know that we probably lost a good five meters off of that site. Isaias followed the path of Hurricane Dorian pretty tightly, and Dorian did a similar amount of damage to Pockoy. The high tides and strong storm surges, the constant pounding into the earth, that’s where I think a lot of people misconstrue what is destructive and what is not. Some think that if a hurricane doesn’t hit land, there will be no damage or limited damage to an archaeological site. In reality, the tide and rip current, the constant pounding of the surf is actually doing an incredible amount of damage to archaeological sites on the coast, which are literally falling into the ocean day by day. Storms that are miles and miles out into the ocean actually do an incredible amount of damage to sites that are already very fragile.

What can be done to track damage to these heritage sites?

Gaillard: The one big thing that I want to do is implement exactly what Tom Dawson and Joanna Hambly with Scotland’s Coastal Heritage at Risk (SCAPE) have done, as well as what the Florida Public Archaeology Network has been able to accomplish with citizen science programs, where we actually collaborate with people who live along the coast of South Carolina, and ask them to help us document how the coastline looks through photographs and reports. That can help us figure out where our efforts need to focus. Having more boots on the ground in the citizen science realm of things would be exponentially helpful. At the SCDNR, we’ve invited the public out to archaeology projects for over 20 years. With heritage at risk sites like Pockoy, the citizen science aspect—our volunteers—are absolutely essential to getting data out of the ground quickly, efficiently and scientifically. If we didn’t have that citizen science volunteer effort, we would not be able to do the work we do. We’ve counted thousands of hours that they’ve donated to help recover information before it’s lost. If they weren’t helping us, that data, that unwritten record, would be lost to the ocean with the next hurricane season.

Have you been able to document any increase in storm damage to the sites or is the analysis too new to establish a history?

Gaillard: It truly is absolutely new, and that’s why I’m working with people like Tom Dawson and Jo Hambly in Scotland, and Sarah Miller in Florida. Creating this baseline of data on what is most at risk really helps us move forward in our investigations. I think Sarah has the best handle on it above anybody else on the East Coast because of their citizen science efforts with the Florida Heritage Monitoring Scouts program, but even she’ll admit there are huge gaps in the data. We’re trying to figure out how we can fill these gaps and where we need to focus our efforts next. Every hurricane brings a different force inland. We might identify a place like Pockoy as being at risk, but then if Georgetown County gets hit by a Category Four, that totally changes the dynamics of where our efforts need to focus. We’re in the infancy stages of figuring out the long-term impacts to our state, and where our efforts need to focus in the future as storms become more intense and more frequent.

What threats will future hurricanes pose to heritage sites in SC?

Gaillard: My greatest fear is that we will lose sites before we even know they exist. How many archaeological sites are not identified yet that we’re going to lose before we get to them? Pockoy Island wasn’t even identified until 2016, after Hurricane Matthew when the coastline of South Carolina was re-flown, and the two shell rings that make up the Pockoy Island Shell Ring Complex were picked up with LIDAR. People had been walking over them up to that point. That’s a great concern. Then just having the funding and the personnel power to get out there and actually do the work is also of concern to all of us moving forward as we know that these storms are only going to increase in strength, severity and frequency over time.

What is the biggest threat to at-risk heritage sites in South Carolina?

Gaillard: I don’t know if there is one thing. Each site is different, and the threats can change over time. You can split the heritage risks within South Carolina into two major categories. There are the natural impacts, and the human impacts. We had the flood of 2015. We’ve had hurricanes and tornadoes. We’re on an earthquake fault. We’ve had fires. The natural list just goes on and on, but there’s also the human impact of foot traffic over sites, boat wake hitting coastal sites, or people moving into coastal environments, and not doing archaeological investigations before something is constructed. 

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Pockoy Island erosion on both sides.  Photo by Jamie Koelker.

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Part of the archaeology team excavating the May 2018 Pockoy trench. Photo by Taylor Main

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Meg Gaillard helping volunteers of all ages identify artifacts at a screen. Photo by Taylor Main

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Gulf Coast and Mississippi River Delta

Mark A. Rees, PhD, RPA

Tad Britt

Describe the at-risk heritage sites found along the Gulf Coast and the Mississippi River Delta.

Rees: Louisiana’s at-risk heritage sites include historic standing structures, such as Fort Livingston at Barataria Pass on West Grand Terre Island, and 1,300-year old Native American earthworks, such as Toncrey mounds east of Barataria Bay. There are hundreds of sites with shell midden, some still intact and many others redeposited by wave action, or now underwater, where not that long ago, Native Americans collected shellfish, fished, and hunted. All of the sites on Louisiana’s coast are endangered. An unknown number of sites are unrecorded, submerged, subsided, or destroyed, and previously recorded terrestrial sites are increasingly reported as now lying in open water. The heritage sites being destroyed include cemeteries, with graves marked as well as unmarked, and scattered bones at some sites strewn along the shoreline in each tide. New Orleans has the largest assemblage of endangered heritage, much of it now lying several feet below sea level.

Britt: We are looking at 20 coastal parishes along the coast of Louisiana, focusing more on the mouth of the Mississippi and the Atchafalaya River. There are hundreds of sites out there. They are mainly reachable only by watercraft. You might have a two-hour travel time to get to a site. The marshland is expansive and there are complexes all over it. Basically, every piece of land has had some human impact to it through time.

What are the primary threats to these heritage sites?

Rees: David Anderson and colleagues have recently drawn attention to the adverse effects of sea-level rise on historic properties throughout the eastern seaboard and Gulf Coast. The damage from hurricanes and storm surge is also very serious, but in the Mississippi River Delta (MRD) of south Louisiana, the situation is more complicated and, in many respects, much worse. Heritage sites on Louisiana’s Gulf Coast are critically endangered by a combination of factors: storm surge, relative sea-level rise (RSLR), erosion of coastal landforms, and subsidence. Each of these environmental processes have been around forever, but over the past century-and-a-half the effects have become increasingly anthropogenic—created, intensified, and accelerated by human transformation of the coastal landscape. The oil and gas industry made an indelible mark by dredging canals, laying a vast network of pipelines through the marsh, and obstructing bayous with spoil banks. This has diminished alluvial deposition from seasonal flooding and amplified the effects of subsidence, which is simultaneously increased by the extraction of oil and gas. Much of Louisiana’s coast is near sea level, so this has compounded the effects of RSLR, which we now know is being compounded by eustatic or worldwide sea level rise driven by global warming. Construction of an enormous levee system to protect coastal communities has ironically endangered those communities, as well as heritage sites, by exacerbating the cumulative effects of these anthropogenic processes. Hurricanes and storms can be catastrophic events, bringing intensified wave action and surge inland, accelerating shoreline erosion, and the loss of freshwater marsh, but the aftermath of each disaster must be approached as cumulative and interrelated to other processes in order to begin to understand—and hopefully address—the magnitude and complexity of the crisis.

Britt: There is general subsidence going on in the Delta, so things are sinking. You’ve got storm surges related to hurricanes. A lot of the sites have been impacted by the oil and gas industry. We’ve had canals dug through sites. It’s altered the waterways down there. The Mississippi Gulf River Outlet, which was constructed by the Corp back in the ‘60s, they shut down in the ‘80s because it was having unintended effects.

How have past hurricanes and storm events damaged the sites? 

Rees: The most prevalent or visible damage on Louisiana’s Gulf Coast may be the redeposition of cultural materials, in some instances eventually resulting in entirely redeposited sites. Even these sites can provide valuable information on the people who lived there, but once underwater or buried under a meter or more of sediment, the information is less likely to ever be obtained and conserved. Storm surge from a hurricane also causes severe damage by removing trees and killing vegetation with saltwater, accelerating shoreline erosion.

Britt: Threats like wave-action and subsidence can redeposit artifacts, so they jumble up the context of the sites. What’s interesting is that many of the sites were recorded in the 1980s. Since that time, we went out to visit 27 sites and we found 21. The others had been submerged or inundated. We’re rapidly losing sites due to relative sea level rise as well as general subsidence.

How did the storms in 2020, including Hurricanes Laura and Zeta, impact these sites? 

Rees: It is probably too early to assess the impacts of the damage, especially since the response is focused on communities and industry, not heritage sites in the broadest sense. Laura made landfall on the Chenier Plain of southwest Louisiana, sparing communities and sites in the low-lying deltaic plain. Historic properties such as standing structures in Cameron Parish were devastated, but the potential impacts on archaeological sites such as the understudied Woodland Period (c. 500 BCE – 1200 CE) shell midden on Johnson Bayou or a nearby, poorly-known cemetery may never be known. Sites such as these are typically revisited as part of cultural resources management (CRM) for regulatory permitting involving a proposed undertaking, not disaster response, especially if the disaster is believed to be “natural.”   

Are you noticing an increase in damage to at-risk heritage sites in recent years? 

Rees: Site destruction and loss has very clearly accelerated, with archaeologists increasingly not being able to relocate sites first recorded 50 to 70 years ago. This became starkly evident during the response in the aftermath of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, when nearly half of the previously recorded sites could not be found, or were reported as underwater. These sites are not vanishing. They’re being destroyed by anthropogenic coastal erosion, storm surge, RSLR, and subsidence. 

Britt: We’re just now starting the monitoring program. We’re trying to go out and do a basic characterization of the site through drone mapping and real-time kinematic survey on the ground tying in the control points from the drone. We’re getting a very good 3D rendering of the site, and then we can go back and compare those through time. This is a multi-year, multi-institution collaboration. We have a working group and we’ve got Tulane, LSU, ULL, NCPTT, Chitimacha Tribe of Louisiana, US Army Corp of Engineers, and the Coastal Protection Restoration Authority. We’ve got researchers from all of these universities and agencies working on this together. We’re all just getting into this work that we should have been doing years ago.

How important is it to have archaeologists and citizen scientists in place to monitor heritage sites in real time? 

Rees: Having boots on the water is critical. A majority of Louisiana’s coastal heritage is accessible only by watercraft, and many sites are so remote that archaeologists may rarely revisit those locations. This dynamic, watery landscape is constantly changing, so rare re-visitations often find much of a site eroded, partially submerged, entirely underwater, or subsided. Unlike Florida, Louisiana does not have a public archaeology network for outreach or the education of citizen scientists for site monitoring. Louisiana’s regional archaeology program was terminated due to a lack of funding, gutting public outreach and education throughout the state. The Mississippi River Delta Archaeological Mitigation (MRDAM) working group has proposed the implementation of a comprehensive program of rapid reconnaissance, site monitoring, and sampling to mitigate the effects of coastal erosion, storm surge, RSLR, and subsidence. The goals are to advance scientific knowledge of long-term historical ecology and human-environmental interactions in the MRD, while also providing CRM planning strategies for alternative mitigation and heritage conservation. Long-term and sustained site monitoring will be essential in producing the necessary baseline data to achieve these goals and objectives, but will be costly and extremely challenging due to the remote locations and rapidly-changing environmental conditions. The MRDAM working group is proposing public education, community outreach, consultations, and additional partnerships in response to the loss of heritage sites on Louisiana’s Gulf Coast.  

What threats do future hurricanes and storm events pose to heritage sites along the Gulf Coast and Mississippi River Basin?

Rees: The storm surges from hurricanes are a major threat, especially when intensified by global warming. This is true anywhere in the US, but heritage sites in Louisiana’s Gulf Coast, and especially the Mississippi River Delta, are critically endangered due to the combined effects of hurricane storm surge, coastal erosion, RSLR, and subsidence. 

Are there actions the archaeology community can take to mitigate these threats to at-risk sites? 

Rees: Absolutely; the MRDAM Working Group is proposing a systematic program of rapid reconnaissance, site monitoring, and alternative mitigation. The scale of the disaster is too large to address by traditional CRM mitigation measures, and regulatory CRM archaeology is frankly not geared to address the magnitude or duration of the unfolding crisis. MRDAM is a multi-institutional, collaborative undertaking that emphasizes public education and the engagement of higher education in this research. With broader recognition of the ongoing loss of heritage on the coast, Louisiana’s residents, politicians, and research universities will hopefully provide greater support for the goals of MRDAM. A multi-institutional research consortium might be most effective, promoting undergraduate and graduate archaeological research, and public outreach along the lines of the State’s former regional archaeology program. Support for the establishment of a Public Archaeology Network would also be beneficial, but would need to be adapted to Louisiana’s deltaic plain and coastal marsh. It needs to be sooner rather than later, however, as these places will not be around forever.  

Britt: This is an analogue for what’s going on in deltas around the world. We are using this as a case study to compare and contrast with other deltas around the world.

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Detail of a rangia midden exposure. Photo by Tad Britt, NCPTT

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Tad Britt, NCPTT, Dr. Kory Konsoer and Students conducting site recon at 16LF292. Photo by Sam Huey, PAL

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Advertisement

Invisible Beauty

Arianna Zakrzewski is an intern and writer for Popular Archaeology. She is also a graduate from Rhode Island College with a Bachelor’s degree in Anthropology. She has had an interest in archaeology since elementary school, specifically Egyptology and the Classics. In recent years, she has also gained an interest in historical archaeology, and has spent time in the field working in St. Mary’s City, Maryland, participating in excavation and archival research. Most recently, she completed her MA in Museum Studies from Johns Hopkins University. She is currently focused on collections management and making archaeological discoveries accessible and exciting to the public.

In January 2021, the Penn Museum will reopen its doors once again, welcoming visitors with their new upcoming exhibit, Invisible Beauty: The Art of Archaeological Science. With this, visitors will get an exclusive behind-the-scenes look at the science of archaeology in the lab, and the beauty hidden within ordinary objects of our past. “One of the reasons for this exhibit is to highlight what we do in the laboratory, what archaeologists and anthropologists do in the laboratory when they’re not excavating,” explains Dr. Marie-Claude Boileau, the Director of the Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials (CAAM) at the Penn Museum, University of Pennsylvania. “When we do have a few visitors that come and see us in the lab, they look down a microscope and they’re really blown away by what objects look like at higher magnification. There’s a beauty to these images and there’s also a lot of information, particularly showing how a very tiny sample is really packed with information about the past.”

CAAM was founded in 2014 by the Penn Museum and the School of Arts and Sciences at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Boileau, explains, “This was part of the big push for the museum to bring in students into the museum to do research and take formal classes, which really complements the museum’s Academic Engagement department.” Students of CAAM have the unique opportunity to study archeological science, an interdisciplinary field bridging the gap between the hard sciences and the humanities by researching and studying objects and specimens from the museum. “That’s actually how we captured some of these images,” says Dr. Boileau. Invisible Beauty showcases the various areas of studies students can explore during their academic careers in CAAM, from archaeobotanical remains to landscapes and more.

According to Dr. Sarah Linn, a University of Pennsylvania Alumna herself, “It is exciting that there are students who have now taken CAAM courses throughout their entire career at Penn. Undergraduates begin in these introductory courses and they ultimately come out as amazing archaeobotanists or zooarchaeologists. There is also an enormous amount of support for students doing Ph.D.’s and other intensive research projects. When I started my Ph.D. at Penn in 2009 we had nothing like this. These students have the incredible opportunity to do their coursework and then pursue their dissertations with remarkable support from archaeometallurgists and ceramics specialists. It is a great program that dovetails really nicely with the work we do in Academic Engagement, allowing us to support students in a robust way. This exhibit provides an additional opportunity for students to gain experience showcasing their work to the public.”

Invisible Beauty shows various objects from research being conducted by the Penn Museum and CAAM, imaged to reveal hidden informatio. Dr. Linn, a Mediterranean archaeologist who works closely with graduate students, was discussing a microscopic image with student Olivia Hayden [who has since completed her Ph.D.] when the idea for Invisible Beauty was born. “While talking to [Dr. Hayden] about her research and some of the images she’d been capturing throughout her research in CAAM, I was just struck by an incredibly beautiful image of a bronze needle from Cyprus. It has a great story behind it as well, but it is also just visually appealing. I reached out to Dr. Boileau, who was also excited about showing some of these images to the public, and we realized that we could do an exhibit that captures the visual appeal, but that also leads to some great stories and highlights the work we are doing in the labs, and out in the field as well.”

The exhibit showcases a range of images from around the world, spanning dates from approximately 40,000 BCE to 1967 CE. In addition to the bronze needle that started it all, visitors will also enjoy magnified images of a microscopic diatom, ceramic materials, obsidian used by students in experimental archaeology trials, textiles, and more. “One image shows a copper alloy dagger that was wrapped in a textile when it was buried, but over time the corrosion took over the textile itself, and it actually took the shape of the fibers,” Dr. Boileau explains. “We call these pseudomorphs, and so we actually have the view of what the textile weaving pattern would have looked like [had it been preserved in its original form].” All images are displayed alongside information about the instruments and magnification used to capture the images.

Some images are displayed alongside the actual object that was studied in the lab, as well. “Some of them are almost complete,” Dr. Boileau explains. “So visitors can appreciate those, but we’re also showing objects and specimens you normally would not see in an exhibit; these are fragmentary, like broken pieces of pottery, maybe very small, and they might look like there’s nothing exciting about them, but then you put them under the microscope and it comes to life.”

Not only is Invisible Beauty an aesthetically pleasing exhibit to explore, but it also showcases the kind of information archaeologists can obtain by conducting these scientific studies on everyday objects. “Scale is a big part of this,” says Dr. Linn. “We have images ranging from the microscopic diatom, which is magnified more than twenty-thousand times, all the way to large-scale landscapes in Turkey.” The magnification of these objects and specimens can also reveal important information about the crafting of everyday objects, as was the case with Dr. Hayden’s bronze needle. “The image is a striking gold-colored swirl,” Dr. Linn explains. “The object itself is not much to look at—it is a corroded bronze needle, so it really doesn’t look like much. But when you get to the actual metal and take a tiny sample of it, it’s beautiful and you can learn so much about it.” Dr. Hayden conducted a great deal of research on two needles discovered together in a tomb at a site called Lapithos on Cyprus, consisting of various forms of analysis, including elemental analysis and microscopy. She suggests the needles were actually made by the same craftsperson. Her goal was to determine how the craft is transmitted, not just the material. “As archaeologists we focus so much on trade and how people are learning to do these crafts, so to have two objects made by the same person is incredible,” she says. “You can see the swirl marks on this image that show how the craftsperson was actually turning the needle as they were hammering it.”

Dr. Boileau and Dr. Linn hope that visitors will come away from this behind-the-scenes look at the lab work done by researchers at the Penn Museum with a better understanding of the kinds of work archaeologists do when they’re not in the field, and with a sense of wonder. They want to ignite a curiosity in their viewers about objects and the information that can be unlocked when looking at things at these scales.

Invisible Beauty can be enjoyed by visitors at the Penn Museum from January 2021 to June 2021.

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About the Penn Museum

The Penn Museum (the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology) is dedicated to the study and understanding of human history and diversity. Founded in 1887, the Museum has sent more than 300 archaeological and anthropological expeditions to all the inhabited continents of the world. With an active exhibition schedule and educational programming for children and adults, the Museum offers the public an opportunity to share in the ongoing discovery of humankind’s collective heritage.

The museum is located at 3260 South Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104 (on Penn’s campus, across from Franklin Field). Public transportation to the Museum is available via SEPTA’s Regional Rail Line at University City Station; the Market-Frankford Subway Line at 34th Street Station; trolley routes 11, 13, 34, and 36; and bus routes 21, 30, 40, and 42. Museum hours are Tuesday through Sunday, 10:00 am to 5:00 pm. Museum admission donation is $18 for adults; $16 for senior citizens (65 and above); $13 for children ages 6-17. Admission to the Penn Museum is FREE for U.S. military, reservist personnel, and veterans, teachers, and children ages 5 and under.

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New perspectives in human behavior and culture

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY—It is at the confluence of different experiences that new theories come into being. Writing in this week’s “Perspectives” in the journal Science, ASU researchers Kim Hill and Rob Boyd comment on new science by Barsbai et al analyzing human behavior in traditional societies and advocate for a new fully integrated evolutionary theory of human behavior.*

A collaboration of these two particular researchers is not unexpected but reflects how the practical and theoretical combine to create new ideas. Hill has spent most of the last 30 years in the jungles of South and Central America, South Africa, and the Philippines living and working with indigenous hunter-gatherer communities to understand the unique aspects of our own species. Boyd is a forerunner in the field of cultural evolution, focusing on the evolutionary psychology of the mechanisms that give rise to — and influence — human culture, and how these mechanisms interact with population dynamic processes to shape human cultural variation. They are two of 17 scientists with the Institute of Human Origins at Arizona State University who work on the cutting edge of evolutionary science to provide a better understanding of “how humans became human” and how and why we are in some ways so different from all other life forms on the planet. Both researchers are professors with the ASU School of Human Evolution and Social Change.

In their commentary, Hill and Boyd support an analysis of 339 hunter-gatherer societies that shows that “not only are hunter-gatherers behaviorally similar in similar ecologies, but even mammals and birds in those ecologies tend to exhibit the same behavioral regularities as do human populations,” validating the evolutionary perspective called “human behavioral ecology.”

However, shifting to a new paradigm that began in the 1980s, they add that social learning, cultural history, and cultural evolution are also important prime determinants of human behavioral variation. Humans cooperate more than any other primate. Because of the role of cultural and cooperation, our species has seen spectacular ecological success.

Hill and Boyd also cite Institute of Human Origins researchers Sarah Mathew and Charles Perreault’s recent paper on the causes of variations among 172 North American Native American communities that found that “the effect of cultural history seems to persist for hundred or even thousands of years.”

Together, Hill and Boyd see a need to synthesize both adaptive behavioral ecology and cultural evolution approaches into a singular, integrated, evolutionary approach to understanding human behavioral variation.

They state that “culture and genes are linked in a tight coevolutionary embrace, and this leads to complex patterns of genetic and cultural coadaptation.” Hill and Boyd hope that these recent studies, their observations, and new research currently being done will help elucidate the complex nature of human behavior and why explanations of human behavioral patterns will not simply be extensions of animal behavior models.

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Samal man from Mindanao, Philippines, fixing a fishing net. Kim Hill image

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Article Source: Arizona State University news release

*”Perspectives” in Science, “Behavioral convergence in humans and animals,” by Kim Hill and Rob Boyd.

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