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Best known for fishing and as a popular vacation destination for tourists, Hatteras Island snakes down a long 42 miles beginning just beyond the southern end of the bustling northern Outer Banks vacation communities of Nags Head, Kill Devil Hills and Kitty Hawk, just off the coast of North Carolina. Constituting the greater part of the Cape Hatteras National Seashore, it is far less populated and commercial than its adjoining Outer Banks neighbors to the north. Traveling south, I drove a seemingly endless, quiet, almost pristine ribbon of sand, with a view of the Atlantic Ocean waves crashing against it to the east on the left and the Pamlico Sound lapping up against it to the west on the right. I encountered almost nobody along the way. The ocean shelf just beyond the beaches is a virtual graveyard of shipwrecks, accumulated over the centuries on a stormy, watery stage that historically also saw the likes of Edward Teach, otherwise infamously known as Blackbeard the Pirate. Today, every summer, some discriminating vacationers avoid the crowds of the beach communities in the north and rent their getaway homes and cottages in or near the island’s tiny towns of Rodanthe, Waves, Salvo, Avon, Buxton, Frisco, and Hatteras Village. But in recent years, despite its quiet, off-the-beaten-path character, something quite extraordinary has been happening on Hatteras. At its far southern end, near the communities of Frisco, Buxton and Hatteras Village, teams composed of students and local volunteers, led by a U.K. archaeologist from the University of Bristol, have been digging into the soil sediments to uncover the island’s history—a history that may have a profound impact on solving a 433-year-old cold case mystery.
For Scott Dawson, a teacher, firefighter and EMT in his early 40’s, it would be no exaggeration to say that this has been the adventure of a lifetime. Dawson is deeply connected to the island. His family roots here go back over three hundred years into the 17th century. Over the years his passionate interest in the history and archaeology of the island has led him to dive intensely into the historic documents that underpin the real story of the indigenous Native American inhabitants of Hatteras—the Croatoan—and the earliest British newcomers who first came to explore and settle the region over 430 years ago. That story happened over 20 years before colonists set foot on what became Jamestown in present-day southern Virginia. Now, as founder and President of the non-profit Croatoan Archaeological Society, he and the society’s membership have played a key role in archaeological investigations related to that earliest colony under the direction of the University of Bristol’s Dr. Mark Horton.
When I initially spoke with Dawson about the investigations, I was in the process of reading his book, The Lost Colony and Hatteras Island, and the fascinating artifact discoveries from Horton’s excavations he described within. I already knew the story of the famous ‘lost colony’ from my own readings, so I did what all too many people in my position did—skip immediately to the second part of his book, which related in detail the story about the latest artifact findings that had commanded so much attention from the popular press in recent years.
Before I could get very far in our conversation, he stopped me.
“Did you read Part 1 of the book?”, he asked.
With a sense of embarrassment, I answered him. “No.”
And that is where the entire direction of the discussion changed. “That’s a common mistake,” he said. “In order to really understand the significance of our finds, you need to understand the true history behind them. Most people who have read about the Croatoan and the lost colony think they know the story. But they don’t. What we have learned in school is not accurate.”
Dawson knows this because he was exposed to the same misinformation as a child growing up on the island—until he decided to really dig for the truth by going to the primary first-hand accounts and historic records.
Understanding what the latest finds mean requires going back to the historic backdrop that defined their significance………
Raleigh’s Chartered Voyages
Written history tells us that it was on the shores of the Outer Banks where the very beginnings of English colonization took place. And though far from the Elizabethan England of its time, these initial explorations and attempts owe their inception in large measure to the geopolitics, culture and economic enterprise of the broader European 16th century stage. Queen Elizabeth I and her England, with its upstart naval prowess, were challenging Spain’s undisputed position as the world’s preeminent naval power. News of Spain’s solid and strengthening foothold in the New World and the vast new resources—especially gold—that flowed from it, quickly caught the attention of the Queen and her chief playmakers—men like the favored and influential courtier Sir Walter Raleigh.
Keen to make England the most powerful monarchy of Europe, the Virgin Queen and Raleigh knew that enlarging the royal treasury and expanding the kingdom’s economy was key. Steeped in the politics of the times, they aimed to explore the New World and establish colonies to stake England’s claim and to also act as a springboard for launching raids on the Spanish West Indies and Spain’s treasure fleets. The Queen granted Raleigh a royal charter, authorizing him to explore, colonize, and control any “remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian Prince, or inhabited by Christian People,” in return for a portion of all the gold and silver that might be acquired there.* Simultaneously, while navigating the currents of the Atlantic from England to the Caribbean and up North America’s eastern seaboard of what is today the United States, the Queen’s privateers would, and did, aggressively encounter and loot the Spanish treasure ships as they sailed in return from their conquered and established sources in the Americas. But there was another side to England’s design in this venture. The English sought to undermine the Spanish foothold among the Native Americans, who the Spanish had systematically and cruelly subjugated, plundered and murdered ever since the Christopher Columbus voyages, as a means of attaining their desired preeminence in the new-found lands. Known as the “Elizabethan Model” for colonization, it was a vision of conquest through befriending and trading with the natives, as opposed to domination and subjugation. The concept was first espoused and advanced by the Queen’s preeminent historian Richard Hakluyt in his Discourse Concerning Western Planting, published in 1584. This approach was immediately and officially adopted as a means for English colonization. Hakluyt, also a geographer, became a principal member of the first voyages. And as will be seen later, the “Elizabethan Model” proved key to the survivability of the early colonists.
With that, Raleigh financed, solicited investors, and organized the first English expeditions. It was first and foremost an economic and military venture, as well as a vanguard undertaking in scientific research. The initial two expeditions, the first a reconnaissance mission headed by Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, and the second a military mission commanded by Sir Richard Grenville, which were launched in 1584 and 1585 respectively, explored primarily Croatoan (today’s Hatteras Island). The expeditions were fruitful, bringing back knowledge of the resources and inhabitants of the newly found land. Discovered and documented in detail through notes, watercolors and drawings by expedition artist, cartographer and explorer John White and expedition scientist Thomas Harriot, the earliest expeditions produced for the first time a picture of “the new found land of Virginia,” and of “the commodities and of the nature and manners of the natural inhabitants” for Raleigh and the expedition’s gentlemen British investors—and perhaps more importantly, from the Crown’s perspective, rumors of gold and a passage to the South Sea.* Equally important, friendly relations were established with the natives, of whom the famous Manteo and Wanchese were leading members, voyaging back to England with Grenville to visit as arguably America’s first Native American ambassadors. At the same time, however, acts perpetrated by the military expedition of 1585 saw the making of new enemies among the native tribes, especially the Secotan, the repercussions of which would continue to flow through the dynamics of subsequent ventures and relationships. This could explain at least in part why Wanchese was suspicious of the English. He ended his relationship with the English, but Manteo and others of his tribe remained staunch friends and allies. Thus, though the returns from the first two reconnaissance missions were mixed, it was enough in the beginning to incentivize and outfit a civilian expedition to permanently colonize the new territory with a start-up group of 118 men, women, and children. The objective was to find a deep harbor in the Chesapeake Bay area to establish a port town, and to stop briefly at Roanoke Island to retrieve 15 soldiers left on the island by the 1585 expedition. Circumstances, however, proved to alter the original plans and the colonists ended up remaining on Roanoke.
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Veteran explorer John White was commissioned as the expedition’s leader and colony governor. In addition to the enormous responsibility for the welfare and protection of friends and families under his command, his stake in the mission was also deeply personal—along with him came his daughter Ellinor and son-in-law Ananias Dare. It was an unprecedented experiment in English civilian colonization on North American soil.
But, as it turned out, the effort was short-lived. After six weeks, White left the colony to return to England for much-needed supplies and reinforcements, leaving behind the bulk of the group, including his daughter Ellinor, son-in-law Ananias, and new granddaughter Virginia, the first English person to be born on American soil, to thrive as best they could until his return.
A return that wouldn’t occur for another three years.
The Queen needed every ship she could muster to defend England against the impending Spanish threat, and that, along with other complicating circumstances, locked White into a furiously frustrating wait until resources could finally be made available for the return trip.
Finally, in the year 1590, White stepped back onto Roanoke Island and into the site of the settlement on August 18, serendipitously coinciding with the third birthday of his granddaughter, Virginia. But there was no birthday celebration, for as White and his party could see, not a single settler remained.
“We passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses,” White wrote in his account, “but we found the houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very fort-like, and one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off, and 5 feet from the ground in fair capital letters was [en]graven CROATOAN without any cross or sign of distress…..”**
White and the settlers had agreed that a cross symbol would be engraved if the settlers had encountered trouble or distress before, or as the cause for leaving, should they have to abandon the settlement. Clearly from the lack of such signage, all seemed to be well. Engraved into the tree post was ‘CROATOAN’, the name of a native group. Had the colonists gone to live with the natives? To White, this would make perfect sense. Manteo, who was left with the 1587 colonists after his return from England, was a great friend and asset to the colonists. He was a critical link to the Croatoan, the group of natives with whom the early explorers and colonists had already established a mutually beneficial symbiotic relationship, and White likely knew that he would be critical to the colony’s survival during his absence. Moreover, White knew where the Croatoan lived—on the island known today as Hatteras.
White and his party then sailed south toward Hatteras. But a violent storm drove his ship out to sea. The attempt was abandoned and he returned to England, never to return again.
One can only imagine White’s heartbreak and the enduring haunt that likely plagued the rest of his days. His last years are lost to history, but in a letter he wrote to Hakluyt, who wrote about the early English experience in America, he summed up his final trip with the words “as luckless to many, as sinister to myself”.
Needless to say, the fate and whereabouts of the “lost colony”, as it came to be called in the popular literature, has been the subject of historical and archaeological investigation for many decades. But the story and mysteries of the first English settlement go well beyond the “lost colony”, and archaeologists and historians have been busy, off and on and as resources have allowed, conducting research to find the answers.
The search began on the north end of Roanoke Island, where some surface features and finds gave clues to the past presence of the first colony.
The Elusive Settlement
Edward “Clay” Swindell, who is the Mid-Atlantic Regional Archaeologist for the U.S. Navy, led me down narrow paths in a thicket of woods within what is today the Fort Raleigh National Historic Site area. Swindell has been a key member of a team that has recently uncovered artifacts that could give new clues about the final whereabouts of at least some of the members of the lost colony. But here, in these woods on the Island of Roanoke, North Carolina, he guides me to four places where scientists over the decades have unearthed some tantalizing traces of this first English presence in America.
One such place is the famous earthwork “fort”, the most prominent and visible feature on the historical landscape surrounding the Fort Raleigh National Historic Site visitor center. It was in this immediate area where the first full professional excavations on the island began under the direction of National Park Service archaeologist Jean “Pinky” Harrington in 1947 and 1948. What he excavated then, however, was a faint physical reminder of what once stood here. Visitors today see the reconstructed earthwork, actually constructed in the 1950’s, the way researchers and archaeologists suggest the “fort” may have appeared in its day. For years, historians and archaeologists have suggested that the simple earthwork sconce, or ‘fort’, served as the major defensive function for the early colonists, featuring perhaps the placement of cannon directed to the nearby shoreline to protect the main colony from potential Spanish attack or advances. But today archaeologists, including Swindell, disagree with that scenario.
“It’s just too far from the shoreline for that to work,” he says. “It wouldn’t make sense.”
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The shoreline has changed over time since the late 16th century. But even given the original shoreline, the distance would have been too great for the fort placement to make sense. Swindell suggests that the earthwork may have been constructed as a quickly-raised earthen sconce to defend or protect an element of the early colony from nearby natives, known to be living in an established village just north of the location—or that it may have served some purpose other than defense of the colony from threats from the sea. Harrington and his team uncovered musket balls, sherds of small crucibles, olive jars, German jettons, and copper nuggets from the earthwork site. Further excavations just west of the earthwork in 1982 and 1983 by the Southeast Archaeological Center of the National Park Service also revealed similar Elizabethan period artifacts, including sherds of crucibles, more Normandy flasks, and tin-glazed ointment pots. And most recently, in 2010, ground-truthing excavations connected to a 2008-2009 Radar Tomography survey uncovered a spread of charcoal. More telling was Harrington’s excavation in 1965, including later excavations by the late Ivor Noël Hume of the Colonial Willamsburg Foundation, which revealed another adjacent site, defined by a nine-foot-square line of postmolds (dark soil where wooden posts in the ground had long rotted away) and a one-foot-deep sunken floor that featured three pits. One of the pits contained bricks, some of which were modified, 16 sherds of a Normandy flask, and native pottery. The consensus among archaeologists now suggests that this site was Thomas Harriot’s “workshop” or “science center”, a place where he, as the expedition ‘scientist’, conducted work to extract minerals and other resources – a metallurgical workshop of sorts. The charcoal feature at the earthwork uncovered in the 2010 excavations has also since been identified as fuel made by Harriot and his workmen, likely during the 1585 expedition. The archaeology has shown that this workshop site may actually have preceded the earthwork. So it is not an altogether unsupportable suggestion that the earthwork feature might have been designed to protect the workshop due to worsening relations with the neighboring natives.
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Walking further north, Swindell leads me to a place where, in 2008, 2009, and 2010, archaeologists uncovered more artifacts. As we swat mosquitoes from our faces, he points and delineates the area where the excavations took place. One would hardly know any excavation had ever taken place here. Tucked deep in the woods along a nature trail, it appeared virtually untouched by the human hand. But in 2008 archaeologists had to dig 3 feet down through sand in this place before they could reach any signs of past cultural activity. The dune build-up over time had covered over the original late 16th century surface. Today the place is known as the ‘Harriot Woods’ site, where excavators uncovered two cache pits containing European artifacts, including a necklace made of diamond-shaped copper plates (a likely trade item of high value to the local Algonquian natives of the time), copper aiglets typically used to lace up Elizabethan clothing, a fragment of lace, and glass Venetian beads (also a valued trade item among the local Indians). Further excavation at the site revealed a slot trench feature that was identified as evidence of a palisade fence that ran northward toward the shoreline. Radiocarbon dating of organic material found at the site indicated a date range of 1540 – 1640 AD.
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Was this, along with the earthwork and the ‘science center’ site, part of the remains of the main settlement and fort documented in the historical accounts?
Archaeologists have their doubts.
“None of the artifacts or features here are evidence of domestic activity,” says Swindell. “Harrington’s work, Hume’s work, and our (more recent) work didn’t show any kind of habitation here (that would be characteristic of a domestic settlement, such as at Jamestown).” And even the earthwork, interpreted as a defensive feature, would not be substantial enough to be considered a fort of the type that the colony would need for overall defense. Now, archaeologists question the earlier suppositions that the main settlement site has been found. Nonetheless, the earthwork site and the other sites nearby clearly indicate a 16th century European presence on the island.
Much more work needs to be done before solid conclusions can be drawn, says Swindell. That work will be challenging, and part of that challenge has to do with the changing environment and the dunes. Dune formation in this area has covered the surface to the point where one must typically excavate at least several feet before reaching any cultural layers that could be identified with the colonial period. Significant shoreline erosion has been another culprit. Swindell walked me eastward along a narrow trail through the woods to a point on the shoreline. We emerged at the edge of a high sand dune bluff overlooking the shoreline. It was sculpted by the unrelenting elements of water and wind over time. Called “Barrel Beach”, this is where archaeologists recovered the lower part of a wooden barrel and a hollowed-out log in shallow water along the shore in 1982. Radiocarbon-dated to the late 16th century, they are thought by some archaeologists to be parts of a well facility established by the colonists for access to fresh water. Here also archaeologists found Iberian olive jar sherds and a few 16th century objects, including an axe. But the point is that none of these objects would have been found at the time if it hadn’t been for the extensive, ongoing erosion of the deep dune layers along the shoreline. The erosion, in a sense, did the digging for them. Yet even this has its drawbacks. “It’s a race against time,” says Swindell. “In 2006 test units were excavated at this spot above the shoreline. Now that surface is gone. We’ve probably lost about 50 feet of shoreline due to erosion over the past decade. There was potentially an Elizabethan component here. Underwater testing has been done, but it hasn’t turned up much.” Swindell added that much of the dune accumulation, shifting and erosion we see today occurred since the early 19th century after logging removed the foliage critical for supporting and protecting the land surface from sand encroachment and erosion. It has vastly complicated efforts to investigate what lies beneath. “In some places the sand could be as much as 10 to 12 feet above the original 16th century land surface,” he says.
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So, with the doubts about the “Fort Raleigh” earthwork site as a viable candidate for the colony’s main settlement site and no evidence of artifacts or structures in the area that would signal domestic habitation, I asked Swindell where he thought the main settlement could possibly be.
We hopped into his SUV and proceeded south from the archaeological sites along highway 64 toward Manteo, the modern town on Roanoke. “Even Pinky (long before the popular perception that the main settlement was located around or near the earthwork) suspected that the main settlement and fort was down south in the vicinity of Shallowbag Bay,” said Swindell. Manteo abuts Shallowbag Bay, home to the town’s main marina and an ideal waterfront for docking boats of a variety of capacities. The trip took only 5 minutes, and we were soon walking up a peer that jutted into the bay. We stopped at the end of the pier, at the edge of the water.
Looking at it, and comparing it to the shore area further north near the archaeological sites, it was easy to see how this would have been a much more desirable place to establish a fort and settlement.
“This is a nice, deep area for portage and docking,” he says. “The entrance to the Outer Banks is more easily accessible. You have this nice sheltered bay that better accommodates the docking of ships. So you can imagine that this would be a better place to protect your ships and to actually bring supplies in, whereas toward the north (where the current archaeological sites are) there is really no (workable) place to keep your boats and offload supplies.”
“This isn’t a new revelation or proposal,” he continues, “but the traditional ‘Fort Raleigh’ location identified with the earthwork further north at the Park acted like a ‘red herring’, diverting attention from further exploration or consideration of this location.”
He points to another side of the bay, a concentration of condos along the shoreline. “That is one of the areas we are interested in—back in the 30’s, there was a young man who found an English sixpence in that area. Other (unprovenanced) small finds have cropped up in the area. None of them have been pursued archaeologically. We are hoping to pursue some of these leads, among other things.”
But none of this is to say that investigations at the traditional ‘Fort Raleigh’ site on the north of the island are over.
“People think there is nothing left to find here,” says archaeologist Eric Deetz, a member of the First Colony Foundation team and lecturer at the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill. “I don’t buy that.”
Deetz conducted a limited excavation at the workshop/science center site in 2017, re-investigating what has already been done to clarify and hopefully find answers to some outstanding questions—like uncovering and identifying postholes for missed clues to any structures. He suggests that during Harrington’s time, the excavators were not as adept at recognizing the subtle soil features that give clues to the presence of past structures. Deetz applies his years of experience from the Jamestown excavations, where they uncovered the many subtle posthole traces of the (what was thought to be long lost) palisade trenches defining James Fort, as well as its other associated structures.
“I have a dream,” he says. “And I think it’s going to come to pass.”
Like the renewed workshop/science center excavation, Deetz hopes to re-excavate many of Harrington’s old, now re-filled trenches. He shows me a site plan made of Harrington’s old trenches. He argues that the level and intensity, and thus the thoroughness, of the investigations and excavations conducted at the present-day Fort Raleigh National Historic Park area never approached the level and intensity given to the Jamestown site further north in Virginia. To illustrate this further he describes an excavation conducted in 2009-2010 that uncovered traces of a previously undetected slot trench not far from where excavators found the copper necklace and trade beads (see above). “It could be a 16th century palisade,” he speculates, “or it could be some place where they built a fence for a pigsty in 1760.” No artifacts were found that could help date the feature. However, archaeologists took soil samples from the site and sent them for OSL (Optimally Stimulated Luminescence) testing. “So if we get results indicating it could be 16th century,” he exclaims with a hopeful gleam in his eye, “then we’re off to the races.”
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The North Side Story: Clues to the Lost Colony
A number of accounts and theories have been advanced over the years by historians and scholars about the fate of the ‘lost colonists’. But recent archaeological investigations may be shedding new light…………
Site X
Most archaeologists who have been involved in the ongoing research related to the first English colonial ventures on the present-day Outer Banks would say that it was unlikely that everything happened in one place. As Swindell maintains, the early expedition operations and colonial attempts likely extended beyond the single settlement locale most often depicted in popular perception. The first two voyages spent much of their time in and around Croatoan — Hatteras Island — where they initially encountered the Croatoans and established a friendly, mutually beneficial trade relationship. This is where they met Manteo, the great friend, ally, and interpreter for the early colonists, and who also famously visited with the Queen on his first voyage to England. And based on the historical accounts alone, we also know that Raleigh’s explorer-colonists were keenly interested in exploring into the interior of the land, with the prospect of claiming and settling new territory and tapping into new resources for the English Crown. The Virginea Pars map, originally drawn by John White, shows a strong interest in what is today the western Albemarle Sound. Indeed, according to White, there were plans to “remove 50 miles into the Main” from Roanoke Island. Combined with the evidence of White’s map, that would place their intentions into the lands bordering the western Albemarle Sound.
Could this be where at least some of the members of the ‘lost colony’ ended up?
Archaeologists of the First Colony Foundation think this is an explanation that cannot be dismissed. Established in 2004, the First Colony Foundation has been dedicated primarily to conducting archaeological and historical research on American beginnings related to the Elizabethan expeditions and colonies of the 1580’s.
“Work and resources shifted away from Roanoke to the Salmon Creek area (adjacent to the western Albemarle Sound) after about 2009,” said Swindell. “With pending construction of new developments in the area, the James River Institute (a cultural resources management firm) was enlisted to survey the area. One of the sites surveyed yielded early ceramics that hinted at a European presence that appeared to predate the later colonial settlements of the area.”
The Salmon Creek site (now popularly referred to as “Site X”) was actually first identified in 2007 through an archaeological shovel test survey and later through test pits. During the surveys, archaeologists recovered a mix of Native American and early English ceramic artifacts, artifacts indicating evidence of 17th and 18th century English activity or settlement. But some of the ceramic fragments, based on later expert examination, suggested late 16th century, the time of Raleigh’s expeditions. Subsequently, the First Colony Foundation began excavations at the site in 2012—and this is where the story really took off. It began when Brent Lane, professor of Heritage Economics at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, requested the British Museum to examine White’s 1585 Virginea Pars map. The document was being used by the Foundation to inform their research and surveys in the area. “We noticed the patches on the White map and asked the British Museum to place the map (the original being located at the Museum) on a light table,” said Swindell. “This revealed a symbol or shape beneath that looked much like a fort. We had already done work in that area, so we went back to look at it again, what had been found (the early ceramics), and renewed excavations there.”
What they discovered, and the resulting interpretation of the finds, has since become a major media splash that has captured the attention of the general public and scholars alike. Beginning in 2012 and ending in 2017, with each season lasting from 7 to 10 days, archaeologists dug a total of 53 two-meter-square units over 2,250 square feet, recovering a variety of artifacts and features providing evidence mostly of a Native American, but also, to a much smaller degree, a possible European/English presence. Most noteworthy were objects, for these purposes, consisting of 40 sherds representing perhaps 6 or 7 vessels of 16th century Surrey-Hampshire Border ware; 8 sherds representing a North Devon plain baluster jar—both types of ceramic ware commonly used during the 16th and 17th centuries, the baluster jar having been typically used as a provisioning jar on sea voyages; two tenter hooks, of a type similar to that used at the early Jamestown settlement and possibly used to stretch canvas (sail cloth) to create temporary shelters or to stretch and dry animal skins; and an aiglet of the type that would have secured Elizabethan clothing, among other artifacts. The finds were generally concentrated in two of the 53-unit total excavation area. It is worth noting that the artifacts are also significant in that the earliest recorded presence of English settlement in the western Albemarle Sound area did not occur before about 1655.
So what do these finds mean? Is this evidence of the lost colony?
Perhaps. But the accounts of the Raleigh expeditions also record initial exploratory forays westward into the mainland under the leadership of Philip Amadas and Ralph Lane, leaders of the first expedition in 1585. Could the artifacts represent traces of those ventures?
The Foundation report dismisses this explanation. “The excavation of domestic table wares from several different diagnostic vessels along with other less diagnostic, but possibly contemporaneous artifacts, strongly suggests that the above mentioned European presence was of a longer duration and the activities different from those recorded for the pre-1587 English exploration of the lower Chowan River basin [as documented in the historical record].”***
But were the artifacts simply transported there by the Native Americans through trade? Possibly—Site X is primarily a Native American settlement site, and the native inhabitants of the time had a known, active trade network. The early colonists exchanged goods with them as needs dictated. European objects, unique and novel to the native inhabitants, were highly valued, especially items of iron, iron tools, objects made of copper, and glass Venetian beads. But, reports the Foundation team, “missing at Site X are the most common trade goods, like beads…….fragments of European pottery do occur in a few VA/NC Indian site assemblages that probably date as early as the 1660s, but they are not common, and it seems that ceramics were not routinely carried into Indian country by traders until the mid-1700s.”*** The report further notes that there are no records that indicate the presence of European traders in the area prior to 1655. And even the Native American artifacts provide some clues, suggest the report authors — “preliminary analysis of the Colington series [a type of Native American pottery] ceramics from Site X suggests that this phase of Carolina Native American occupation occurred before the 17th century. Years of regional research informs us that this shell-tempered ware is representative of the Carolina Algonkians, or the group of Native American Indians occupying the region at the time of Elizabethan exploration in the 16th century.”***
Nonetheless,”we do not have the smoking gun,” said archaeologist Nicholas Luccketti, director of the Site X excavations. “We have no features of European-built structures. We have not found a fort. Nor do we claim to have found the main relocation site or even the main group of the 1587 Roanoke colonists” at this site. “Quite the contrary, we believe that a small number of Roanoke colonists resided for a few years at Site X—a contention based on circumstantial evidence.”****
The First Colony Foundation team thus suggests that any habitation by Roanoke colonists at the site may have only consisted of a small surviving part of the original 1587 group, similar in vain to the accounts acquired by some Jamestown colonists from the Native Americans about the presence of other ‘white people’ in other places in the region, as later recorded on the Zuniga map of 1608. (The reported locations were placed on a map of the region, the original having been lost. But a Spanish spy sent a copy, the so-called Zuniga Map, to the Spanish court. The map indicated two locations along tributaries to the North Carolina Sounds where survivors of the 1587 colony may have resided).
Site Y
Notwithstanding the intriguing implications of Site X, it was not the only site where the First Colony Foundation uncovered some fascinating new clues. Most recently, archaeologists excavated at a location near the Chowan River, north of Site X. Here, after surveys and subsequent excavation of 72 test units, they unearthed what was identified as 16th century pottery sherds—London redware, a North Devon baluster jar, Spanish olive jars, Martincamp stoneware, Essex fine redware, and, like that found at Site X—Surrey Hampshire borderware. In all, this collection of sherds exceeded that found at Site X, and the archaeological team has concluded that the ceramic-ware finds were likely not the result of trade, in which the Natives acquired them earlier from Europeans and retained and used them for some time after. According to Lucketti, the finds suggest that there was a small contingent of colonists for a short time period at this location, much like Site X. The finds point to the possibility that the original colonists at Roanoke split up into smaller groups or families, some of them moving inland to locations like that of Site X and Y, others perhaps to Hatteras. But the jury is still out on where the main, or larger, body of the 1587 colonists may have moved or settled.
The First Colony team is now deliberating on where to go next. The story unfolding for this region remains wide open.*****
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Assuming that what the Foundation archaeologists are suggesting is true, what about the rest of the colonists? And what about the letters White observed carved into a tree and post at the abandoned 1587 colony site, which seemed to indicate that the colonists had moved to live with or near the Croatoans, who inhabited present-day Hatteras Island at the time?
Compelling new evidence unearthed on Hatteras Island may provide some clues………….
The South Side Story: Area 31DR1, The Hatteras Excavations
As is often the case with archaeology, the first leads to making discoveries sometimes begin with random findings made by locals and non-professionals. This was the case for Hatteras early in the 20th century when, for example, a mostly intact 16th century Spanish olive jar was found by local islander Eustes White; an “old sword’, along with bones, buttons, arrowheads, and a pot were reportedly found by another local Charles Miller; and a Nuremburg token (casting counter that looks like a coin and used, for example, on 16th century ships to count inventory), was found in the 1930’s and later brought to the attention of archaeologist J.C. Harrington by a Hatteras local named Tandy. Harrington was excavating (from 1947 and 1953) on Roanoke Island at the time. Reports like this also likely led to survey work by the National Park Service, which designated the island, and particularly an area near Buxton, as a location of archaeological interest —what became known as Smithsonian designated area ‘31DR1’.
To be accurate, the archaeological record on Hatteras Island, both discovered and yet undiscovered, is overwhelmingly reflective of the indigenous Native American populations that have historically inhabited the island for thousands of years, extending back deep into Paleolithic times. The most numerous finds and archaeological features uncovered thus far represent the native groups of the Late Woodland Period (AD 900 until 1650), particularly that of the Croatoan culture. This was also a time period, especially in the 17th century, when this indigenous society underwent significant social and cultural transformations through contact with the new European arrivals. The beginning of this contact period has formed the context for understanding what was happening on the island during and after the time of Raleigh’s initial exploratory and colonization efforts from 1584 to 1587.
It was in area 31DR1 where perhaps some of the most sensational finds were uncovered by archaeologist Dr. David Phelps of East Carolina University and his team during a full scale archaeological excavation beginning in 1998. Along with an abundance of both Native American and European artifacts — mostly Native American — including such objects as lead shot, Native and European pipe fragments, nails, glass beads, copper items, bricks, ceramic ware, and glass fragments and bottles, they uncovered a late 16th century snaphouse gunlock and a well-preserved 16th century style bronze signet ring. Though no more important archaeologically speaking than the other finds, these latter two items became the ‘poster child’ finds from the excavation, garnering the attention of local and national media reporters and writers. The finds became a sensation not only because these were the ‘sexiest’ objects found, but at least in part because they were pulled from carefully recorded, stratified deposits through systematic, professionally controlled excavations — not random surface or digging finds happened upon by local adventurers or others going about their own business or hobbies. And they were clearly evidence for the presence of, or trade with, late 16th century Europeans on Hatteras Island.
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Fast forward to 2007, when local heritage enthusiast and historian Scott Dawson self-published a book entitled Croatoan: Birthplace of America, which, along with word of mouth about Dawson at an event at the Festival Park in Manteo, caught the attention of attending archaeologist Dr. Mark Horton of the University of Bristol (UoB). Horton, already interested in the history of the Outer Banks as it related to the first English attempts at colonizing the Americas, connected with Dawson. A number of discussions and email exchanges later, and Horton and PhD candidate Louisa Pittman and other UoB students were on the island in November of 2009 conducting test pits and full scale excavations, with the sponsorship and help of volunteer members of the newly formed Croatoan Archaeological Society. Dawson, one of the founders and now President of the organization, was among the participants of these excavations. Within the first few years of careful and painstaking digging and recording, they encountered some intriguing new finds and, like those of the previous Phelps excavations, they generated public notice through a flurry of news and magazine articles……….
Whisperings of a Vanished World
When traveling south along NC 12, the main road or highway through the tiny town of Hatteras Village at the southern tip of Hatteras Island, it is easy to miss the little, and only, public library. It is a component of a larger set of buildings that define the town’s community center. It might typify the kind of library one would naturally expect for a community this size, except for one thing—this facility features, at least archaeologically speaking, Hatteras Island’s biggest claim to fame—artifacts that tell a story of Croatoan Native Americans who inhabited the island and built a thriving culture here centuries ago. Along with these artifacts are objects that also evidence the presence of Europeans near or among them as early as the late 16th century—the time of the ‘lost’ colony.
I met Dawson there early one bright October morning. With masks donned (COVID-19 precautions were still in full force), he led me into the library, and more specifically, a large room facilitated to exhibit some of the “star” artifacts excavated by archaeological teams over the years. According to Dawson, these represented but a tiny fraction of the thousands of cultural and faunal finds unearthed by Horton and his mixed team of students and volunteers over recent years at several sites in the Buxton/Frisco/Hatteras Village area. It was “a ridiculously high number,” said Dawson. “Enough to fill a garage with bins—mostly bits of brick, glass, pig teeth, peach pits, pottery, pipes, little copper squares and hooks, net weights.” Consisting mostly of artifacts and other finds related to the Native American inhabitants of the island, the massive haul is now housed and managed at a storage facility in Currituck, far to the north on the North Carolina mainland. What we saw in this refitted library room was, however, according to Dawson, the really “sexy stuff”. He led me to a large, glass climate-controlled case wherein laid the star attractions of the exhibit—the late 16th century European artifacts unearthed during the Horton team’s 2012-2013 seasons. They included a silver ring—likely once belonging to a woman, given its finger size; an Elizabethan period copper aiglet (likely used at one time to secure the end of a shoe lace); a smelted copper bun, the product of smelting typically done during the European metallurgical operations performed in the area by the earliest European arrivals; a 16th century firebar, also a product of 16th century metallurgy; a 16th century brass apostle that once held gunpowder; a fragment of a 16th century Germanic stoneware jug; a 16th century Nuremberg token; a 16th century glass arrowhead, fashioned from European glass; a 16th century lead pencil and writing slate fragment featuring drawing and other clearly human-made markings; and perhaps most interesting of all—a fragment of a 16th century swept hilt rapier. Some of these objects were not typical items valued for trade by the Native inhabitants, based on what scholars know from historical documents. And aside from the type style of the individual artifacts, the excavation layer in which these artifacts were found was dated to the late 16th century—the time period of the “lost” colony—so they were likely not objects long held over from a previous time period and deposited in sediments dated to a later time. They were all located among other finds of a Croatoan village, also likely a village that flourished during the late 16th century, as the Croatoan pottery sherds found within the mix were characteristically or stylistically typical for pottery made and used by the Native Americans before the 17th century. “Almost all natives on the east coast had a particular style in the 1500s where the lip of the vessel flares out then curves in then back out so that it’s like a backwards “S” or a “z” with curves,” said Dawson. “The Native pottery in the 1600s is straighter, on the whole smaller and in my own opinion less decorative.” Moreover, added Dawson, “the big change in the 1500s vs 1600 is the absence of glass beads [a popular trade item between the Europeans and the Native Americans] and tidewater pipe bowls we find constantly in the 1600s.”
Artifacts were not the only hints to a 16th century European presence. One of the special skills archaeologists acquire is the ability to recognize and identify the subtle changes in soil texture, color and consistency as they dig progressively down through the layers. Like shadows in the earth, the various forms of things, especially organic objects such as wood that disintegrated over time, leave behind their effects in the sediment. Horton and his team encountered and mapped numerous postholes left by the wood frames of the Croatoan houses and other structures. These postholes were typically round. But among them were larger, square postholes, as well—not a feature ever found related to Native American structures, at least in this region of the country. Dawson suggests that these were the traces of 16th century European structures/houses. And they could not have been from the first two Raleigh expeditions, which were largely military—based on historical documentation, they sojourned in this area in tent. The square postholes had to evidence a more permanent European presence. Could these have been structures built by the “lost” colony among the Croatoan villagers?
As exciting as these artifacts are, Dawson believes that most people who come to visit this place are really ‘missing the elephant in the room’. For him, perhaps the bigger story is how an entire nation of Native Americans, the Croatoans, largely vanished from American history, forgotten in the limelight of the history that is typically taught in American schools and American history books. This needs to change, he says. The countless artifacts uncovered in the excavations provide a testament to this lost history.
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Following the Tokens
This much is certain: the ongoing search for the “lost” colony’ on Hatteras Island is not over. For one thing, one find may likely open a new chapter — the Nuremberg token found by Tandy on Hatteras in the 1930’s that ended up in the hands of J.C. Harrington in the 1950’s while he worked at the early Roanoke excavations. It matched two of three almost identical tokens found on Roanoke. Moreover, another identical token was unearthed later during Horton’s Hatteras excavations in 2013. The first token found by Tandy had no provenance in terms of excavation. But the token recovered on Hatteras in 2013 had a clear provenance documented through systematic excavation. It was stratified — confirming that the token dated to the 16th century.
Horton was keenly curious about where the Tandy token was originally found on Hatteras. Doing some research on his own, fellow excavator Dawson found the answer. A copy of a report by archaeologist William Haag from previous investigations indicated the latitude in which the token was found. With this, Dawson led Horton to the general location in which the token was found by Tandy in 1938. Nowhere near the location of Horton’s recent excavations — the site of the Croatoan village — this raised another question: how did it get there, and why so far from a habitation site?
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To Dawson and Horton’s knowledge, no excavations had ever been conducted in this area, so absence of evidence did not necessarily mean evidence of absence. Compounding things, this location was on private property, so Horton and his team had no permission and mandate to do any test digging. But as an archaeologist familiar with the array of new tools available to archaeologists today, Horton knew what to do. He employed a drone, equipped with remote sensing technology, to conduct an aerial survey of the area of the property in which the token was found. With this, Horton hoped to detect any evidence in the landscape that would provide clues to any structures or possible human activity leaving its mark in the landscape in the past. After the drone had completed its work, the data was entered into a computer for imaging.
What they found did not disappoint.
Imaging revealed evidence of a perfectly rectangular formation, a feature that could not be seen standing at ground level. It was certainly not a natural feature. It had to be human-made. Someone, at some time in the past, had created or constructed something on this ground. It was in a field at an elevated point, surrounded on three sides by woods and a good view of the sea on the remaining side. According to Dawson and Horton, this would have been an ideal strategic location for a fort or colony ‘survivors’ camp’—good for keeping a watch on the Spanish along the coast and perhaps the still hoped-for returning resupply ships with John White — and not too far from their supportive friends, the Croatoan.
I asked Dawson during our discussion at the library why he referred to this finding as a possible ‘fort’. He led me over to a table within the artifact exhibit and flipped to a blank page in the exhibit guest book. Grabbing a pen, he drew a rough outline of the image their remote sensing revealed. It was a rectangle to be sure, but on at least two of the rectangle corners he drew square extensions—resembling in principle the same bulwark features discovered at the corners of the James Fort remains unearthed much farther north at Jamestown in Virginia, though the James Fort bulwarks were round in shape. The remote sensing imaging was not clear enough to determine the presence of similar extensions on the other two corners. In addition, said Dawson, the imaging map revealed another interesting feature—possible square postholes positioned within the area encompassed by the rectangular boundary. Was this evidence for support for a large structure within the ‘fort’? One could only speculate at this point.
Though the fort hypothesis was mere speculation, Dawson felt it was worth future investigation, once permission from the landowner was obtained to explore the matter further. “This will be a future activity of our project,” said Dawson.
But there was still plenty of work to do analyzing, interpreting and reporting the results of their last seasons of excavations. No conclusions can yet be drawn, and there is no ‘smoking gun’, says Horton.
The Myth of the Lost Colony
According to Dawson, archaeologists plan to return to the area during the spring of 2021 to continue the investigations. Though there is far more work to be done on Hatteras, Dawson believes that a workable hypothesis for the fate of the lost colony can already be formulated. “The lost colony is a myth created in 1937 by a play of the same name,” he explains. “When the governor [John White] returns with resupplies the colony has vanished, leaving behind no trace except for the word Croatoan carved onto a tree. In the myth no one knows what this word means. This mythology is also taught in schools and it is completely false. In reality, the colony was never lost and the word Croatoan has always been understood. Croatoan is on the maps from the time and even the latitude of the inlets is given. This is why we began to conduct archaeology on Hatteras Island, then known as Croatoan. And alas, we found them exactly where the colony indicated they had gone. This is the story of what we found, literally bringing the truth to the surface. This colony was never actually lost nor was the word Croatoan ever a mystery. The two peoples assimilated together and the archaeology demonstrates this beautifully.”
Saying goodbye to Dawson and thanking him for his valuable time and insights, I hopped back into my car. It would be a long drive up that lonely river of sand back to Nags Head — and perhaps back again to that museum at Fort Raleigh National Historic Park on Roanoke Island, where some of the most important finds of the Roanoke excavations are still housed and exhibited.
The story hasn’t ended. In December, 2021, a small group of volunteers, again under the direction of Horton, returned to dig near Buxton. What they uncovered was not inconsistent with the kinds of finds they have already encountered. Among them: Thousands of shards of Croatoan pottery; a grinding stone for corn; brick; animal bones and remains of shellfish; copper; iron nails; a bronze button; window glass and daub from a 16th century home structure; a dagger handle; a saker cannon ball (usually fired by a medium cannon, slightly smaller than a culverin, developed during the early 16th century and often used by the English); metal sea chest handles that had been modified into tools; dozens of pipes, both English and Croatoan; lead shot; glass beads; redware; a frizzen (part of a gunlock); and an English Tudor Rose decor that was once part of a horse bridle.
Not a bad haul, that.
Note: The author asked Dawson if there were plans to return again to excavate. “Yes,” he responded. “But the main focus with all we have found over the years is to build a museum on the island to showcase it all.”
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You can read in much greater detail about the history and discoveries on Hatteras Island related to the lost colony by purchasing the book by Scott Dawson at Arcadia Publishing. You can also read more about the archaeological project and how to donate by going to http://www.cashatteras.com/ .
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* From Thomas Harriot’s “A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia”.
** From Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries of the English Nation (1600).
*** From First Colony Foundation Report, An Archaeological Brief for Site X.
****From Nicholas Luccketti’s remarks at the OBX History Weekend Symposium, October 27-28, 2017, on Roanoke Island.
***** Kozak, Catherine, ‘Lost colony’ moved inland: Archaeologists, Coastal Review Online, October 16, 2020.
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Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.
The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).
The destruction of indigenous peoples’ secular and religious emblems, specifically those related to the record of their past, is often a common theme in the study of the Spanish conquest of the New World. In the annals of archaeology and anthropology, one needs to investigate behind the scene to bring a sharper focus on events that are not often what they seem to be. The case of the Franciscan friar Diego de Landa Calderón’s auto-de-fe, or “act of faith,” at Mani, in the peninsula of Yucatan, Mexico, is the most significant example often regarded as the historical “landmark” concerning the destruction, or burning, of the Maya “books.” In his 1566 Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán, the friar documented the zeal and excess in his drive to “remove the demons” from the natives’ hearts. This story focuses on what led to that event and, specifically, what was really burned on July 12, 1562, and why……..
The Mission
Diego de Landa (1524-1579, portrait right) was among the first Franciscans to arrive in Yucatan. Part of Nueva España, or New Spain, it was then ruled by the Spanish viceroy and the Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición (Holy Office of the Inquisition) in Mexico City, established by King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile in 1478. Diego de Landa was born in the town of Cifuentes, in the Spanish province of Alcaria, on November 12, 1524. At that time, the Franciscan order in America had the religious monopoly in conquered lands and answered to the seat of the Holy Inquisition in Mexico City, administrator of religious affairs. Of note is the fact that the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1524 granted the rights of conquest of most of the Americas to Spain, with the understanding that the conquistadores would conquer land and riches for the Kings at Granada, but harvest souls for the Pope in Rome.
De Landa arrived in Merida from Spain in 1549, a few years after the death of his wife Inesa de Inchaurduy, with whom he had two sons, Diego and Juan. He renounced his position as Royal Notary and, in 1541, joined the Order of Friars Minor, a religious order of the Franciscans in the convent of San Juan de los Reyes in Toledo. His initial appointment in Mexico was to the mission, later convent, of San Antonio de Padua in the town of Izamal, Yucatan, where he became known as a hardworking friar. He undertook his mission by first learning the Yucatec language, walking barefoot as he visited villages on the peninsula, at that time divided into nineteen independent chiefdoms. He learned about the land, the people and local customs. His direct approach, sometimes in hostile villages where the legacy of the brutal conquest still lingered after 30 years, convinced him of his mandate to convert. He was, however, welcomed in many communities, and that helped him understand the people and his ecumenical mission. It was at that time that he saw figures and signs drawn or painted on sheets made of vegetal material, which he interpreted as idolatry and messages of the devil. They were, in fact, the only “written” record of the indigenous Yucatec communities.
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De Landa distinguished himself for his zeal in the conversion of the Mayas, resorting to excessive pressure and physical abuse. The Spanish Crown and the Inquisition, however, had already forbidden the use of duress to convert indigenous people, because it was understood that the Christian doctrine could not be grasped within a generation or two after the conquest. It was also unanimously understood that the Mayas, and other indigenous groups, needed more time to convert and, therefore, could not be guilty of heresies when they had no sense of what the Christian doctrine was all about. It took thirty-five to forty years for the religious orders to develop conversion protocols for indigenous people. The explicit mission of the Franciscans at that time was to protect the Maya communities from the abuses of the Spanish encomenderos, individuals that were duly recognized among the conquistadores of the land. As a reward for their military service to the crown, they received encomiendas or donations of populated lands; they were also called colonists.
De Landa, however, ignored the Inquisition’s mandate to stop forced conversion and persisted in eradicating traditional indigenous beliefs and rituals. His zeal to convert and expunge idolatry was adopted by lower ranked friars and lay people, practicing coercion so extreme that it drove many people to take their own lives by hanging (deLanda, 1959/148-9). The historic record confirms that if he was excessive in his preaching methods, he was not wrong on his views of the most egregious indigenous ritual, the practice of human sacrifice, which persisted throughout the Yucatan even forty-five years after the conquest. As a man of his time, therefore, de Landa dealt in absolutes and believed that the original Inquisition mandate to convert had to be vigorously enforced in his diocese, if for no other reason than for saving the lives of sacrificial victims.
The Secret Place
In June, 1562, two boys exploring the countryside found a traditional place of worship hidden in a cave near Mani, in southwest Yucatan, where the Mayas performed their devotions to ancestors and deities (deLanda – Documento Uno, 1959/144-5). They found clay figurines and human skulls, the latter covered with copal incense. Frightened, they called the town custodian friar. Informed of the event, from his seat then in Merida, de Landa called on local Spanish civil authorities and Merida’s alcalde mayor to investigate, while organizing an investigating team that included halac huinics, or indigenous leaders. Also attending as “ordinary inquisitors” for the Holy Inquisition, were friars Miguel de la Puebla, Juan Picarro, Pedro de Ciudad Rodrigo, Antonio Verdugo and Francisco Aparicio (deLanda – Documento Uno, 1959/147). Once on site, the team proceeded to brutally question the people of Mani and those of nearby villages about this hidden place of forbidden worship. Under extreme duress, some of them confessed even when they did not know what they were confessing about, while others in desperation committed suicide. People were burned in their thatched houses, others were flogged, and still others were hung from trees, while young children were tied up to their mother’s ankles (deLanda, 1959, XV/26-28).
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The severe excesses employed by the friars to denounce the “worship of evil” and to identify priest-shamans, community leaders, and people that ministered to the forbidden ceremonies, was without doubt unjustifiable by today’s standards. It was, however, no different from what was happening in sixteenth century Spain. The events at Mani and other places merely underlines the fundamentalist religious mindset of the times. Locally, even the encomenderos and other colonists and Spanish residents were horrified by what happened at Mani (deLanda – Documento Uno, 1959, XIII/160-1). Let us then shed light on the limited, and at times contradictory, record we have of the Mani “act of faith”, or public burning, that took place on July 12, 1562, to understand what this event was truly about.
Tragedy of the Burning
Mani was the home of the Tutul-Xiu, the Yucatec Maya dynasty that moved its capital from Uxmal to Mani in the thirteenth century. The Xiu were the dominant power in western Yucatan after the fall of Mayapan in 1441. Their fierce antagonists were the Cocom of Sotuta. Mani hosts an old Franciscan monastery, the Paroquia y Convento de San Miguel Arcángel, founded in 1549. Its architecture was adapted to meet the indigenous converts to the new faith, with a large open chapel on its north side. The open chancel was covered with an exposed ramada or open shelter, built at a right angle from the building, to protect parishioners from sun and rain. Facing the monastery is the large esplanade were the bonfires of the auto-de-fe or “act of faith” were placed.
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The so called “codices” burnt at Mani, Sotuta, and other locations were not in any way, shape or function related to the better known post-Classic codices. The Spanish called them “books” because they did not know what else to call them. They were in fact canvases mostly conceived of a single sheet of varying size, and locally made from local material, such as the light colored dried bark of trees (the wild fig tree amate or Ficus glabrata for example) soaked and dried, fashioned into thin mats made of woven plant fibers covered with finely ground limestone. The record of country folks were simple motifs related to community and family. They drew their homestead on crude local maps with their milpa or maize fields, family lineage, and their count-of-days calendar system, among others. The number of canvases burned that day at Mani is disputed, but estimates may suggest a hundred or less. In his Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán, de Landa tells us about the sorrow and grief of the local people at their destruction: “We found a large number of books in these characters and, as they contained nothing in which were not to be seen as superstition and lies of the devil, we burned them all, which they regretted to an amazing degree, and which caused them much affliction (McAnany, 1995).
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The reason for the limited number of canvases lies in the fact that they were mostly used by halac huinics or lineage heads, the “true righteous men” and principals, while most people were illiterate. Family heads, however, knew enough to record their lineage and a rough description of their property’s location and homestead. Of note is the fact that the glyphs used on the burnt canvases were not the ones of Classic times, for the glyphs on ancient stone stelas could not be read by sixteenth century Mayas. The records of those canvases were important, for they succinctly described information such as the cycles of the sun and moon according to agrarian cycles, numbering structure, time recording method, and concomitant religious filiation. They also recorded secular information on villages, families, water rights and properties. Furthermore, de Landa stresses that several thousand wood artifacts, and small bundles called bultos that contained remains of deified ancestors represented most of the items burned. Also burned were hundreds of small humanlike shaped clay figurines that held ancestral remains. The question then is, if there were a relatively limited number of canvases, were they the only reason why the friars insisted that they be destroyed, or were the canvases, and the wood implements and bundles with ashes of selected forebears, the real aim of the “act of faith”?
From time immemorial to this day, the record of ancestors’ predominance in social groups worldwide is at the core of ancient spirituality, silent testimony of filiation to ancestry and patrimony. Figurines representative of deities were made of clay, but those made of wood were especially revered because they were carved to resemble human figurines. De Landa’s description of the process is as follows: “…the people of position made for their deceased fathers wooden statues of which the back of the head was left hollow; they then burned a part of the body and placed its ashes there, then plugged it up; …they then buried the rest and… preserved these statues with a great deal of veneration among their idols” (deLanda – 1959, XXXIII/59). Freedman corroborates the pattern that ancestor veneration is a selective process and does not extend equally to all deceased progenitors (1966). The Punuk (Esquimo) wood figure is the closest to those of 6th century Yucatan, for none have been found to date. The bundle tradition of carrying tutelar gods and ancestors’ remains, especially on migration, can be traced as far back as the Olmec culture (2,500BC), through Maya and Aztec times, as well as in most present-day cultures of the Americas.
These wood and clay representations of ancestors were important family heirlooms, so much so that they were integral to the descendants’ inheritance (deLanda – 1959/XXVII.48). They were intangible witnesses of the family belonging to that ethno-linguistic community, with all the rights attached to household and land. Together with the canvases, they were the family seals of property. The foreign priests did not (or did they?), understand the significance of what they called superstition and idolatry when they burned these “idols.” By destroying these articles, they literally ripped the peoples’ identity, their standing in the community and “title” to their land and property. These facts, therefore, demand that we raise the importance of how and why ancestors fitted into the economy and the daily lives of families, because ancestral traditions lie at the roots of this tragedy.
As in traditional Maya communities today, each maize field holds a foundation shrine dedicated to deified ancestors who left land and other resources to their descendants. At these sites, prayers and incantations take place at each planting-harvesting cycle, as well as at dedicated times throughout the year. Ruth Bunzel, in Barbara Tedlock (1982/95), noted that ancestors are the power whose influence on human affairs is continuous and unremitting since they are the former owners of the house and land. She further added that land is conceived as belonging to the ancestors; one lives upon it by their grace; one does not own land, it is merely loaned to one as a lodging in the world. In the final analysis, ancestors provide a bridge between generations for the benefit of the descendants standing in their community, because ancestors are invoked to legitimize and bring order to daily family and communal existence. De Landa and his friars dismissed the significance of these icons on grounds of idolatry, which in their view was merely a means of escape from the new religion. But was it the only motive, or were the Friars in partnership with local unscrupulous encomenderos and mestizo colonists who were then able, through burning the only indigenous “property record,” to seize “undocumented” land?
In Mexico today, ancient canvases found in traditional communities are recorded with the National Museum of Anthropology and History (MNA, INAH), as well as with local land survey archives. Under Article 27 of the Agrarian Law the canvases are acknowledged as legal property records. Copies of these ancient documents are still used in land claim resolution and are legally binding between parties. The case of the Lienzo de Coachimalco in the late 1970s illustrates the importance of such records. The rare lienzo or canvas is dated in the first part of the 17th century. It is made of five panels of jolote fibers sewn together, then covered with a thin coat of finely ground limestone, on which are drawn a crude map and figures of the village of Coachimalco. The lienzo is legally recognized as proof of ancestral property and residence by local landowners and they document the descendants’ claim to property.
In the appendices of the 1959 edition of the Relación are testimonies of the collusion between secular and religious members of the Yucatan government in Merida, albeit not for the same reasons. This collusion cannot be understood without bringing forward the Tax List of 1549. This list fixed the levies to be paid by each of the 175 towns in Yucatan and ten in Tabasco, as well as in other towns of the crown to its encomenderos for administrative control over an extensive administrative, military, and religious infrastructure. The taxation in kind was subject to the availability of local resources. It included, among others, manufactured material such as wool mantas or mantles, each made of nine-plus square feet at the rate of four hundred per year for an average town, beeswax (per 100-weights), drums of honey and other items and products, such as corn, beans and other foodstuff, as well as salt and dried fish from coastal communities. The record indicates that, for the year 1549, the levy of 53,285 mantles were collected upon the 175 towns, recorded on the Tax List in Yucatan” (Gates, 1937/213).
The tributes had to be delivered to encomenderos in the city of Merida at the rate of one-third every four months, with pack animals or carts for transportation supplied by the colonists. Indigenous communities had to help the colonists for this task with four Indian workmen for this service, to be fed and housed by him and taught the doctrine of Christianity. Material and products were also assigned to the crown and religious orders. For the following years, the levies varied with the size of towns, which steadily grew by reason of the forced resettlement, or repartimiento de indios of indigenous villages, when they were burned to the ground to further the policy for better socio-economic and religious control.
Among numerous testimonies is a report issued on March 15, 1563, by Hernando Dorado, Royal Notary in Merida, the ancient Ti’ho, witnessed by upstanding citizens who were deeply distressed by the abuses sustained by indigenous people at the hands of certain members of the church and the colonists. The report was sent to the Vice Royalty of New Spain in Mexico City, which was concerned with persistent rumors of civil unrest in the province. The central and local governments needed a stable church-state cooperation for the sake of socio-economic stability and development. Dorado’s report is significant in describing the use and abuse of power at the time, notably the appearance on the scene of a colorful figure, the alcalde mayor of Merida, Diego Quijada in 1561, which sheds a disturbing light on the events.
The 1563 and 1565 reports describe the events that happened at Mani, Sotuta, and other towns and villages. In Mani, flogging and burnings at the stake by the friars were directed by de Landa, assisted by friars Miguel de la Puebla, Pedro de Ciudad Rodrigo, and Juan de Picaro, referred to as “ordinary inquisitors” of the Inquisition. Mayor Diego Quijada also attended the dramatic events together with colonists. When convicted of lesser charges, Indians had their head shaved (de Landa – Documento Uno, 1959/147). and sent to forced labor for ten years or less as indentured servants in the haciendas of encomendoros and mestizo colonists’ friends of the mayor.
Penalties with payment in kind by indigenes were collected; the report mentions 4,340 gold pesos, 125,000 cacao beans (the local currency), as well as other charges for lesser penalties (de Landa – Documento Uno, 1959/149). The friars went further in desecrating the graves of indigenous ancestors by removing the buried bones which were then scattered in the fields or thrown into bonfires (de Landa – Documento Uno,1959/148). This was not an act of lunacy — it was grounded in a religious rationale that, by showing publicly the Maya’s ancestors’ impotence in the face of extreme adversity, it would achieve the eradication of ancestor worship.
The secular-temporal collusion in the region, if not always as extreme as at Mani, was the result of the tri-partite failure between the local governments, the encomenderos, other colonists and the religious order, each with their own agenda. This relationship went astray as such relationships often do and was highly damaging to the Yucatan socio-economic stability under the mayor and his accomplices. The friars, sanctioned by their custodian, ignored the mandate of the Holy Inquisition to cease forced conversion and maltreatment of the local people, while the mayor and his associates were driven by greed. Manuscript letters in Yucatec to the viceroy in Mexico City, signed by three governors, describe the brutality of the Franciscans, and asked for help and redress that often came too late. In many instances, local rage against the invaders ravaged the land. Near Valladolid, a revolt took the lives of seventeen Spaniards and several hundred mestizos. The villagers cut the hands and feet of their oppressors and sent them to towns and villages on the peninsula to sow a resistance movement that never had a chance to take hold.
The damning 1563 report is supported two years later by another, dated March 25, 1565, from Merida again, addressed to the Viceroyalty of New Spain in Mexico City, and to the Council of the Indies in Spain by the Royal Notary, Sebastian Bazques (de Landa – Documento Uno-1959/143-157). This second report confirms the first regarding long lasting abuses of power that resulted in serious economic damage to the province while inciting dangerous restlessness within the indigenous population. In his A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, published in 1552, by the Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas, he relates a situation then widespread in New World territories. The book raised an uproar in Spain and all over Europe at the time. The Dominican friar’s supplications for relief notwithstanding, the destruction of many idols collected during idolatry trials by the Inquisition in the Yucatan was widespread and is found to occur in every chronicle of every entrada well into the seventeenth century.
That is the deplorable condition the Franciscan Francisco de Toral (1502-1571), the first bishop of the Diocese of Yucatan, found on his arrival in 1562. He quickly identified the ills that plagued the province and focused his attention on de Landa’s treatment of the native people. De Toral was appalled at their subjection and abuse and skeptical about the use of physical punishment to exert confessions. It was obvious to de Toral that de Landa ignored the orders of the Crown and that of the Inquisition and exceeded his ecumenical mandate. The antagonism between the two priests led de Toral to force de Landa to return to Spain in 1563 to face charges of abuse of his religious obligations at the Council of the Indies’ court in Seville. De Toral freed hundreds of Mayas that de Landa had imprisoned without cause, except for those guilty of instigating the egregious crimes of idolatry and human sacrifice.
The de Landa Legacy
When he first set foot on the peninsula in 1549, de Landa’s initial zeal to convert was driven not only by faith but also by an inquisitive mind genuinely interested in the land and its people. He crisscrossed most of the Yucatan bare foot and made valuable notes that went beyond the indigenous people’s beliefs and religious practices, and into all aspects of their lives. His first-hand observations embraced community and family organization, children education, burial practices, architecture, planting techniques and cycles, the calendar and numbering system, harvested products storage and distribution, the symbology of their writing, festivals, justice, hospitality, the fauna and flora of the land, and other relevant facts on communal and family daily life.
After his removal as “Provincial” in Merida by Bishop de Toral and his return to Spain in 1563, he took advantage of his suspension to write his seminal Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán, the most comprehensive ethnographic document of his time. There is little doubt, however, that the “Relación was written in support of his claims to his duties and as exculpatory evidence to counter the accusations leveled against him.
His field work and observations, however, have been indispensable to anthropologists and scholars for the last hundred years. Among his invaluable notes, one stands out: his record of the Maya writing system based on information given to him by town and village spiritual and secular elders that phonetically and graphically helped him match glyphic symbols with the Spanish alphabet. Glyphs and letters did not always match, however, resulting in inconsistencies and duplicates that could not be resolved. Not until 1952 did the Soviet linguist and epigrapher Yuri Valentinovich Knorozov (1922-1999) realize that the transcription was not that of an alphabet but the ideograms of a syllabary (such as Egyptian hieroglyphs). It was a momentous breakthrough in Maya glyph decipherment.
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De Landa stood trial in Seville where his actions were strongly condemned, but the investigation by scholars of the Council of the Indies absolved him in 1569 on the grounds that he acted within the bounds of his ecumenical mission, and under the provisions of the Holy Inquisition. Many religious and lay people in Yucatan were clamoring for his return, both with the viceroy in Mexico and the court in Spain. While retired in the Antonio de la Cabrera convent, he was not forgotten by King Philip.II. After consultation with the Council of the Indies and Franciscan elders, the king approved the appointment of Diego de Landa in 1572 as the second bishop of Yucatan, succeeding Bishop de Toral, who died in Mexico City in 1571. The second bishop landed in Campeche, Yucatan, in early 1573, together with a retinue of thirty Franciscan friars Philip II granted the Merida bishopric to further ecumenical work. After serving the Franciscan order for thirty-eight years, most of this time in Yucatan, Diego de Landa died of natural causes on April 29, 1579; he is buried in Merida’s cathedral.
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Bibliography
Diego de Landa C. – Relación de la Cosas de Yucatán, Ediciones Porrua, 1959
William Gates – Yucatán Before and After the Conquest – Forgotten Books, 1937
Diego Lopez de Cogolludo – Historia de Yucatán – Linkgua, 2006
Mircea Eliade – Shamanism, Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy – Princeton-U, 1964
Fash, Agurcia Fasquelle – Visión del Pasado Maya – Centro Editorial, 2003
Joan Halifax – Shamanic Voices – Arkana Book, New York, NY,1979
Stephen Houston – The Life Within – Leslie Fitch, 2014
Barbara Tedlock – Time and the Highland Maya – University of NM Press, 1982
R.P. Ximenez – Popol Vuh – Editorial José P. de Ibarra, Guatemala, 1701 (1973)
Diego Duran – Historia de las Indias de Nueva España – Imp. Escalante, 1880
David Freidel, Linda Schele, Joy Parker – Maya Cosmos, William Morrow, 1993
L. Mendez Martinez – Historia Mayab’ – Asociación Maya Uk’Ux’B’e, 2008
Patricia A. McAnany – Living with the Ancestors – University of Texas Press, 1995
Nelson A. Reed – The Caste War of Yucatán – Stanford University Press, 2001
Bartolomé de las Casas – Brevísima Relación de la Destrucción de las Indias – 1965
Éric Taladoire – Les Trois Codex Mayas – Balland, Paris, 2012
Ruth Bunzel – Chichicastenango: A Guatemalan Village – Washinton Press.U, 1952
July 19, 64 AD.
Evening fell.
Shopkeepers had already retired to their homes — another routine night to relax and tend to their domestic matters after a long day’s work. At night it was usually very quiet among the closed shops that hug the environs of Rome’s Circus Maximus where, during daylight hours on some days, one could hear the roar of the crowds as they reveled in the excitement of the race. On this night, however, the quiet was broken with the whistle and howl of a robust wind.
An evening of hefty wind was nothing to cause alarm or fear. But when coupled with an errant flame in a flammable, unattended little shop, it could set the stage for a perfect storm.
It did.
To this day, no one knows exactly what caused the initial flame, but it quickly spread from its original shop to its neighbors. With next to no space separating one establishment from the next, and a wind that would respect no demand to stop, the flames engulfed and consumed anything that would burn, including the vulnerable upper story wood structure of the Circus Maximus itself.
Meeting no resistance, the fire spread up and across the monumental and palatial community of the Palatine Hill, where Rome’s imperial family and wealthy aristocracy resided. Those who could flee in time escaped with their lives, but the fire continued to ravage the city beyond the Palatine into the lower reaches of the city to destroy the crowded tenements that housed the city’s poorer classes, where the carnage was most devastating.
Rome is Burning
Known to history as the Great Fire of Rome, ancient scholars and writers have written their various accounts of the event. Now, author Anthony Barrett has produced arguably the most comprehensive and detailed treatment of the fiery disaster with the publication of his book, Rome is Burning: Nero and the Fire that Ended a Dynasty, to be released by Princeton University Press in November, 2020. He draws upon the historical record and previous scholarship, including the writings of iconic ancient Roman writer/historians like Tacitus, Seutonias, and Cassius Dio, to not only paint a detailed portrait of the event but also suggest and expound on how it changed the course of Rome’s imperial history, particularly the Julio-Claudio dynasty, with Nero at the forefront of its demise.
What may be most compelling for readers and enthusiasts of archaeology, however, is his in-depth narrative treatment of the various archaeological discoveries that have revealed clear evidence attributable to the Great Fire destruction. Much of this evidence came to light during excavations beginning in 1981, and continuing from 1986 under the direction of Clementina Panella. In those investigations, for example, excavators uncovered fragments of the Doric frieze of an Augustan column, which showed unmistakable signs of having been burned; burned remains of steps that once led to a small temple located in the northeast corner of the Palatine; a grate that had been badly distorted by intense heat among fallen debris and basalt fragments clearly shattered by heat and bricks that had collapsed upon it; floors and pavements burned by intense fire; and burned shop and household items such as pots and other pottery, remnants of carbonized wood, ash, as well as burned metal objects.
Barrett also relates in detail the nature of the Fire’s aftermath through an analysis of the historical documents and literature and the archaeological evidence, including the persecution of the Christians, historically cited as one of Nero’s scapegoats for the Fire’s causation, and the New Rome that emerged architecturally from the ruins (which included Nero’s lavish new Golden House on the Palatine). Particularly noteworthy is his treatment of other conditions of the aftermath, such as the currency devaluation and financial crisis that impacted the Roman Empire for years to come.
All in all, Barrett’s work exemplifies the latest, most detailed and generously illustrated narrative about the Great Fire to date, and would be an asset on the shelf of anyone, scholar or enthusiast, interested in the archaeology and history of Rome.
Anthony A. Barrett is a Distinguished University Professor Emeritus at the University of British Columbia and also a visiting professor at the University of Heidelberg. His previous books include Livia: First Lady of Imperial Rome and Caligula: The Abuse of Power, among others.
Rome is Burning: Nero and the Fire that Ended a Dynasty can be purchased from Princeton University Press.
Cover Image, Top Left: The Fire of Rome, oil on canvas painting, 1785, Hubert Robert
Image, middle right: The Fire of Rome, oil on canvas painting, 1787, Hubert Robert
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UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI—Ancient Maya in the once-bustling city of Tikal built sophisticated water filters using natural materials they imported from miles away, according to the University of Cincinnati.
UC researchers discovered evidence of a filter system at the Corriental reservoir, an important source of drinking water for the ancient Maya in what is now northern Guatemala.
A multidisciplinary team of UC anthropologists, geographers and biologists identified crystalline quartz and zeolite imported miles from the city. The quartz found in the coarse sand along with zeolite, a crystalline compound consisting of silicon and aluminum, create a natural molecular sieve. Both minerals are used in modern water filtration.
The filters would have removed harmful microbes, nitrogen-rich compounds, heavy metals such as mercury and other toxins from the water, said Kenneth Barnett Tankersley, associate professor of anthropology and lead author of the study.
“What’s interesting is this system would still be effective today and the Maya discovered it more than 2,000 years ago,” Tankersley said.
UC’s discovery was published in the journal Scientific Reports.
The Maya created this water filtration system nearly 2,000 years before similar systems were used in Europe, making it one of the oldest water treatment systems of its kind in the world, Tankersley said.
Researchers from UC’s College of Arts and Sciences traced the zeolite and quartz to steep ridges around the Bajo de Azúcar about 18 miles northeast of Tikal. They used X-ray diffraction analysis to identify zeolite and crystalline quartz in the reservoir sediments.
At Tikal, zeolite was found exclusively in the Corriental reservoir.
For the ancient Maya, finding ways to collect and store clean water was of critical importance. Tikal and other Maya cities were built atop porous limestone that made ready access to drinking water difficult to obtain for much of the year during seasonal droughts.
UC geography professor and co-author Nicholas Dunning, who has studied ancient civilizations most of his career, found a likely source of the quartz and zeolite about 10 years ago while conducting fieldwork in Guatemala.
“It was an exposed, weathered volcanic tuff of quartz grains and zeolite. It was bleeding water at a good rate,” he said. “Workers refilled their water bottles with it. It was locally famous for how clean and sweet the water was.”
Dunning took samples of the material. UC researchers later determined the quartz and zeolite closely matched the minerals found at Tikal.
UC assistant research professor Christopher Carr, an expert in geographic information system mapping, also conducted work on the UC projects at Bajo de Azúcar and Corriental.
“It was probably through very clever empirical observation that the ancient Maya saw this particular material was associated with clean water and made some effort to carry it back,” Dunning said.
UC anthropology professor emeritus Vernon Scarborough, another co-author, said most research on ancient water management has tried to explain how civilizations conserved, collected or diverted water.
“The quality of water put to potable ends has remained difficult to address,” Scarborough said. “This study by our UC team has opened the research agenda by way of identifying the quality of a water source and how that might have been established and maintained.”
Of course, reconstructing the lives, habits and motivations of a civilization 1,000 years ago is tricky.
“We don’t have absolute proof, but we have strong circumstantial evidence,” Dunning said. “Our explanation makes logical sense.”
“This is what you have to do as an archaeologist,” UC biologist and co-author David Lentz said. “You have to put together a puzzle with some of the pieces missing.”
Lentz said the filtration system would have protected the ancient Maya from harmful cyanobacteria and other toxins that might otherwise have made people who drank from the reservoir sick.
“The ancient Maya figured out that this material produced pools of clear water,” he said.
Complex water filtration systems have been observed in other ancient civilizations from Greece to Egypt to South Asia, but this is the first observed in the ancient New World, Tankersley said.
“The ancient Maya lived in a tropical environment and had to be innovators. This is a remarkable innovation,” Tankersley said. “A lot of people look at Native Americans in the Western Hemisphere as not having the same engineering or technological muscle of places like Greece, Rome, India or China. But when it comes to water management, the Maya were millennia ahead.”
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI news release
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Analysis of a 139-meter long drill core taken from a site in the Koora basin, Kenya, shows an environmental record of the past 1 million years in the East African Rift Valley, indicating an ancient fluctuation of the climate, landscape and ecosystem that precipitated a major transitional period in the course of human evolution in the region.
Richard Potts, director of the Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History, along with a research team and collaborators from the National Museums of Kenya, have been conducting investigations and excavations in the Olorgesailie Basin, Kenya, for decades. Here, they have uncovered artifacts and other evidence of a hominin (human and human biological ancestor) presence spanning more than 1 million years. Olorgesailie is perhaps best known for its numerous Acheulean stone handaxes—a stone tool type produced by hominins and typically associated with the Homo erectus species. The form and prevalence of these artifacts remained remarkably consistent in the area for about 700,000 years. Beginning in 2002, Potts and colleagues from the Smithsonian Institution, the George Washington University and the National Museums of Kenya began encountering artifacts that differed markedly from the Acheulean. Dated to as early as 320,000 years ago, they were smaller, more elaborate, and included projectiles. Many of them were made from materials that had to be acquired from relatively distant locations. Coloring materials were also uncovered. These discoveries suggested a different behavioral lifestyle and more advanced technology. Classified as Middle Stone Age materials, it seemed clear that a very different kind of hominin created them. The findings suggested an evolutionary transition had occurred.
In their effort to investigate more about this transition, however, Potts and his team were stymied by the discovery of a significant 180,000-year ‘gap’ in the environmental history, created by the geological erosion of layers corresponding to this time period. The ‘gap’ would have represented a record of the evolutionary transition. This led them to seek elsewhere for this missing time period.
Moving to a different location about 15 miles from their Olorgesailie excavations at Koora basin, they obtained services from a Nairobi company to drill a 139-meter core into the surface, obtaining a record of 1 million years of environmental history. Their subsequent analysis revealed a history of tectonic activity and ecological changes that showed the environment began to become much more variable at around 400,000 years ago, presenting new survival challenges to the animals, including the hominins, in the region. The changes coincided with the transitional period that featured the Middle Stone Age artifacts.
Pots and his team found the missing gap, and combined with analysis of the archaeological and fossil record in the area, they were able to reconstruct a time when early hominin adaptability to change, an important hallmark of humans, and particularly Home sapiens—the lone survivor of the genus Homo—opens a window on human evolution.
More detail can be read in the Oct. 21, 2020 issue of the journal Science Advances and the subject Smithsonian news release.
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See also Olorgesailie, a free premium article published in the summer 2018 issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine.
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SMITHSONIAN TROPICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE—Sweat baths have a long history of use in Mesoamerica. Commonly used by midwives in postpartum and perinatal care in contemporary Maya communities, these structures are viewed as grandmother figures, a pattern that can also be traced to earlier periods of history. At the site of Xultun, Guatemala, a Classic Maya sweat bath with an unusual collection of artifacts led archaeologists from the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute (STRI), the Archaeology Program at Boston University and other collaborating institutions to gather new evidence of these beliefs and an early example of the related ritual practices.
Indigenous people of Mesoamerica see the natural world as a place populated by ancestors and supernatural beings, many of whom live within natural features and ancient buildings. This was certainly the case for the Classic Maya. Dating to the Early Classic period (250-550 A.D.), the sweat bath at Xultun, named Los Sapos, appears to have been embodied by an amphibian goddess. Outside the sweat bath, the scientists encountered a representation of this little-known Classic Maya deity, possibly “ix.tzutz.sak.” The goddess is depicted squatting in a toad-like position with legs ornamented with iguanas and cane toads (Rhinella marina).
“No other structure in Mesoamerica–sweat bath or otherwise–looks like this building,” said STRI archaeologist Ashley Sharpe, co-author of the study. “It would seem that when someone enters the front of the structure, they are entering the amphibian goddess who personified the sweat bath.”
“Although this goddess’ name remains undeciphered, proposed readings suggest she was responsible for gestation cycles, both of time and human life,” said Boston University archaeologist Mary Clarke, main author of the study. “Linking notions of birth to reptilian figures, however, is not uncommon among the Classic Maya as they express the verb ‘to birth’ as an upended reptilian mouth glyph. What we see at Xultun is an example where this reptilian goddess, as well as the ideas and myths she embodied, are expressed as a physical place.”
The Los Sapos sweat bath was an active part of the Xultun community for about 300 years. Around 600 A.D. an adult individual was interred within the doorway, after which the entire building was buried, even though the Maya continued living at Xultun for several more centuries. About 300 years later, the buried building was revisited, the majority of human remains removed and a new and unusual offering was presented to the structure, including a human child, juvenile animals including a puppy and birds, several complete cane toads and iguanas, and numerous stone tools and ceramic sherds.
The deposited items had varying degrees of heat damage. The Maya built a fire within the vacated tomb, where they began placing their offerings. For the authors, the selection of artifacts may have been associated with the sweat bath’s identity as a grandmother figure and the early understanding of the structure as a place of birth and human creation.
“Maya archaeologists often find artifact concentrations like these that were likely dedications to structures, but there is rarely an obvious link between the objects and the structure,” Sharpe said. “Because of the iconography on the outside of Los Sapos and because we know it was a sweat bath, we have a rare case where we can associate the offerings–an infant, figurines of women, and frogs and iguanas–with the role the structure played in the community.”
The Los Sapos deposit suggests that the sweat bath’s historical role in Xultun continued centuries after the building had been buried. As the goddesses related to sweat baths throughout Mesoamerican history are described as holding sway over the conditions for life on Earth, the offering was likely an attempt at requesting assistance from the goddess embodying the Los Sapos structure. This could have been a last effort to please the supernatural entity and prevent losing hold of their lands, which were abandoned soon after, around the Maya Collapse of 900 A.D.
“This supernatural figure is a ferocious embodiment of the Earth,” Clarke said. “When displeased, she may take revenge or withhold the things people need to survive. The offering at Los Sapos was both an attempt to appease this goddess and an act of resilience. Rather than seeing a population succumbing to collapse, we see them trying to negotiate with this goddess for their survival.”
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Article Source: SMITHSONIAN TROPICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE news release
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FIELD MUSEUM—All good things must come to an end. Whether societies are ruled by ruthless dictators or more well-meaning representatives, they fall apart in time, with different degrees of severity. In a new paper, anthropologists examined a broad, global sample of 30 pre-modern societies. They found that when “good” governments–ones that provided goods and services for their people and did not starkly concentrate wealth and power–fell apart, they broke down more intensely than collapsing despotic regimes. And the researchers found a common thread in the collapse of good governments: leaders who undermined and broke from upholding core societal principles, morals, and ideals.
“Pre-modern states were not that different from modern ones. Some pre-modern states had good governance and weren’t that different from what we see in some democratic countries today,” says Gary Feinman, the MacArthur curator of anthropology at Chicago’s Field Museum and one of the authors of a new study in Frontiers in Political Science. “The states that had good governance, although they may have been able to sustain themselves slightly longer than autocratic-run ones, tended to collapse more thoroughly, more severely.”
“We noted the potential for failure caused by an internal factor that might have been manageable if properly anticipated,” says Richard Blanton, a professor emeritus of anthropology at Purdue University and the study’s lead author. “We refer to an inexplicable failure of the principal leadership to uphold values and norms that had long guided the actions of previous leaders, followed by a subsequent loss of citizen confidence in the leadership and government and collapse.”
In their study, Blanton, Feinman, and their colleagues took an in-depth look at the governments of four societies: the Roman Empire, China’s Ming Dynasty, India’s Mughal Empire, and the Venetian Republic. These societies flourished hundreds (or in ancient Rome’s case, thousands) of years ago, and they had comparatively more equitable distributions of power and wealth than many of the other cases examined, although they looked different from what we consider “good governments” today as they did not have popular elections.
“There were basically no electoral democracies before modern times, so if you want to compare good governance in the present with good governance in the past, you can’t really measure it by the role of elections, so important in contemporary democracies. You have to come up with some other yardsticks, and the core features of the good governance concept serve as a suitable measure of that,” says Feinman. “They didn’t have elections, but they had other checks and balances on the concentration of personal power and wealth by a few individuals. They all had means to enhance social well-being, provision goods and services beyond just a narrow few, and means for commoners to express their voices.”
In societies that meet the academic definition of “good governance,” the government meets the needs of the people, in large part because the government depends on those people for the taxes and resources that keep the state afloat. “These systems depended heavily on the local population for a good chunk of their resources. Even if you don’t have elections, the government has to be at least somewhat responsive to the local population, because that’s what funds the government,” explains Feinman. “There are often checks on both the power and the economic selfishness of leaders, so they can’t hoard all the wealth.”
Societies with good governance tend to last a bit longer than autocratic governments that keep power concentrated to one person or small group. But the flip side of that coin is that when a “good” government collapses, things tend to be harder for the citizens, because they’d come to rely on the infrastructure of that government in their day-to-day life. “With good governance, you have infrastructures for communication and bureaucracies to collect taxes, sustain services, and distribute public goods. You have an economy that jointly sustains the people and funds the government,” says Feinman. “And so social networks and institutions become highly connected, economically, socially, and politically. Whereas if an autocratic regime collapses, you might see a different leader or you might see a different capital, but it doesn’t permeate all the way down into people’s lives, as such rulers generally monopolize resources and fund their regimes in ways less dependent on local production or broad-based taxation.”
The researchers also examined a common factor in the collapse of societies with good governance: leaders who abandoned the society’s founding principles and ignored their roles as moral guides for their people. “In a good governance society, a moral leader is one who upholds the core principles and ethos and creeds and values of the overall society,” says Feinman. “Most societies have some kind of social contract, whether that’s written out or not, and if you have a leader who breaks those principles, then people lose trust, diminish their willingness to pay taxes, move away, or take other steps that undercut the fiscal health of the polity.”
This pattern of amoral leaders destabilizing their societies goes way back–the paper uses the Roman Empire as an example. The Roman emperor Commodus inherited a state with economic and military instability, and he didn’t rise to the occasion; instead, he was more interested in performing as a gladiator and identifying himself with Hercules. He was eventually assassinated, and the empire descended into a period of crisis and corruption. These patterns can be seen today, as corrupt or inept leaders threaten the core principles and, hence, the stability of the places they govern. Mounting inequality, concentration of political power, evasion of taxation, hollowing out of bureaucratic institutions, diminishment of infrastructure, and declining public services are all evidenced in democratic nations today.
“What I see around me feels like what I’ve observed in studying the deep histories of other world regions, and now I’m living it in my own life,” says Feinman. “It’s sort of like Groundhog Day for archaeologists and historians.”
“Our findings provide insights that should be of value in the present, most notably that societies, even ones that are well governed, prosperous, and highly regarded by most citizens, are fragile human constructs that can fail,” says Blanton. “In the cases we address, calamity could very likely have been avoided, yet, citizens and state-builders too willingly assumed that their leadership will feel an obligation to do as expected for the benefit of society. Given the failure to anticipate, the kinds of institutional guardrails required to minimize the consequences of moral failure were inadequate.”
But, notes Feinman, learning about what led to societies collapsing in the past can help us make better choices now: “History has a chance to tell us something. That doesn’t mean it’s going to repeat exactly, but it tends to rhyme. And so that means there are lessons in these situations.”
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Article Source: Field Museum news release
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“Our findings show that despite technological innovations including the use of fire and refined stone tools, the formation of complex social networks, and–in the case of Neanderthals–even the production of glued spear points, fitted clothes, and a good amount of cultural and genetic exchange with Homo sapiens, past Homo species could not survive intense climate change,” says Pasquale Raia of Università di Napoli Federico II in Napoli, Italy. “They tried hard; they made for the warmest places in reach as the climate got cold, but at the end of the day, that wasn’t enough.”
To shed light on past extinctions of Homo species including H. habilis, H. ergaster, H. erectus, H. heidelbergensis, H. neanderthalensis, and H. sapiens, the researchers relied on a high-resolution past climate emulator, which provides temperature, rainfall, and other data over the last 5 million years. They also looked to an extensive fossil database spanning more than 2,750 archaeological records to model the evolution of Homo species’ climatic niche over time. The goal was to understand the climate preferences of those early humans and how they reacted to changes in climate.
Their studies offer robust evidence that three Homo species–H. erectus, H. heidelbergensis, and H. neanderthalensis–lost a significant portion of their climatic niche just before going extinct. They report that this reduction coincided with sharp, unfavorable changes in the global climate. In the case of Neanderthals, things were likely made even worse by competition with H. sapiens.
“We were surprised by the regularity of the effect of climate change,” Raia says. “It was crystal clear, for the extinct species and for them only, that climatic conditions were just too extreme just before extinction and only in that particular moment.”
Raia notes that there is uncertainty in paleoclimatic reconstruction, the identification of fossil remains at the level of species, and the aging of fossil sites. But, he says, the main insights “hold true under all assumptions.” The findings may serve as a kind of warning to humans today as we face unprecedented changes in the climate, Raia says.
“It is worrisome to discover that our ancestors, which were no less impressive in terms of mental power as compared to any other species on Earth, could not resist climate change,” he said. “And we found that just when our own species is sawing the branch we’re sitting on by causing climate change. I personally take this as a thunderous warning message. Climate change made Homo vulnerable and hapless in the past, and this may just be happening again.”
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Article Source: CELL PRESS news release
This work was supported by MCTIC/CNPq/FAPEG.
*One Earth, Raia et al.: “Past extinctions of Homo species coincided with increased vulnerability to climatic change” https://www.cell.com/one-earth/fulltext/S2590-3322(20)30476-0
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UNIVERSITY OF COLOGNE—Favorable climatic conditions influenced the sequence of settlement movements of Homo sapiens in the Levant on their way from Africa to Europe. In a first step, modern humans settled along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Only then did they spread out into the Sinai desert and the eastern Jordanian Rift Valley. This is the result of archaeological research conducted by Collaborative Research Centre ‘Our Way to Europe’ (CRC 806) at the universities of Cologne, Bonn, and Aachen. The article ‘Al-Ansab and the Dead Sea: mid-MIS 3 Archaeology and Environment of the Early Ahmarian Population of the Levantine Corridor’ was published in PLOS ONE.
For more than ten years, the team has been analyzing sediments, pollen, and archaeological artifacts around the site of Al-Ansab 1 near the ancient ruin-city of Petra (Jordan). The goal was to gain an understanding of the environmental conditions that prevailed at the time of human expansion. ‘Human presence consolidated in the region under favorable climate conditions’, said Professor Dr Jürgen Richter, lead author of the study.
The success story of anatomically modern humans outside of Africa began about 100,000 years ago with well-known sites such as Qafzeh and Skhul in Israel. However, these early records only reveal a brief, temporary expansion of the territory into the Levant. Permanent settlement of the region only dates back to about 43,000 years ago, scientists believe. During the epoch of the so-called ‘Early Ahmarian’, modern humans gradually had been spreading throughout the Levant – a first step on their way to Asia and Europe.
Favorable climatic conditions were preconditions for permanent human settlement. On a large scale, this is illustrated by the presence of the so-called Lake Lisan. This freshwater lake was located where the Dead Sea is today. However, it was of a much larger extent and carried greater water volume. Most of the water evaporated only with the end of the last ice age, leaving behind the hypersaline Dead Sea known today.
Even on a small scale, the scientists were able to recognize the favorable environmental conditions: geo-archaeological teams from the University of Cologne and RWTH Aachen University examined the site of Al-Ansab 1. Whereas today, the Wadi Sabra, in which the site is located, is strongly shaped by seasonal flash floods, geomorphological and archaeological investigations showed that at the time of settlement, the conditions were less erosive and continuously wet, permitting the presence of humans.
‘This enabled the spread of humans from the coastal Mediterranean area to the formerly drier regions of the Negev desert and the eastern slopes of the Jordan Rift Valley. They hunted gazelles in the open landscape – a prey we found in many sites in the region from this period’, says Richter. ‘Humans did not come by steady expansion out of Africa through the Levant and further to Europe and Asia. Rather, they first settled in a coastal strip along the Mediterranean Sea.’
The region around the site of Al-Ansab 1 therefore was a stepping stone on Homo sapiens’ way – a journey that did not take a straight path to the European continent, but was guided by complex interactions between humans and their environment.
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF COLOGNE news release
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Eurasia’s oldest known balls
Researchers from the University of Zurich, together with German and Chinese researchers, have now examined in more detail three leather balls found in graves in the old Yanghai cemetery near the city of Turfan in northwest China. The balls, measuring between 7.4 and 9.2cm in diameter, have been dated at around 2,900 to 3,200 years old. “This makes these balls about five centuries older than the previously known ancient balls and depictions of ball games in Eurasia,” says first author Patrick Wertmann of the Institute of Asian and Oriental Studies of the University of Zurich. “Unfortunately, however, the associated archaeological information is not sufficient to answer the question of exactly how these balls were played.”
The earliest illustrations from Greece show ball players running, and depictions from China show riders using sticks. Comparable curved sticks were also found in Yanghai, but there was no apparent direct connection with the balls. Moreover, they are dated to a more recent period. “Therefore, the leather balls from Yanghai are not connected to early forms of field hockey or polo, even though two of the balls were found in the graves of horsemen,” says Wertmann.
New era of Central Asian equestrian warfare
In one of the riders’ graves, the preserved remains of a composite bow and a pair of trousers (1) were found, which were made in the region at that time and are among the oldest in the world. Both are signs of a new era of horse riding, equestrian warfare and fundamental societal transformations which accompanied increasing environmental changes and a rising mobility in eastern Central Asia. The current study shows that balls and ball games were part of physical exercise and military training from the very beginning. In addition, just like today, sport also played a central role in society and was a widespread leisure activity. The study’s findings once again highlight that this region was a center of innovation within Eurasia several millennia ago.
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF ZURICH news release
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Science Advances—Neanderthal babies were born with the characteristic barrel-shaped rib cage shape previously identified in adult specimens, according to an analysis of digitally reconstructed rib cages from four Neanderthal infants. The findings suggest that Neanderthals’ rib cages were already shorter and deeper than that of modern humans at birth, rather than shifting their shape later in development. While scientists have known that adult Neanderthals were heavier than modern humans, requiring significant differences in skeletal shape, there have been few studies that have compared the earliest postnatal developmental stages of Neanderthals and modern humans, due to a lack of well-preserved fossil remains of Neanderthal children. To investigate whether the shape of this hominid’s thorax changed between birth and adulthood, Daniel García-Martínez and colleagues scanned and virtually reconstructed ribcages from 4 young Neanderthals estimated to be about 1 to 2 weeks old, less than 4 months old, 1.5 years old, and 2.5 years old. The most complete Neanderthal specimen (the 1.5-year-old) also revealed the species had relatively longer mid-thoracic ribs compared to its uppermost and lowermost ribs and a spine folded inward toward the center of the body, forming a cavity on the outside of the back. The researchers compared rib cage development in these specimens with a baseline for modern human development in the first three years of life, which they derived from a forensic assessment of remains from 29 humans. The Neanderthal specimens had consistently shorter spines and deeper rib cages, regardless of their age at death. García-Martínez et al. conclude that the bulky Neanderthal ribcage may have been genetically inherited, at least in part, from early Pleistocene ancestors.
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Article Source: Science Advances news release
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AMERICAN FRIENDS OF TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY—A new study by Tel Aviv University and the Israel Antiquities Authority indicates that a workshop for smelting copper ore once operated in the Neveh Noy neighborhood of Beer Sheva, the capital of the Negev Desert. The study, conducted over several years, began in 2017 in Beer Sheva when the workshop was first uncovered during an Israel Antiquities Authority emergency archeological excavation to safeguard threatened antiquities.
The new study also shows that the site may have made the first use in the world of a revolutionary apparatus: the furnace.
The study was conducted by Prof. Erez Ben-Yosef, Dana Ackerfeld, and Omri Yagel of the Jacob M. Alkow Department of Archeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations at Tel Aviv University, in conjunction with Dr. Yael Abadi-Reiss, Talia Abulafia, and Dmitry Yegorov of the Israel Antiquities Authority and Dr. Yehudit Harlavan of the Geological Survey of Israel. The results of the study were published online on September 25, 2020, in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports.
According to Ms. Abulafia, Director of the excavation on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority, “The excavation revealed evidence for domestic production from the Chalcolithic period, about 6,500 years ago. The surprising finds include a small workshop for smelting copper with shards of a furnace — a small installation made of tin in which copper ore was smelted — as well as a lot of copper slag.”
Although metalworking was already in evidence in the the Chalcolithic period, the tools used were still made of stone. (The word “chalcolithic” itself is a combination of the Greek words for “copper” and “stone.”) An analysis of the isotopes of ore remnants in the furnace shards show that the raw ore was brought to Neveh Noy neighborhood from Wadi Faynan, located in present-day Jordan, a distance of more than 100 kilometers from Beer Sheva.
During the Chalcolithic period, when copper was first refined, the process was made far from the mines, unlike the prevalent historical model by which furnaces were built near the mines for both practical and economic reasons. The scientists hypothesize that the reason was the preservation of the technological secret.
“It’s important to understand that the refining of copper was the high-tech of that period. There was no technology more sophisticated than that in the whole of the ancient world,” Prof. Ben-Yosef says. “Tossing lumps of ore into a fire will get you nowhere. You need certain knowledge for building special furnaces that can reach very high temperatures while maintaining low levels of oxygen.”
Prof. Ben-Yosef notes that the archeology of the land of Israel shows evidence of the Ghassulian culture. The culture was named for Tulaylât al-Ghassûl, the archeological site in Jordan where the culture was first identified. This culture, which spanned the region from the Beer Sheva Valley to present-day southern Lebanon, was unusual for its artistic achievements and ritual objects, as evidenced by the copper objects discovered at Nahal Mishmar and now on display at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem.
According to Prof. Ben-Yosef, the people who lived in the area of the copper mines traded with members of the Ghassulian culture from Beer Sheva and sold them the ore, but they were themselves incapable of reproducing the technology. Even among the Ghassulian settlements along Wadi Beer Sheva, copper was refined by experts in special workshops. A chemical analysis of remnants indicates that every workshop had its own special “recipe” which it did not share with its competitors. It would seem that, in that period, Wadi Beer Sheva was filled with water year-round, making the location convenient for smelting copper where the furnaces and other apparatus were made of clay.
Prof. Ben-Yosef further notes that, even within Chalcolithic settlements that possessed both stone and copper implements, the secret of the gleaming metal was held by the very few members of an elite. “At the beginning of the metallurgical revolution, the secret of metalworking was kept by guilds of experts. All over the world, we see metalworkers’ quarters within Chalcolithic settlements, like the neighborhood we found in Beer Sheva.”
The study discusses the question of the extent to which this society was hierarchical or socially stratified, as society was not yet urbanized. The scientists feel that the findings from Neveh Noy strengthen the hypothesis of social stratification. Society seems to have consisted of a clearly defined elite possessing expertise and professional secrets, which preserved its power by being the exclusive source for the shiny copper. The copper objects were not made to be used, instead serving some ritual purpose and thus possessing symbolic value. The copper axe, for example, wasn’t used as an axe. It was an artistic and/or cultic object modeled along the lines of a stone axe. The copper objects were probably used in rituals while the everyday objects in use continued to be of stone.
“At the first stage of humankind’s copper production, crucibles rather than furnaces were used,” says Prof. Ben-Yosef. “This small pottery vessel, which looks like a flower pot, is made of clay. It was a type of charcoal-based mobile furnace. Here, at the Neveh Noy workshop that the Israel Antiquities Authority uncovered, we show that the technology was based on real furnaces. This provides very early evidence for the use of furnaces in metallurgy and it raises the possibility that the furnace was invented in this region.
“It’s also possible that the furnace was invented elsewhere, directly from crucible-based metallurgy, because some scientists view early furnaces as no more than large crucibles buried in the ground,” Prof. Ben-Yosef continues. “The debate will only be settled by future discoveries, but there is no doubt that ancient Beer Sheva played an important role in advancing the global metal revolution and that in the fifth millennium BCE the city was a technological powerhouse for this whole region.”
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Article Source: AMERICAN FRIENDS OF TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY news release
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UNIVERSITY OF READING—Archaeologists have uncovered a warrior burial in Berkshire that could change historians’ understanding of southern Britain in the early Anglo-Saxon era.
The burial, on a hilltop site near with commanding views over the surrounding Thames valley, must be of a high-status warlord from the 6th century AD, archaeologists from the University of Reading believe.
The ‘Marlow Warlord’ was a commanding, six-foot-tall man, buried alongside an array of expensive luxuries and weapons, including a sword in a decorated scabbard, spears, bronze and glass vessels, and other personal accoutrements.
The pagan burial had remained undiscovered and undisturbed for more than 1,400 years until two metal detectorists, Sue and Mick Washington came across the site in 2018.
Sue said: “On two earlier visits I had received a large signal from this area which appeared to be deep iron and most likely not to be of interest. However, the uncertainty preyed on my mind and on my next trip I just had to investigate, and this proved to be third time lucky!”
Sue, who along with other members of the Maidenhead Search Society metal detecting club had visited the site several times previously, initially unearthed two bronze bowls. Realizing the age and significance of the find, she stopped digging and the Club, in line with best practice, registered this discovery with the Portable Antiquities Scheme. (PAS).
The PAS Finds Liaison Officer for Buckinghamshire undertook a targeted excavation to recover the very fragile bronze vessels and, in the process, recovered a pair of iron spearheads suggested that the context was likely to be an Anglo-Saxon grave.
Thanks to their actions, the bowls and spearheads were identified and conserved, and following Sue’s generous donation, are soon to go on display at Buckinghamshire Museum in Aylesbury.
Recognizing the importance of the burial and the need for more detailed archaeological investigation, a team led by the Department of Archaeology at the University of Reading carried out a full survey and excavation in August 2020. The burial was at a very shallow depth, making the excavation crucial to protect it from farming activity.
Dr Gabor Thomas, a specialist in early medieval archaeology at the University of Reading, said: “We had expected to find some kind of Anglo-Saxon burial, but what we found exceeded all our expectations and provides new insights into this stretch of the Thames in the decades after the collapse of the Roman administration in Britain.
“This the first burial of its kind found in the mid-Thames basin, which is often overlooked in favor of the Upper Thames and London. It suggests that the people living in this region may have been more important than historians previously suspected.
“This guy would have been tall and robust compared to other men at the time, and would have been an imposing figure even today. The nature of his burial and the site with views overlooking the Thames suggest he was a respected leader of a local tribe and had probably been a formidable warrior in his own right.”
The early Anglo-Saxon period was one of great change in England with significant levels of immigration from the continent and the formation of new identities and power structures in the vacuum created by the collapse of the Roman administration around 400 AD. Around a century later – the period in which the Marlow Warlord lived -England was occupied by local tribal groupings, some of which expanded into Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, such as Wessex, Mercia and Kent.
The region of the mid-Thames between London and Oxford was previously thought to be a ‘borderland’ in this region, with powerful tribal groups on each side. This new discovery suggests that the area may have hosted important groups of its own. It is likely that the area was later squeezed out or absorbed into the larger neighboring proto-kingdoms of Kent, Wessex and Mercia.
A team involving archaeologists from the University of Reading and local volunteer groups carried out a two-week excavation of the site in August 2020 with the kind permission of the supportive landowner. This activity included geophysical survey, test excavations, and a full excavation of the grave site.
Found buried with the Marlow Warlord were a sword with an exceptionally well-preserved scabbard – making it one of the best-preserved sheathed swords known from the period -made of wood and leather with decorative bronze fittings, spears, bronze and glass vessels, dress-fittings, shears and other implements.
These objects are currently being conserved by Pieta Greaves of Drakon Heritage and Conservation. Further analysis of the human remains will be carried out at the Department of Archaeology, University of Reading, to help determine the man’s age, health, diet and geographical origins.
Michael Lewis, Head of the British Museum’s Portable Antiquities Scheme, said: “This is a great example of archaeologists and metal-detectorists working together. Especially important is the fact that the finders stopped when they realized they had discovered something significant and called in archaeological assistance. By doing so they ensure much more could be learnt about this interesting burial.”
The team are now hoping to raise funds to pay for further conservation work, to allow some of the finds to go on display to the public at the Buckinghamshire Museum in 2021, when their newly refurbished permanent galleries re-open.
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF READING news release
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OKINAWA INSTITUTE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY (OIST) GRADUATE UNIVERSITY—Since first appearing in late 2019, the novel virus, SARS-CoV-2, has had a range of impacts on those it infects. Some people become severely ill with COVID-19, the disease caused by the virus, and require hospitalization, whereas others have mild symptoms or are even asymptomatic.
There are several factors that influence a person’s susceptibility to having a severe reaction, such as their age and the existence of other medical conditions. But one’s genetics also plays a role, and, over the last few months, research by the COVID-19 Host Genetics Initiative has shown that genetic variants in one region on chromosome 3 impose a larger risk that their carriers will develop a severe form of the disease.
Now, a new study, published in Nature, has revealed that this genetic region is almost identical to that of a 50,000-year old Neanderthal from southern Europe. Further analysis has shown that, through interbreeding, the variants came over to the ancestors of modern humans about 60,000 years ago.
“It is striking that the genetic heritage from Neanderthals has such tragic consequences during the current pandemic,” said Professor Svante Pääbo, who leads the Human Evolutionary Genomics Unit at the Okinawa Institute of Science and Technology Graduate University (OIST).
Is severe COVID-19 written in our genes?
Chromosomes are tiny structures that are found in the nucleus of cells and carry an organism’s genetic material. They come in pairs with one chromosome in each pair inherited from each parent. Humans have 23 of these pairs. Thus, 46 chromosomes carry the entirety of our DNA – millions upon millions of base pairs. And although the vast majority are the same between people, mutations do occur, and variations persist, at the DNA level.
The research by the COVID-19 Host Genetics Initiative looked at over 3,000 people including both people who were hospitalized with severe COVID-19 and people who were infected by the virus but weren’t hospitalized. It identified a region on chromosome 3 that influences whether a person infected with the virus will become severely ill and needs to be hospitalized.
The identified genetic region is very long, spanning 49.4 thousand base pairs, and the variants that impose a higher risk to severe COVID-19 are strongly linked – if a person has one of the variants then they’re very likely to have all thirteen of them. Variants like these have previously been found to come from Neanderthals or Denisovans so Professor Pääbo, in collaboration with Professor Hugo Zeberg, first author of the paper and a researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and Karolinska Institutet, decided to investigate whether this was the case.
They found that a Neanderthal from southern Europe carried an almost identical genetic region whereas two Neanderthals from southern Siberia and a Denisovan did not.
Next, they questioned whether the variants had come over from Neanderthals or had been inherited by both Neanderthals and present-day people through a common ancestor.
If the variants had come from interbreeding between the two groups of people, then this would have occurred as recently as 50,000 years ago. Whereas, if the variants had come from the last common ancestor, they would have been around in modern humans for about 550,000 years. But random genetic mutations, and recombination between chromosomes, would have also occurred during this time and because the variants between the Neanderthal from southern Europe and present-day people are so similar over such a long stretch of DNA, the researchers showed that it was much more likely that they came from interbreeding.
Professor Pääbo and Professor Zeberg concluded that Neanderthals related to the one from southern Europe contributed this DNA region to present-day people around 60,000 years ago when the two groups met.
Neanderthal variants pose up to three times the risk
Professor Zeberg explained that those who carry these Neanderthal variants have up to three times the risk of requiring mechanical ventilation. “Obviously, factors such as your age and other diseases you may have also affect how severely you are affected by the virus. But among genetic factors, this is the strongest one.”
The researchers also found that there are major differences in how common these variants are in different parts of the world. In South Asia about 50% of the population carry them. However, in East Asia they’re almost absent.
It is not yet known why the Neanderthal gene region is associated with increased risk of becoming severely ill. “This is something that we and others are now investigating as quickly as possible,” said Professor Pääbo.
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Article Source: OKINAWA INSTITUTE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY (OIST) GRADUATE UNIVERSITY news release
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TAYLOR & FRANCIS GROUP—Stunning Arnhem Land rock art images including three rare depictions of bilbies and a dugong have been described by researchers in a new paper in Australian Archaeology today (Oct 1).
Led by Professor Paul Taçon, Australian Research Council Laureate Fellow and Griffith University Chair in Rock Art Research, the team documented 572 previously unknown images ranging in age from 6000 to 9400 years from 87 sites from 2008 to 2018.
Named Maliwawa Figures, they are found in northwest Arnhem Land and recorded at sites from Awunbarna (Mount Borradaile area) to the Namunidjbuk clan estate of the Wellington Range.
The Maliwawa images include large (over 50cm high, sometimes life-size) naturalistic humans and macropods with animals more often depicted than human figures. Painted in various shades of red with stroke-infill or outline forms with a few red strokes as infill, they are shown with little material culture other than various forms of headdresses.
Professor Taçon said the rock art provided a window into the past and showed us what people were doing at this time. “They’re a missing link between the well-known early-style Dynamic Figures, about 12,000 years of age, and X-ray figures made in the past 4000 years.”
“Maliwawas are depicted as solitary figures and as part of group scenes showing various activities and some may have a ceremonial context. Human figures are frequently depicted with animals, especially macropods, and these animal-human relationships appear to be central to the artists’ message,” he said.
He also said the Maliwawa Figures and scenes were not just simple depictions of everyday life.
“The artists are clearly communicating aspects of their cultural beliefs, with an emphasis on important animals and interactions between humans and other humans or animals.
“Indeed, animals are much more common than in the Dynamic Figure style rock art in terms of percentage of subject matter, as 89% of Dynamic Figures are human, whereas only about 42% of Maliwawa Figures are human.”
Professor Taçon said in some images animals almost appeared to be participating in or watching some human activity.
“This occurrence, and the frequency and variability of headdresses, suggests a ritual context for some of the production of Maliwawa rock art.
Co-author Dr Sally K. May from Griffith University’s Place, Evolution and Rock Art Heritage Unit said the discovery of what appear to be depictions of ‘bilbies’ at an Awunbarna site was surprising.
“Bilbies are associated with arid and semi-arid environments far to the south and Arnhem Land has not been within their range in historic times,” she said.
“Two of these animals are back-to-back and almost identical in size. The third bilby-like depiction appears to have been made at a different time, and perhaps by a different artist, as it is larger, has a longer snout, has more line infill, and is in a lighter shade of red.
“There is also the possibility that the depictions are of Agile Wallabies, Northern Nailtail Wallabies or Short-eared Rock-wallabies, all widespread across Kakadu-Arnhem Land today, but all of these species have much shorter ears and snouts than extant bilbies and the creatures depicted at Awunbarna.”
The researchers also recorded the oldest know depiction of a dugong.
“The solitary dugong painting also seems out of place,” Dr May said.
“Today it is located about 15 kilometers south of the Arafura Sea but 6000-9400 years ago the coast would have been further north. It indicates a Maliwawa artist visited the coast but the lack of other saltwater fauna may suggest this was not a frequent occurrence.”
At some sites there are two large macropods shown back-to-back with a small space between them. There are also some back-to-back human figures and the back-to-back ‘bilbies’.
“The Maliwawa back-to-back figures are the oldest known for western Arnhem Land and it appears this painting convention began with the Maliwawa style. It continues to the present with bark paintings and paintings on paper,” Professor Taçon said.
“But was the Maliwawa rock art sporadic and made during a short time period or did it continue over a long period of time?
He said they could not rule out the possibility that Maliwawa rock paintings were produced by a small number of artists. It is even possible only a couple artists made most of the paintings, with one responsible for the more outline forms with minimal infill and another creating much of the fuller stroke-line infill examples.
“At the same time, much art produced after the Maliwawa style demonstrates a remarkable consistency in the manner of depiction and a significant increase in the standardization of some subject matter such as X-ray fish.
“So, perhaps what we are observing is increasing standardization in the manner of depiction after the period in which Dynamic Figures were made. This has implications for rock art research everywhere in which a style or manner of depiction is suggested to have been made over hundreds of years or millennia.”
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Article Source: TAYLOR & FRANCIS GROUP news release
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Stretching from the border with Namibia to the border of Mozambique, the coastline of South Africa extends an impressive 1,770 miles. In many places, its dramatic scenic allure reminds one of the rugged, rocky coastline of northern California, drawing both local and foreign visitors throughout the year as they escape to popular resort destinations. Perhaps less known to the general public, however, are coastal locations that in recent years have yielded tantalizing clues to a modern human presence dating back as much, or even more than, 100,000 years. Here, scientists have uncovered evidence for behaviorally modern humans who lived in caves such as Blombos and Pinnacle Point, who crafted comparatively advanced stone and bone tools, created symbolic art, and exploited marine environments, requiring a level of cooperation, organization and planning unrecorded for their earlier hominin ancestors. To some scientists, these discoveries suggest the birthplace of the first behaviorally modern humans — surviving and thriving in a resource-rich southern coastal refugium during a time when other locations were not as hospitable.
Ancient Tracks
Along with ancient caves, the South African coast also features another geological formation known as aeolianite — coastal limestone consisting of carbonate sediment that has formed into coastal dunes by the wind, and then lithified (hardened into stone) with the passage of time. These geologic structures take tens of thousands of years to form, today characterizing part of the greater Pleistocene deposits that make up what is called the Bredasdorp Group, marine and marine-related formations along the coast of South Africa’s Cape Province. Within these aeolianites lie a physical record of life, like the tracks of animals that once lived and traveled along the dunes long before they solidified into their present state. It turns out these animal tracks also included those of humans, discovered first in 1964 at the site of Nahoon in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province. Found in hyporelief (natural casts of solidified impressions on the original surface) they were dated by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) to about 124,000 years ago. More tracks identified as human, this time in epirelief (the solidified impressions in the original surface), were also discovered at Langebaan in the Western Cape Province in 1995 and dated to about 117,000 years ago. And in 2016 at Brenton-on-Sea, a series of 40 tracks in hyporelief were discovered on the ceiling and walls of a coastal cave, with an estimated date of about 90,000 years ago. A more precise date for this latter site awaits the results of OSL analysis. Without doubt, these aeolianite tracks have added a new dimension to the mounting evidence for early modern humans on the South African coastal landscape.
But new developments have expanded on this story……..
New Sites
Most recently, a team of scientists led by Charles Helm of Nelson Mandela University in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, along with experts from the University of Colorado, Denver and the Council for Geoscience in Cape Town, South Africa, identified a number of additional human footprints at new coastal sites. The discoveries were actually made within the context of a larger endeavor, where the researchers documented more than 250 animal track sites across 350 kilometers, even identifying animals not previously represented in the fossil record for the area, such as giraffe, crocodiles, and sea turtles. But the most exciting track sites for enthusiasts and scholars of human prehistory were those exhibiting the human tracks.
Finding them was not easy. “Firstly, there were physical challenges, involving working in confined spaces in small caves, working on tracks on ceilings, or on high overhangs,” said Helm. “Secondly, in many cases the features that identified the tracks as hominin in origin were rather subtle, as dune sand does not always lead to great track quality. Photogrammetry proved really important. But perhaps the most important factor in our favor was obtaining Dr Martin Lockley as part of our team. He is an internationally renowned ichnologist, based in Colorado, and one of the global leaders in the interpretation of hominin tracks.”
Their resulting study report*, published September 29, 2020 in the South African Journal of Science, documented field investigations at four sites, three of which yielded data robust enough to draw some conclusions. The first set of tracks was identified as 18 natural casts on the ceiling of a sandy cave within the coastal area of Garden Route National Park. Only 10 of the 18 tracks were sufficiently well enough defined to be described in detail. The second set, found on the coast of the Goukamma Nature Reserve, featured no less than 32 tracks. Remarkably, these tracks were manifested in two corresponding exposed surfaces, one above on a cliff face overhang with tracks in natural cast hyporelief, and one below on a fallen block featuring the same tracks, in this case exhibited in epirelief. The third site, also along the coast of the Goukamma Nature Reserve, featured some partial track impressions. This site, however, showed what the researchers cautiously interpret as possible “ammoglyphs”, or associated markings or impressions in the ancient sand that may have been deliberately made by humans, providing a possible whisper of insight into their behavior at the location. More specifically, the team observed and recorded parallel grooves next to the track impressions, as well as “a number of smaller circular impressions, all clustered around an impression of what resembled the anterior portion of a left human foot”.* In all three sites, tracks of various sizes were identified and recorded, suggesting that there was more than one track maker at each location. The varying sizes and their positioning on the ancient surface further suggested that they consisted of a mixture of adults and juveniles, particularly as the size and shape of the larger tracks all showed a common consistency. This raises the possibility of family groups, according to the report authors, providing some possible insight into the social relationships and group structure of these early modern humans. Finally, the team returned to a previously explored site known as Brenton-on-Sea, where earlier investigations yielded as many as 40 tracks in hyporelief and cross sections on the walls and ceiling of a coastal cave, the tracks securely dated with OSL to about 117 ka. In this area, along a coastal cliff exposure, seven apparent human tracks were newly identified. The description and interpretation of this track site location remains inconclusive, however, and a more detailed study has been left for future excavation or exploration.
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An Unfolding Story
Even with the publication of the report, Helm makes clear that the jury is still out on precise dating—an essential factor in interpreting the results of their research—while they await the results of testing. “Samples [from the sites described in this latest report] have been sent to the University of Leicester in the U.K., and are under the supervision of Dr Andrew Carr,” he explained. “We are reasonably confident of the approximate dates, because of other dated samples from nearby, but knowing the dates with more precision will be really important.” The sites rest in or very near to the Wilderness Embayment, where specific OSL dating of sediments have already been obtained from previous investigations. OSL results from this region yielded dates between about 148 ka to about 79 ka. Combined with the track site results from the three previous investigations at Nahoon, Langebaan, and Brenton-on-Sea, this would make South Africa arguably the region where scientists have thus far found the earliest record of Homo sapiens footprints in Africa, and possibly the world (with the possible exception of the recent Homo sapiens footprint discoveries in the Nefud Desert of Saudi Arabia).
Interpreting actual ancient human behavior at these sites, says Helm, is a somewhat trickier proposition. Referring to the finds at the third site, located in the Gaukamma Nature Reserve, Helm explains: “We have been very careful not to over-interpret in areas where we really cannot be sure. Our focus is ichnology, which includes pattern recognition. The presence of what appear to be foot impressions beside these patterns seems compelling, but we try to avoid ascribing meaning. Foraging and messaging are two possibilities, but are by no means certain. The sub-parallel grooves and the smaller [circular] depressions could have been made by a finger or a stick in the sand, but while these may be the likeliest explanations, this is speculative.”
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Going forward, Helm says that further field work and study will need to be done before the bigger picture of what was happening in this region can be formulated. Site 4 (the Brenton-on Sea site) “has potential as a possible hominin track site, but nothing more conclusive can be stated until further features are exposed, through either an excavation or natural forces or erosions.”* Indeed, the study authors maintain, all four sites are open to further excavation. But there are upsides and downsides to excavating, says Helm, including the risks involved in digging in and around cave ceilings and rock overhangs.
“No field season for me on the Cape south coast this year due to COVID,”, wrote Helm to Popular Archaeology when asked about the immediate future of research and exploration at the sites and any other new sites. “But our experience has taught us that we have to be nimble and have to keep looking. Many of the sites are ephemeral, and others are only free from sand cover for brief intervals. So, constant exploration by our team members is crucial.”
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*Helm, C.W., Lockley, M.G., Cawthra, H.C., De Vynck, J.C., Dixon, M.G., Helm, C.J.Z, Thesen, G.H.H. Newly Identified hominin trackways from the Cape south coast of South Africa. S Afr J Sci 2020; 116(9/10), Art. #8156, 13 pages. https://doi.org/10.17.159/ says.2020/8156
More Reading:
See much more about the fascinating evidence uncovered for the earliest behaviorally modern humans in the (now free) premium article, Where Hominins Became Human, published in the Fall 2016 issue of Popular Archaeology Magazine, and the recently re-published interview of world-renowned pioneering archaeologist Christ Henshilwood in Exploring the Roots of Modern Human Behavior.
See more about how other ancient hominin track record discoveries have shed light on our understanding of human origins and human evolution in the premium articles, Laetoli: The Unfolding Story and Footprints in the Silt, both published previously in Popular Archaeology Magazine.
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UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE, LOUISVILLE, Ky. – Modern humans arrived in the westernmost part of Europe 41,000 – 38,000 years ago, about 5,000 years earlier than previously known, according to Jonathan Haws, Ph.D., professor and chair of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Louisville, and an international team of researchers. The team has revealed the discovery of stone tools used by modern humans dated to the earlier time period in a report published this week in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
The tools, discovered in a cave named Lapa do Picareiro, located near the Atlantic coast of central Portugal, link the site with similar finds from across Eurasia to the Russian plain. The discovery supports a rapid westward dispersal of modern humans across Eurasia within a few thousand years of their first appearance in southeastern Europe. The tools document the presence of modern humans in westernmost Europe at a time when Neanderthals previously were thought to be present in the region. The finding has important ramifications for understanding the possible interaction between the two human groups and the ultimate disappearance of the Neanderthals.
“The question whether the last surviving Neanderthals in Europe have been replaced or assimilated by incoming modern humans is a long-standing, unsolved issue in paleoanthropology,” said Lukas Friedl, an anthropologist at the University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, Czech Republic, and project co-leader. “The early dates for Aurignacian stone tools at Picareiro likely rule out the possibility that modern humans arrived into the land long devoid of Neanderthals, and that by itself is exciting.”
Until now, the oldest evidence for modern humans south of the Ebro River in Spain came from Bajondillo, a cave site on the southern coast. The discovery of stone stools characterized as Aurignacian, technology associated with early modern humans in Europe, in a secure stratigraphic context at Picareiro provide definitive evidence of early modern human arrival.
“Bajondillo offered tantalizing but controversial evidence that modern humans were in the area earlier than we thought,” Haws said. “The evidence in our report definitely supports the Bajondillo implications for an early modern human arrival, but it’s still not clear how they got here. People likely migrated along east-west flowing rivers in the interior, but a coastal route is still possible.”
“The spread of anatomically modern humans across Europe many thousands of years ago is central to our understanding of where we came from as a now-global species,” said John Yellen, program director for archaeology and archaeometry at the National Science Foundation, which supported the work. “This discovery offers significant new evidence that will help shape future research investigating when and where anatomically modern humans arrived in Europe and what interactions they may have had with Neanderthals.”
The Picareiro cave has been under excavation for 25 years and has produced a record of human occupation over the last 50,000 years. An international research team from the Interdisciplinary Center for Archaeology and Evolution of Human Behavior (ICArEHB) in Faro, Portugal, is investigating the arrival of modern humans and extinction of Neanderthals in the region.
The project is led by Haws, Michael Benedetti of the University of North Carolina Wilmington, and Friedl, in collaboration with Nuno Bicho and João Cascalheira of the University of Algarve, where ICArEHB is housed, and Telmo Pereira of the Autonomous University of Lisbon.
With support from U.S. National Science Foundation grants to Haws and Benedetti, the team has uncovered rich archaeological deposits that include stone tools in association with thousands of animal bones from hunting, butchery and cooking activities.
Sahra Talamo of the University of Bologna, Italy, and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, joined the research team to determine the age of the early modern human and Neanderthal occupations. She used state-of-the-art bone pretreatment and accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) to date the bones that show evidence of butchery cut marks and intentional breakage by humans to extract bone marrow, a highly prized and nutritious food consumed by ancient people. The dating results place the modern human arrival to the interval between 41,000 and 38,000 years ago. The last Neanderthal occupation at the site took place between 45,000 and 42,000 years ago.
“The radiocarbon results from Lapa do Picareiro are not only very precise in terms of the dating method, but also demonstrate the meticulous work of the archeologists at the site,” Talamo said. “The importance of collaboration between the radiocarbon specialist and the archaeologists is essential in order to obtain an accurate chronology like in the case of Picareiro.”
Spatial analysis of high-resolution three-dimensional data confirmed the precise stratigraphic relationships between artifacts and radiocarbon samples and revealed discrete layers of occupation at the site.
“Analysis of high-resolution spatial data is crucial for documenting and observing lenses of human occupation and reconstructing occupational patterns, especially in cave environments where complex formation processes exist,” said Grace Ellis, a Ph.D. student at Colorado State University studying landscape archaeology and ancient settlement patterns.
This was backed up by artifact refitting that showed the stone tools were not moved through post-depositional processes.
“Refitting is a task that requires a lot of time and patience, and in this case, it really was worthwhile because the results verified the geospatial observations,” said Pereira, an archaeologist who specializes in stone technology.
While the dates suggest that modern humans arrived after Neanderthals disappeared, a nearby cave, Oliveira, has evidence for Neanderthals’ survival until 37,000 years ago. The two groups may have overlapped for several thousand years in the area.
“If the two groups overlapped for some time in the highlands of Atlantic Portugal, they may have maintained contacts between each other and exchanged not only technology and tools, but also mates. This could possibly explain why many Europeans have Neanderthal genes,” said Bicho, director of ICArEHB.
“Besides genetic and archeological evidence, high-resolution temporal context and fossil evidence across the continent is crucial for answering this question. With the preserved key layers dated to the transitional period, we are now awaiting human fossils to tell us more about the nature of the transition,” Friedl said.
Despite the overlap in dates, there does not appear to be any evidence for direct contact between Neanderthals and modern humans. Neanderthals continued to use the same stone tools they had before modern humans arrived, bringing a completely different stone technology.
“Differences between the stone tool assemblages dated before and after about 41,000 years ago are striking at Picareiro,” said Cascalheira, an ICArEHB board member and specialist on stone tool technology. “Older levels are dominated by quartzite and quartz raw materials and marked by the presence of Levallois technology, a typical element of Neanderthal occupations in Europe. Aurignacian levels, on the other hand, are dominated by flint and the production of very small blades that were likely used as inserts in arrow shafts for hunting.”
Flint also was used to make tools for butchering animals such as red deer, ibex and possibly rabbits. The team recovered a few red deer canine teeth, often used as personal adornments, but so far these do not show traces of manufacturing jewelry.
“The bones from Lapa do Picareiro make up one of the largest Paleolithic assemblages in Portugal, and the preservation of these animal bones is remarkable,” said Milena Carvalho, a Ph.D. candidate at the University of New Mexico and ICArEHB researcher studying the diets and paleoecology of Neanderthals and modern humans. “The collection will provide tremendous amounts of information on human behavior and paleoecology during the Paleolithic and we will be studying it for decades.”
The cave sediments also contain a well-preserved paleoclimatic record that helps reconstruct environmental conditions at the time of the last Neanderthals and arrival of modern humans.
“We studied changes in the size of limestone clasts and the chemistry of muddy fine sediment filling the cave to understand the paleoclimatic context for the transition,” Benedetti said. “Our analysis shows that the arrival of modern humans corresponds with, or slightly predates, a bitterly cold and extremely dry phase. Harsh environmental conditions during this period posed challenges that both modern human and Neanderthal populations had to contend with.”
The cave itself has an enormous amount of sediment remaining for future work and the excavation still hasn’t reached the bottom.
“I’ve been excavating at Picareiro for 25 years and just when you start to think it might be done giving up its secrets, a new surprise gets unearthed,” Haws said. “Every few years something remarkable turns up and we keep digging.”
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE news release
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Decades of research and discovery have generated new revelations and theories about the ascent of our species, Homo sapiens, within the context of biological evolution. Consensus to date suggests that human origins took place in Africa, as evidenced through the archaeological and paleontological record, including new discoveries in human genetics. But the ongoing search for the detailed specifics of human origins has raised, as scientific inquiry often does, more questions than answers. Among the mysteries of the ongoing search are the questions revolving around where, when, and how anatomically modern humans became humans capable of the advanced cognition and behavior necessary for the foundation of modern culture and civilization. Recent years have seen some remarkable new discoveries being made in South Africa that are shedding light on these questions.
Popular Archaeology interviewed Dr. Christopher Henshilwood, Professor of Middle and Later Stone Age African Archaeology at the University of Bergen. He is also a key member of the Evolutionary Studies Institute at the University of Witwatersrand, and he is arguably the world’s leading researcher and authority on the emergence of modern human behavior and cognition, especially as it is reflected in the archaeological record. Geographically, his work has focused primarily on certain sites along the coast of South Africa that have revealed some intriguing clues in recent years bearing on the search for modern human origins. What follows is his response to a series of questions posed to him about the latest discoveries:
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What, from your perspective, is the significance of the research you have been conducting as it relates to behaviorally modern humans? And how do you define ‘behaviorally modern’?
Not long ago, most people didn’t think that humans living around 100,000 years ago had enhanced cognitive abilities – abilities that allowed for complex behaviors, such as long-range planning, the use of symbols and complex language. It was thought that human culture, often implied by art, such as jewelry and engraved designs, suddenly appeared during the Upper Palaeolithic in Europe 40,000–50,000 years ago.
Evidence of symbolic thought (the transmission of coded information) and long range planning mark milestones in the evolution of Homo sapiens. The creation of paint, collection and manipulation of unique raw materials, and physical ornamentation are just some evidence that humans living ~100,000 years ago could conceptualize, create and store items for future use. It is these kinds of actions that are unique to modern humans and indicate that they were behaviorally modern, had enhanced cognitive abilities and social conventions and identities similar to humans living today.
My research into the MSA (Middle Stone Age), along with the finds of many other MSA researchers, has produced crucial evidence that modern human behavior originated in southern Africa; the origins were not in Europe.
What have been your research objectives related to this topic?
My research focus has been the MSA along the southern Cape coast of South Africa. My research has looked at the early behavioral evolution of Homo sapiens, the origins of language and symbolic behavior, and the effects of climate and climate change on human demographics.
What have been the important sites for your field work, and why?
My fieldwork has been focused on two sites along the southern Cape coast of South Africa – Blombos Cave and Klipdrift Complex. We have excavated at Blombos Cave from 1992. The results of these excavations and our discoveries at the site are published in numerous papers and books, and analysis of the remarkable material culture is ongoing. The MSA levels at Blombos Cave are dated to between 130,000 – 72,000 years ago (dated using optically stimulated luminescence, OSL) and the lithic component at the site relates to Still Bay and pre-Still Bay techno-complexes.
The other site is Klipdrift Shelter. This is part of the Klipdrift Complex, which is located in the De Hoop Nature Reserve. The MSA levels at Klipdrift Shelter are dated to 66,000 – 52,000 years ago (dated using OSL), and the lithic component relates to the Howiesons Poort techno-complex. We have made some remarkable discoveries at this site and are still excavating. We have also started excavating in another cave in the complex called Klipdrift Cave Lower, which also contains MSA deposits.
Both of these sites have significant and long MSA sequences. The artifacts and the material culture from these sites provide valuable insight into our knowledge of complex behaviors of early Homo sapiens in southern Africa.
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The relative locations of Klipdrift Shelter and Blombos Cave on the southern coast of Africa. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Exterior view of the Blombos Cave. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Interior panorama of the Blombos Cave. Image credit: Magnus Haaland
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What has been your research/investigative strategy related to the work at these sites and your scientific inquiry generally?
I conduct high precision excavations using a range of scientific research methods, such as 3D site plotting, chemical analyses and micromorphology, with all details methodically recorded as we excavate. My research has brought together an inter-disciplinary team of international experts to identify and interpret the various aspects of the sites and artifacts. We then link observations from the different fields and synthesize these with new discoveries, and present these in a global perspective.
In conjunction with rigorous scientific methods, I aim to educate and inspire people – researchers and the general public – about our southern African roots and the prehistory of humanity. The discoveries we have made have changed the way we view our ancestors.
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Henshilwood at work within Blombos Cave. Image credit: Magnus Haaland
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What have been the salient finds related to the discoveries you are making bearing on origins of behaviorally modern humans, and why are these finds significant or important?
Blombos Cave and Klipdrift Shelter have yielded an enormous wealth of artifacts that have contributed to our understanding of early [modern] humans and how they evolved. Some of the salient finds are:
All these items imply enhanced levels of cognitive behavior – behaviors not previously associated with people living in the Middle Stone Age.
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Engraved design on ochre nodule from Blombos Cave, c. 75 ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Engraved ochre from Blombos Cave, c. 100ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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A Haliotis midae shell with ochre residues and an ochre nodule (in situ), which make up part of an ochre processing toolkit from Blombos Cave, c. 100ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Dr. Karen van Niekerk as she discovered the ochre processing toolkit at Blombos Cave, c. 100ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Perforated Nassarius kraussianus shell bead from Blombos Cave, c. 75ka. Modern N. kraussianus shells were experimentally strung to determine how the wear on the archaeological shells formed. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Still Bay bifacial points from Blombos Cave, c. 75ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
Bone tools from Blombos Cave, c. 75ka. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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If you were to imagine or describe a group of humans who lived during the times relevant to the dating of the finds, how would you define them culturally/behaviorally, if that is possible to any extent?
The people of Blombos Cave and Klipdrift Shelter were anatomically modern humans and they would have looked the same as us today. They were hunter-gatherers who probably lived in extended family groups of 20-30 people that moved fairly extensively across the landscape, possibly with movement dictated by seasonal availability of resources. What we are attempting to discover and what is still the subject of many debates, is whether they were behaviorally the same as us. The use of items, like the shell beads and the engraving of designs, were likely used to signal information to other groups and to cement social relationships – perhaps shared access to resources, or a sense of identity. The ability to do this requires an understanding of abstract concepts and probably included the need for a well-developed language. This is unique to modern humans – and the evidence shows that this was most likely taking place ~100 000 years ago.
How did the landscapes and climate that form the context of the significant finds bearing on behaviorally modern humans differ from how they can be described today?
Climate and environment would have played a major role in where people could live but humans are highly adaptable. Access to resources would have dictated, to an extent, when groups could move around the landscape. Palaeoclimatic data shows that the southern Cape was a lush Mediterranean environment with an abundance of resources. Conditions also suggest that there was a lack of disease such as bilharzia, malaria, and tsetse-fly (Trypanosomiasis).
Glacial and interglacial periods in the last 100,000 years drastically modified conditions and sea levels, and affected what resources were available. For example, we know from looking at marine sediment and ice cores that ~76,000 years ago global temperatures dropped, polar ice sheets grew and sea levels dropped. Conditions changed from being warm and rainy to colder and drier. This coincides with the sudden disappearance of the bifacial point culture, known as the Still Bay culture, and the later appearance of a new culture – the Howiesons Poort. When this climatic change occurred it’s likely that the Still Bay people moved, following the sea as the continental shelf became a highly productive plain.
Climatic changes affected the kinds of tools and technologies used, as well as communicative strategies that were necessary. Climate change may have been one factor responsible for the migration of some small groups of Middle Stone Age people out of Africa. However, people may also have moved because of their advanced cognition and technologies, thus resulting in easier access to a greater range of resources, such as smaller animals and marine life through hunting, snaring and fishing. A knock-off effect of this would have been expanded social structures and, in time, increased population sizes.
What are your plans for the future related to this topic and what do you hope to accomplish?
We will continue excavations at Klipdrift Complex as well as continue our analysis of the wealth of material from Klipdrift Shelter and Blombos Cave. Together with my students, post docs and other experts, for example in social psychology, climate reconstruction, dating and micromorphology, we will continue to produce inter-disciplinary scientific research and push the boundaries of science to better understand our early [modern] human ancestors.
A current priority is to test the hypothesis that many of the cultural developments of early Homo sapiens are related to climate variability. Currently much research is being done on reconstructing climate and vegetation changes in Europe and in southern Africa, and on comparing the ecological niches exploited by human groups during climatic phases. Climate may have been a major factor in early Homo sapiens development, possibly even defining who we were and what we have become.
We are currently constructing a new learning centre and museum in the Hoop Nature Reserve, just a few kilometers from the Klipdrift Complex. This will be called the De Hoop Human Origins Centre. The primary mission of the centre is to display, explain and interpret the origins of our own species, Homo sapiens, whose origins lie in Africa. A core aim is to show how people from all nations, creeds and colors share one origin and common ancestors. Armed with this knowledge we can still celebrate our cultural diversity and current identities but the centre will help break down present conceived boundaries based on culture, religion and race and install a new sense of pride in all our visitors as we celebrate the common African origin of us all. The centre will be developed and managed as a community resource to inspire, educate and inform the community and visitors and to contribute to the conservation of the history, prehistory and heritage of the southern Cape, southern Africa and Africa.
On a more personal level, how did you arrive at your present point in time (related to your research), and what inspired you to ‘journey’ on this course in your life?
In 1961, my grandfather bought the property that Blombos Cave is on, and I spent many holidays there, often searching the hills and caves for artifacts. In 1985 I enrolled for a degree in archaeology at the University of Cape Town and went on to do my PhD in Archaeology at Cambridge. I returned to Blombos in 1991, as a PhD student, to search for Later Stone Age sites and artefacts in the area. During this search I discovered Blombos Cave and after excavating 50 cm of Later Stone age material I uncovered the top layers of the MSA levels. Bifacial points and bone tools lay on the surface. This was the start of the adventure and after numerous unsuccessful attempts at raising funds I was eventually rewarded with a generous 3-year National Science Foundation grant at Stony Brook University in New York and also support from National Geographic. This was the start of the adventure.
Are there any other comments or statements you would like to make about the topic?
Despite significant advances in recent years, it must also be emphasized that well-dated archeological sites between c. 300 ka and 100 ka are rare, so the evolution of Homo sapiens and the earliest emergence of symbolic behavior during this key period is still poorly understood. There might have been a sudden surge in human innovation at c. 100 ka, but the possibility of a much longer and gradual evolution of modern symbolic behavior following a mosaic pattern is clearly probable.
Another possibility is that, despite the appearance of anatomically modern humans at c. 300 – 200 ka, neural reorganization within the human brain was not a punctuated event, but happened gradually between 300 – 200 ka and 100 ka. Depending on selective criteria that may have favored or disfavored novelty and change, periods of rapid innovation or stasis might have followed. Until a clearer picture of human evolution between 300 ka and 100 ka has emerged, it is hard to produce a detailed argument about the earliest links between neural and behavioral evolution in early Homo sapiens but it seems plausible that the building blocks for social systems mediated by symbolic behavior were laid during this time.
The origins of ‘modern’ human behavior generates lively debate world-wide, but the African evidence for its origins has long remained elusive. Published results from the Blombos Cave excavations complement recent and older findings from a number of African MSA sites that suggest some aspects of ‘modern behavior’ evolved during the early Late Pleistocene in Africa. The discoveries at Blombos Cave clearly reflect the acquisition of fully modern cognitive abilities by southern African populations by at least 100,000 years.
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Chris Henshilwood at Blombos Cave. Courtesy Chris Henshilwood and the University of the Witwatersrand
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Read more about this topic in the article, Where Hominins Became Human, a free premium article published in the Fall 2016 issue of Popular Archaeology.
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UNIVERSITY OF SEVILLE—Experts from the Department of Prehistory and Archaeology of the University of Seville have just published a study in the prestigious journal PLOS ONE on an important archaeological find in the Cueva de la Dehesilla (Cádiz). Specifically, two human skulls and a juvenile goat were discovered along with various archaeological structures and materials from a funerary ritual from the Middle Neolithic period (4800-4000 BC) hitherto unknown in the Iberian Peninsula.
“This finding opens new lines of research and anthropological scenarios, where human and animal sacrifice may have been related to ancestral cults, propitiatory rituals and divine prayers in commemorative festivities,” explains US researcher Daniel García Rivero.
The archaeological site located in the Cueva de la Dehesilla consists of two adult human skulls, one male one female, the former being older. The female skull shows a depression in the frontal bone, which probably comes from an incomplete trepanation, as well as cuts in the occipital bone produced by decapitation. In addition, a wall was found separating the human skulls and the skeleton of the goat, on the one hand, from a stone altar with a stele and a hearth, on the other. Finally, several uniquely decorated ceramic vessels, some lithic objects and charred plant remains were discovered in the so-called Locus 2.
“These elements display various characteristics that make it an exceptional archaeological find. The differential treatment of skulls with traumatological evidence along with sacrificed animals, as well as the documented archaeological structures and materials do not match the normative funerary record we were working with until now. This discovery is of great importance not only because of its peculiarity, but also because it constitutes a sealed, intact ritual deposit, which is a great opportunity to gain a more detailed insight into the funerary and ritual behaviors of the Neolithic populations of the Iberian Peninsula,” emphasizes professor García Rivero.
Neolithic funeral rituals
This work contributes in a particular way to the knowledge of the funerary rituals of the middle part of the 5th millennium before Christ, currently the least well known period of the Neolithic populations of the Iberian Peninsula as a whole. The scarce funerary record from that time shows fundamentally individual burials, with secondary burials being unusual. The sort of context just discovered is really extraordinary. Burials usually occur in areas of habitat, and are mostly associated with remains of ceramics and shells, as well as homes, which reflect the importance of activities related to the use of fire, but without stone structures like those now documented in the mountains of Cádiz.
The study and review of the entire funerary record of this period allows us to offer a kind of cultural mosaic in relation to the funerary and ritual traditions of these peasant and herding populations, with a probable division between the Andalusian region and the eastern seaboard of the peninsula, the two regions where most data is available today.
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF SEVILLE news release
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