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The Archaeology of Ancient Libraries: What Surviving Book Collections Reveal About Lost Civilizations

Books burn. Papyrus rots. Clay tablets get buried under centuries of rubble. And yet, against every expectation, some collections survive — partial, damaged, scattered — and what remains tells us more than we might think….

 

When Shelves Become Ruins

Most people picture a library as a building full of books. Ancient libraries were something stranger. They were political statements, spiritual archives, tools of the empire. The Library of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh, built around 650 BCE, held over 30,000 clay tablets — a deliberate attempt by an Assyrian king to collect all knowledge in the known world.

Archaeologists uncovered it in the 1850s in what is now northern Iraq. Many tablets survived precisely because the library burned — the fire baked the clay hard, preserving texts that might otherwise have crumbled to dust.

What the Tablets Actually Contained

The contents were not what you might expect. Yes, there were royal records and astronomical observations. But there was also poetry, medicine, mythology, and flood narratives that predate the Biblical account by at least a thousand years.

The Epic of Gilgamesh was found here, pieced together from fragments. Without this library’s destruction and burial, that text — one of the oldest stories ever written — would simply not exist today.

The Herculaneum Scrolls

In 79 CE, Mount Vesuvius buried an entire villa near Herculaneum under volcanic material. Inside was a private library of roughly 1,800 papyrus scrolls, now carbonized into brittle black cylinders. For centuries, scholars could do little more than guess at their contents.

That changed. Using multispectral imaging and, more recently, AI-assisted decoding, researchers have begun reading texts previously considered destroyed. In 2023, a team announced the first successful decoding of a substantial portion — an Epicurean philosophical text. The scrolls are still yielding new material.

Libraries as Power

Ancient rulers understood something that is easy to forget: controlling texts means controlling knowledge. The Library of Alexandria, probably founded around 295 BCE under Ptolemy I, was a deliberate political project. Egypt’s rulers reportedly required all ships entering the harbor of Alexandria to surrender any scrolls aboard for copying — and sometimes kept the originals.

At its height, the library may have held between 400,000 and 700,000 scrolls. Estimates vary widely. What is certain is that it functioned as a center for translation, commentary, and scientific research. A sort of ancient version of FictionMe. Since people couldn’t read novels online before, libraries attracted scholars from across the Mediterranean world. It was a long journey, from tablets and leather scrolls to reading apps, and today books are accessible to everyone.

Egypt and the Written Desert

Egypt’s dry climate is the closest thing to a time machine that archaeology has. The sands around Oxyrhynchus, a mid-sized ancient city, have produced over 500,000 papyrus fragments since excavations began in 1896. The collection spans roughly 800 years of history.

Not all of it is literature. Most fragments are receipts, letters, tax records, contracts. But that mundane material is often more revealing than any epic poem. It shows what ordinary people bought, owed, worried about, and argued over.

The Dead Sea Scrolls as Library Remnant

Discovered between 1947 and 1956 in caves near Qumran, the Dead Sea Scrolls represent what may have been the library of a Jewish sect called the Essenes. Around 900 manuscripts survived, dating from roughly 250 BCE to 68 CE.

The scrolls include the oldest known copies of Hebrew Bible texts — some 1,000 years older than what was previously available. They have forced scholars to revise assumptions about how texts were transmitted, copied, and altered over centuries.

What Was Lost and Why It Matters

The destruction of ancient libraries was rarely a single, dramatic event. The great libraries declined gradually—through underfunding, political neglect, fire, conquest, and simple decay. Often, they had no “backup copies.” Yet reading was fashionable both before the Common Era and today, with the growing popularity of the FictionMe iOS app and other platforms. Previously, reading was the preserve of “thinkers” or “sages,” but today it’s simply an interesting pastime for some and a source of knowledge for others.

By some estimates, less than 1% of ancient Greek literature survives. We have 7 complete plays by Sophocles; he wrote around 120. Aristotle’s published works, which ancient sources say were polished and widely read, have almost entirely disappeared — what we have are likely lecture notes.

Reading What Remains

The archaeology of ancient libraries teaches a specific kind of humility. Every surviving text represents an accident of preservation — a lucky fire, a dry cave, a careful copyist in a medieval monastery. What we know about the ancient world is shaped not just by what happened, but by what happened to be written down and then happened to survive.

Scholars today use infrared scanning, DNA analysis of parchment, and machine learning to extract information from damaged materials. The field is moving fast. Texts that were illegible a decade ago are now being read for the first time in two thousand years.

The Libraries Still Being Found

Archaeological work continues. In 2019, researchers identified a library room in the ruins of Herculaneum that had not yet been excavated. In Egypt, new papyrus caches the surface periodically. In Jordan and Israel, caves in desert terrain are still being surveyed.

The archive of the ancient world is not closed. It is incomplete, fragile, and scattered — but still, slowly, being opened.

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Study details epic transportation of Stonehenge stone across ancient Britain

Curtin University—New research by Curtin University has revealed how one of Stonehenge’s most mysterious stones was likely transported hundreds of kilometres across Britain through challenging terrain, highlighting the remarkable capabilities of ancient communities.

Stonehenge’s central Altar Stone is a six-tonne sandstone megalith now believed to have originated in northeast Scotland, around 700km from Salisbury Plain, underscoring the extraordinary scale of its journey.

The new study* builds on earlier findings that ruled out glaciers as the sole mechanism for moving the stones, strengthening the conclusion people were responsible for transporting them across difficult terrain rather than relying on natural Ice Age processes.

Researchers have now focused on what that journey may have looked like, combining mineral grain dating with ice-sheet modelling to pinpoint the stone’s origin and test whether glaciers could have carried it south.

Co-lead author Dr Anthony Clarke, from the Timescales of Minerals Systems Group within Curtin’s School of Earth and Planetary Sciences, said the findings suggest the journey was far from simple and likely required careful planning across multiple stages.

“Rather than being carried naturally by ice, the evidence points to a deliberate, carefully planned movement across a challenging and varied landscape,” Dr Clarke said.

“Our modelling shows glaciers may have transported rocks part of the way during the last Ice Age — potentially as far as Dogger Bank in the North Sea — but not into southern England, meaning the stone would still have needed to be moved hundreds of kilometres by people.

“The research indicates there were no viable glacial pathways linking the source region directly to Stonehenge, reinforcing the conclusion that human transport was required.

“Instead, this suggests the stone was likely moved in stages, potentially combining overland hauling with river or coastal transport where possible.”

Dr Clarke said the findings reveal a level of organisation and cooperation among Neolithic communities not previously fully appreciated.

“Transporting a stone of this size over such a long distance would have required planning, coordination and a deep understanding of the landscape – not to mention tremendous determination,” Dr Clarke said.

“The study demonstrates how combining geological analysis with computer modelling can help resolve long-standing questions about how Stonehenge was built.”

Future research will aim to pinpoint the Altar Stone’s exact source in northeast Scotland and further investigate possible transport routes used by prehistoric communities.

The research was conducted in collaboration with experts from Sheffield Hallam University, the University of Sheffield, Wessex Archaeology, and the University of Bristol in the United Kingdom.

The study, ‘From Highlands to Henge: Refining the Provenance and Transport Pathways of Stonehenge’s Altar Stone’ (DOI:10.1002/jqs.70080), was published in the Journal of Quaternary Science.

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Above and below: Dr Anthony Clarke at Stonehenge.  Credit Curtin University

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Article Source: Curtin University news release.

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Ice Age mystery: Taimering mammoth was likely butchered by hunters and gatherers

Staatliche Naturwissenschaftliche Sammlungen Bayerns—Six years ago, during construction work in Taimering near Regensburg (Bavaria, Germany), employees of the Bavarian State Office for the Preservation of Historical Monuments (BLfD) discovered a nearly 2.5-meter-long, spirally twisted tusk that belonged to a woolly mammoth, Mammuthus primigenius. Nearby, the archaeologists also found over 70 additional bones and bone fragments, primarily from the ribcage as well as hand and foot bones. Most of the long bones of the large mammal are missing. “The mammoth’s tusk and bones were exceptionally well-preserved due to their millennia-long conservation in the wet soil environment,” says Dr. Christoph Steinmann, deputy head of the Department of Archaeological Heritage Preservation for Lower Bavaria/Upper Palatinate at the BLfD. After its recovery, the find was prepared at the Bavarian State Collections of Natural History (SNSB), and further scientific investigations were coordinated from there.

The palaeontological assessment revealed that all the bones, as well as the tusk, belong to a single, very large but not yet fully grown individual with a shoulder height of about three meters. The Taimering woolly mammoth likely died directly at or at least near its discovery site. The bone surfaces, which have been preserved intact down to the finest detail, rule out both prolonged transport by water and disarticulation by predators. According to the researchers, the animal was buried in the sediments of a pond or a slow-flowing tributary of the prehistoric Danube River during the Ice Age. Radiocarbon dating indicates a geological age of the bones between 27,000 and 25,000 years ago.

Unusual markings on the surface turned out to be cut marks and provide clear evidence of human activity. Numerous such indentations are found exclusively on the ribs—made by Palaeolithic hunters and gatherers who butchered the animal. One of the broad rib bones was even used as a cutting board. Whether the mammoth was killed by humans or had already been dead when people processed the carcass remains unclear, according to lead author Kerstin Pasda from the Institute of Prehistory and Early History at the Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU), who conducted the osteoarchaeological analyses of the anthropogenic modifications.

Pollen analyses conducted by Dr. Philipp Stojakowits at the University of Augsburg reveal a great deal to the researchers about the habitat in which the mammoth lived and died. They indicate a herbaceous, tundra-like steppe vegetation with scattered dwarf shrubs. The so-called Mammoth Steppe was a vast treeless ecosystem in Eurasia that, during the peak of the last glacial period from 30,000 to 20,000 years ago, stretched across Europe between the Scandinavian ice sheet and the southern glaciers of the Alps. Its nutrient-rich grasses and dwarf shrubs provided food for a variety of large mammals, including the Taimering mammoth.

The discovery is exceptional in many respects. “First of all, mammoth skeletal remains are extremely rare in our latitudes. We are familiar with finds mainly from regions of Eurasia further to the east,” says PD Dr. Gertrud Rößner, a palaeontologist at the Bavarian State Collections of Natural History. “On the other hand, there is virtually no evidence of human activity in this region from that peak period of the Ice Age. Due to climate change, hunter-gatherer communities in Europe retreated southward and eastward,” add archaeology professors Andreas Maier of the University of Cologne and Thorsten Uthmeier of FAU Erlangen-Nürnberg.

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The mammoth’s tusk at the excavation site in Taimering.  (Photo: BLfD) Credit BLfD

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A staff member of the Bavarian State Office for the Preservation of Historical Monuments (BLfD) recovering the mammoth’s tusk.  Credit BLfD

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Recovery of the first left rib from the mammoth’s ribcage.  Credit BLfD

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The mammoth’s tusk in the paleontological preparation laboratory of the Bavarian State Collections of Natural History.  Credit K. Hagemann, SNSB

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Participating Institutions
Overall, 14 scientists from various disciplines participated in the mammoth study, including researchers from the Bavarian State Collections of Natural History, the Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg, the Bavarian State Office for the Preservation of Historical Monuments, the Reiss-Engelhorn Museums and the Curt Engelhorn Center for Archaeometry in Mannheim and the University of Augsburg, LMU Munich, and the Universities of Cologne and Bremen, as well as the Museum of Prehistory and Local History in Bottrop.

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Article Source: Staatliche Naturwissenschaftliche Sammlungen Bayerns news release.

*A cold case from the last Glacial Maximum: A partial mammoth skeleton from southern Germany (Danube Valley, Germany) – Part 1: Traces of human activity and archaeological context, Journal of Archaeological Science, 3-Jun-2026. 10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.105839 

How Stone Tools, Fire, and Language Paved the Highway to Artificial Intelligence

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

Many people are overwhelmed by the fast-paced evolution of mass communication in a world increasingly shaped by the internet and artificial intelligence (AI). Yet ideas have not always circulated across the globe at lightning speed.

Looking into deep time allows us to view our current mode of existence from a broader perspective and to discern patterns of change that may offer insights into our species’ possible trajectories in the future. We can begin by trying to identify the conditions under which humans developed complex symbolic communication, which is considered unique in the animal kingdom. Today, we have succeeded in transposing incredibly complex digital languages, beyond the grasp of the human mind, into computerized systems capable of processing, storing, and sharing all kinds of information with the push of a button or a click of a mouse.

Human language is at the root of this system. While hardly perceptible in the archaeological record, hominin physiognomy assessed from the fossil record allows us to observe that the capacity to vocalize across a significant range dates back to a very early time period. Physical features linked to resonance complexity and articular precision, like the low positioning of the larynx, an enlarged pharyngeal cavity, and a flexible tongue housed in an ample palate, were already part of the human anatomy by the time Homo erectus emerged in Africa nearly 2 million years ago.

Somatic harmonization, necessary for speech production, is ensured by the tiny and crucial hyoid bone, a floating anchor for the muscles controlling the tongue, throat, and voice box as they work together to regulate sounds emitted during speech. Paleoanthropologists studying the position, geometry, and internal structure of Neanderthal hyoids discovered in archeological sites found them to be nearly identical to those of anatomically modern humans, suggesting that they were already capable of emitting a similarly sophisticated range of sounds. Evidence from Spain also reveals that modern hyoid morphology was present by at least 530,000 years ago, indicating that it could be a derived characteristic shared by modern humans and pre-Neanderthals, which they inherited from their last common ancestor.

The ability to emit a wide range of vocalizations characteristic of modern human language did not appear abruptly, but rather, was favored over millennia by interrelated adaptive elections taking place under the evolutionary orchestration of both natural selection and techno selection. As early as around 7 million years ago, some early primates displayed several craniofacial modifications believed to have evolved, at least in part, to accommodate bipedal locomotion. These included features such as reduced prognathism, more gracile jawbones with smaller teeth, and a restructured skull base, all of which subsequently facilitated the anatomical tweaks necessary to increase the human capacity to pronounce a wide range of sounds.

By the time hominins began systematically making stone tools some 2.6 million years ago, a series of changes in the archaeological record reflected the significance of this adaptive strategy. Around 1.75 million years ago in Africa, these (Oldowan) assemblages were progressively replaced by Acheulian industries comprising tools with wider technological and morphological variability, including skillfully manufactured and (esthetically pleasing) premeditated forms, like spheres and symmetrical pointed tools called handaxes, which required high degrees of dexterity to make.

Observing synapses activated during experimental tool replication has shown that the cognitive processes involved in passing on the skills necessary to make such tools are linked to those activated by language. Furthermore, evidence from ancient DNA analysis suggests that regulatory genetic variants favoring language-producing abilities underwent long-term evolutionary selection in hominin populations, with some of these features predating the divergence of modern humans and Neanderthals.

Fully embracing the advantages offered by their newfound technological proficiency, Acheulian hominins benefited from access to the choicest morsels of meat and viscera to feed their developing brains. They experienced unprecedented demographic expansion and assembled into more complex group settings sheltering numerous individuals. Eventually wielding fire, Acheulian populations spread into new lands within and beyond Africa, utilizing their rapidly developing technologies to confront diverse environmental and social challenges.

Some archaeologists have described this process as a biocultural feedback loop, in which unprecedented cerebral growth (supported by higher protein intake) was linked to toolmaking. This process was catalyzed by increasing social complexity, reinforced by the development of culture, and favored the selection of symbolic communication. Languagethe preponderant expression of symbolic transmissioninitially developed as a survival-related response to effectively transmit technological competence, and ultimately became a means to express multifaceted cultural norms developed to promote social proficiency.

There is no doubt that culture evolves; that it was/is transmitted socially through learning processes that have been intricately developed over time and now extend well past adolescence and, in some cases, beyond the optimal reproductive age for women. Culture is inherently cumulative: it is an aggregate of past human experiences, errors, discoveries, adaptations, and rectifications to deduce scientific and philosophical insights about the universeand our place in it. Symbolic communication, expressed as language and writing, and later also as art and music, reinforces cumulative culture by allowing us to express, preserve, and share knowledge beyond time constraints.

The story of technological evolution following the emergence of the Acheulian reveals two major forces that still operate today: acceleration and complexification. By the end of the Acheulian and into the Middle Paleolithic period and beyond, technological and (linked) social achievements accumulated exponentially, widening the baseline upon which hugely transformative accomplishments emerged. At the same time, populations multiplied, creating interrelational networks that favored reproductive, material, and cultural exchanges.

I have proposed defining this phenomenon as a fractalization process, insofar as each branch replicates the underlying evolutionary patterns, overcoming the constraints of its ancestral source while retaining the full spectrum of human cognitive expression. In this model (that is comparable to biological natural selection), small variations or adjustments can lead to exponentially magnified outcomes through recursive and effectively infinite cycles of reproduction.

By the time our own species came on the scene more than 200,000 years ago, culture had flourished into symbolic material expressions, inexorably linked to the technological and social realities of past human lives. Fire, for example, provided ample fodder for experimenting with the power of transforming existing materials, enabling new capacities during the Neolithic and Metal Ages, with successive discoveries, such as pottery and, eventually, glass and metallurgy, transmuting and enabling new societal paradigms.

Following the shift from hunter-gatherer to production-based lifeways, technological complexity split individual role-playing into distinct occupations, sharpening perceptions about (imagined) interpersonal “value” within social settings. As populations swelled and collective living arrangements expanded, these systems became structured around complex symbolic interactions, material cultures, territorial identities, and hierarchies constructed to sustain group cohesion. Importantly, social organization came to rely upon artificially constructed (symbolic) notions that led regionally assembled groups to contrast their ideas of communal belonging (identity) with those existing in neighboring territories. As competition for land and resources increased, these contrasting symbolic realities became a justification for (sometimes violent) interpopulation conflicts.

Communication networks grew increasingly complex alongside expanding production and territorial markets, accelerating the spread of cultural and material exchanges. Protohistoric societies developed early writing systems based on symbolic signs used as mnemonic strategies to represent ideas and objects. Emerging independently in regions such as Mesopotamia, Egypt, Central America, and China, these systems gradually evolved from pictorial symbols into stylized phonetic and logographic writing largely detached from their original visual meanings.

Throughout human experience, learning has been central to survival, with scientific and behavioral complexification acting as a driving force to develop sophisticated new ways to educate, demonstrate, and train each successive generation to become effective agents of our seemingly unstoppable technological proficiency. Presently, ideas move instantaneously across space and time through global communication networks. Digital platforms make information accessible worldwide, shrinking distances and connecting populations, while promoting mass media and consumer culture. Often shaped by corporate interests that influence production, consumption, and resource distribution in a world driven by digital images and symbolic messaging, global connectivity has become the force shaping human thought and social organization.

Uniformity is increasingly becoming a defining characteristic of human life shaped by digital communication. Despite the technological sophistication of the systems that mediate and transmit human thought, we are adopting simpler forms of communication, homogenizing language, and gradually adapting our patterns of thinking to fit the digital platforms used to express them. The next stage of human evolution involving the merging of human intelligence with AI may already be here. As we become increasingly dependent on computerized tools to function within contemporary social environments, the ability to communicate effectively through digital means is emerging as a fundamental requirement.

At the end of the 1980s, screenwriter Maurice Hurley and the creators of Star Trek showed remarkable foresight in creating the Borg: fictional cybernetic organisms linked through a single collective consciousness in which thoughts and actions are shared and controlled by a powerful centralized computer system. In this dystopian vision of the future, the Borg’s main purpose is to assimilate other species in pursuit of greater knowledge, efficiency, and power. Once assimilated, subjects lose their individuality and become linked to the Collective (or hive mind).

As humanity moves toward a predicted state of post-humanism (human-machine hybridization) and the boundaries between human cognition and machine intelligence become increasingly blurred, it is worth asking whether this vision already mirrors some aspects of our own interconnected and technology-mediated world.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top: franz26, Pixabay

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Open and Distance Learning: Integrating Artificial Intelligence and Satellite Imagery in Archaeological Studies

For decades, being an archaeologist was an unreachable dream for countless people. Very few of them could access specialized universities and afford expensive travel coupled with lengthy expeditions and excavations. However, with the introduction of AI and the growing access to near real time satellite imagery, even students who live in the farthest and most rural corners of our planet can make a difference. 

If you’re worried about mastering the technologies and learning how to read archaeological data, you can rely on open and distance learning (ODL) programs that can equip you with all the knowledge you need. They help you understand how to access the most current high resolution satellite images available and explore anything you want in close detail, down to 30 cm. How do programs like these work, and what opportunities can you embrace as a modern student with their help? Let’s investigate it all. 

The Role of Real Time Satellite Imagery and AI in Archaeological Studies 

The integration of real time satellite images of the Earth into archaeology has made the latter more accessible than ever before. Even students can identify and explore our cultural heritage now. Specifically, here is what these technologies have enabled: 

  • Detection of buried structures. Quality images help spot the slightest soil discoloration and vegetation anomalies, as well as strange geometrical patterns that can indicate some ancient foundations.  
  • Monitoring of site integrity. A lot of archaeological sites are threatened both overtly and subtly. Apart from locating new undiscovered spots, you can monitor the integrity of the known sites, making sure no looting takes place. 
  • Global and cheap accessibility. As we’ve mentioned, researchers worldwide can get a real time satellite view app and observe the landscape. Students can do the same; it’s cheap and easily accessible. 

AI is also essential. Empirical research proves that it can successfully analyze the habits and patterns of archaeological students and tailor educational content to them. The NLP algorithms can help translate old inscriptions; they are already helping with excavation reports and other historical documents, so the more students learn how to employ AI tools, the better.  

Why Universities Struggle to Incorporate AI and Real Time Satellite Images

Historical archives are there for you to go through them, so what’s the problem? Why are universities struggling with getting real satellite images from space and supplying their students with them? 

  • Cost of data. Since universities have to serve thousands of different students, and the data keeps changing all the time, getting materials from the best real time satellite imagery providers on a large scale is way too expensive. 
  • Infrastructure limitations. To process terabytes of quality images to meet the needs of all the students in every department, universities have to have a lot of servers and cloud resources.   
  • Curriculum indifference. Most archaeology programs are outdated at this point; plenty of professors are traditionalists, and they aren’t interested in making new opportunities widely accessible. 

The irony is that every student can get a real time satellite view now individually, but on a wider educational scale, the system hasn’t been optimized nearly enough. 

Bridging the Gap: Open and Distance Learning

ODL has democratized access to expensive satellite images. These programs rely on cloud-based platforms and openly available datasets, and they train archaeology students worldwide in several areas at once. We’re going to consider all three of them.   

Training Students to Access Satellite Data

ODL courses teach students how to get a satellite view in real time. They explain what tools to use, which platforms to consult, and how to process imagery for archaeological analysis. In addition, they offer practical studies on how to compare datasets from different providers, so you learn how to select the data you need and what to do with it.     

ODL programs can also teach you about SAR systems, which are essential in getting a real time satellite view of Earth regardless of clouds and other weather conditions. All this knowledge is something that a lot of universities fail to provide.  

Applying AI-Powered Pattern Recognition 

Another important field of study is learning how to use AI to detect landscape changes and other patterns. If your university can’t teach you, ODL programs certainly can. 

  • They demonstrate how to use convolutional neural networks to identify anomalies in the images you access.
  • ODL courses use models of archaeological sites to provide practical demonstrations and show what to look out for as you do your research. 
  • Students using the ODC models learn how to apply AI change detection algorithms to observe landscape shifts in real time.

Just using ChatGPT is not enough. AI provides numerous valuable opportunities to everyone studying archaeology, and ODL is a cheap and sure way to embrace them.      

Conducting Virtual Excavations from Anywhere in the World

Apart from teaching how to explore satellite images in real time, ODL courses offer virtual excavations. Students can conduct comparative studies across time, reconstruct ancient landscapes, and even publish their discoveries in relevant journals. Such experiences demolish any geographical and financial barriers, so you can start exploring the sites just with an Internet connection.    

Embracing New Archaeological Opportunities

ODL programs have become the saving bridge between archaeological students and growing opportunities for research and exploration. They have democratized access to the most advanced tools like AI and the best real time satellite images, which inspired the birth of a new generation of archaeologists. 

In 2026, thanks to ODL, it doesn’t matter where you are located and how big your budget is. You can start contributing to our global heritage research today; just find the program you’re interested in and start your explorations.  

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Khirbet Qeiyafa, the Biblical Tradition and King David

Yosef Garfinkel is Yigael Yadin Chair in Archaeology of Eretz Yisrael and Professor of Archaeology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is the author of numerous books, articles and papers and is a holder of the Polonsky Book Prize. He is currently excavating at Tel Lachish in Israel.

Khirbet Qeiyafa, in Israel, is located on the summit of a hill that borders the Elah Valley southwest of Jerusalem. This would have been a key strategic location in the biblical Kingdom of Judah, on the main road from Philistia and the coastal plain to Jerusalem and Hebron in the hill country. Even prior to excavation, visitors to Khirbet Qeiyafa could discern a massive city wall, 2–3 m in height, encompassing the summit of the hill. This city wall demarcates an area of 2.3 hectares with a total length of ca. 700 m. Due to the local topography, only the external face of the wall is exposed, the inner part buried under archaeological remains. The base of the wall is composed of cyclopean stones, some weighing 4–5 tons, while its upper part is built with medium-sized stones. Two city gates were already located prior to their excavation, one in the south and one in the west (Figs. 1–3).

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 Fig. 1. Map of the southern Levant and the location of Khirbet Qeiyafa.

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 Fig. 2. Aerial photograph of Khirbet Qeiyafa at the end of the 2012 excavation season, view to the north (sky view).

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Fig. 3. An aerial photo of the Elah Valley and the city wall of Khirbet Qeiyafa in the lower right corner (Photograph by Sky view). 

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The history of research of Khirbet Qeiyafa started in the mid 19th century, when it was reported by the French explorer V. Guerin in the year 1868. In the British Survey of Western Palestine in 1883 Khirbet Qeiyafa was described in only a few words: “heaps of stones”. During the 20th century, the site was neglected; it is not referred to in the works of the leading scholars in the field of biblical historical geography, but is mentioned in a few surveys conducted in the 1980s and 1990s by Y. Dagan and Z. Greenhut. None of these surveys, however, recognized that the site represented a heavily fortified city of the early 10th century B.C. 

Seven excavation seasons (2007–2013) were conducted at Khirbet Qeiyafa by Y. Garfinkel and S. Ganor on behalf of the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In the years 2009–2011 the expedition included M. G. Hasel of the Southern Adventist University. 

A number of periods are represented at the site: Late Chalcolithic, Middle Bronze Age II, Early Iron Age IIA, Late Persian-Early Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Islamic. However, the main period of occupation, with most of the preserved accumulation, belongs to the heavily fortified city of the Iron Age IIA. According to radiometric datings, this city existed in the early 10th century BCE, the time of King David. This writing concentrates only on this phase in the history of Khirbet Qeiyafa.   

 

The 2007–2013 Excavations and Field Results

Thanks to the shallow accumulation and the massive stone construction, it was possible to uncover a large part of the city during a relatively short time. The excavation was carried out in six areas, in which the following remains from the biblical period were discovered (Figs. 4–5):

Area A: In this area, located in the center of the city at its highest point, we uncovered remains of a palace – a large structure with long and exceptionally thick walls – that likely served as the administrative center for the city and the lowlands region.

Area B: In this area, located in the western part of the city, a city gate was found, as well as a casemate wall and dwellings abutting the wall.

Area C: In this area, in the southern part of the site, excavation revealed the second city gate, a gate piazza and six large dwellings abutting the wall.

Area D: This area, in the western part of the city, adjoins Area B. It was excavated by Michael Hasel and his staff from the Southern Adventist University. Here a casemate wall was uncovered along with a large gate piazza that abutted the Area B gate; south of the piazza a dwelling was found abutting the wall. 

Area E: In this area, in the eastern part of the city, a small portion of the casemate wall surrounding the city was found. 

Area F: In this area, located in the northern part of the city, we revealed 50 m of the city wall. Abutting the wall was a large storehouse, which originally contained two rows of large stone pillars.

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 Fig. 4. Plan of the Iron Age city of Khirbet Qeiyafa at the end of the excavation project.

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 Fig. 5: Visualized reconstruction of the city layout and features based on archaeological investigation. Reconstruction by Architect Roy Albag, Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem

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Thanks to the large horizontal exposure we uncovered a large part of the fortifications and entire structures, thus revealing the urban character of the city. Six main components of the city were distinguished:

City Wall

The casemate wall that surrounds the city stood partially exposed before the start of the project, and its outline could clearly be observed. We found that the wall was 4 m wide and was preserved in places to a height of 3 m. At every point where we dug to the base of the wall, we could see that it had been built directly on bedrock. The fortifications consisted of two parallel massive stone walls. Short internal cross-walls divided the city wall into long, narrow rooms. These rooms are called casemates, hence the name of this type of wall (Figs. 6–8).

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Fig. 6. Aerial photograph of Area B showing the thick casemate city wall and houses abutting the casemate city wall. On the right side is the western city gate, with its four-chambers, a drain on the central passageway, and a monumental threshold (photograph by Sky view).

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Fig. 7. Area C: The thick casemate city wall (on the left) and houses abutting the city wall from inside the city (photo by Y. Garfinkel).  

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 Fig. 8. Area C: the thick casemate city wall in the lower part of the picture, and the thin walls of the houses abutting the city wall from inside the city and including the casemates as part of the house (Photograph by Sky view).  

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Two Gates

The entrance to the city was via two gates, one in the south and the other in the west. The two gates were very similar in plan. Each had four chambers and a drainage channel on the left side of the passage (from the perspective of a person entering the city). The main gate was the southern one, its importance highlighted by two huge stones set in the entrance, the larger of which weighed about 8 tons. This is one of the most impressive gate façades from the First Temple period ever discovered. The locations of the gates conform to the network of roads leading from the city. A road from the southern gate leads to the Elah Valley and continues eastward to Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Hebron, while a road from the western gate leads to Philistia and the Mediterranean coast (Figs. 6, 9).

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Fig. 9. The southern gate of Khirbet Qeiyafa, leading down to the valley of Elah. 

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Two Gate Piazzas

Near each gate was a piazza – a broad open area of several hundred square meters – which was separated from the rest of the city by a wall. The southern piazza was about 20 m long and the western piazza about 30 m long. Beside each of the piazzas was a dwelling in which one room, abutting the piazza, had a cultic function. The Bible describes a variety of activities in city gates: markets and commerce, judgment and punishment, political announcements, prophecies and religious activities. In our city we found that a specific and delimited area for such activities was set aside near each gate.

Private Dwellings at the Periphery of the City

Next to the casemate wall were simple dwellings attached to the wall in such a way that the casemate was the back room of the house. The houses adjoin one another other, sharing an outer wall. Some of the houses are the width of one casemate, while others are the width of two or even three casemates. We were able to discern corridors, courtyards and rooms in these houses. The internal division of the houses in the city varied from structure to structure, but the principle in common was usually several dwelling units built around a shared courtyard, each structure apparently serving a number of nuclear families who lived together as an extended family. The structures we uncovered were residential, but in some cases they had additional rooms that served other purposes, such as stables, storerooms and cult rooms (Figs. 7, 10).

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 Fig. 10. Schematic plan of the buildings in Area C. Two cultic rooms were found in this area: Room G in Building C3 and Room G in Building C10.

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Urban planning in which dwellings abutted a casemate wall is known at four additional sites: Tell en-Nasbeh, Beth Shemesh, Tell Beit Mirsim and Beersheba. These sites, like Khirbet Qeiyafa, were within the territory of the Kingdom of Judah as defined in the biblical account. The palace and storehouse at Khirbet Qeiyafa are clear evidence of state-sponsored construction and administrative organization. This is decisive proof of the existence of a kingdom or polity that had established control at strategic geographic points.

Public Storage Building

In the northern part of the city, in Area F, we unearthed a pillared building measuring 6 x 15 m. There were originally two straight rows of large stone columns along the length of the hall, dividing it into three long, narrow spaces. Such pillared buildings have been uncovered in various cities from the First Temple period in the Land of Israel. Such structures, which look very different from dwellings, were typically used as storerooms to hold agricultural products collected as taxes by the state.

The Palace on the City’s Summit

The second large public building was found at the highest point of the site. We uncovered a portion of the palace of what was likely the city’s governor – a large courtyard dwelling that was originally about a thousand square meters in area. Unfortunately, most of the palace was destroyed some 1,400 years after its construction when a fortified farmhouse was constructed here in the Byzantine period. The remains include a row of rooms on the south and another row on the west. There were apparently one or two large courtyards in the center of the structure. Structures of this basic type are known in the Land of Israel in a number of Canaanite palaces from the Late Bronze Age. Their walls are exceptionally thick, two or three times the thickness of the walls of ordinary buildings. At Khirbet Qeiyafa, for example, walls of dwellings are 30–40 cm thick, while the walls of the palace are up to one meter thick. This extraordinary thickness indicates that they supported the weight of a number of stories above the ground floor. Various installations were found near the palace, one of them attesting to a metal industry. Rare pottery vessels such as a black juglet and an alabaster vessel imported from Egypt were also found.

This large structure at Khirbet Qeiyafa is distinctive in four aspects: its location at the highest point in the city, its position in the center of the settlement, its extraordinary size and the thickness of its walls. The elevated location enabled control of the houses in the lower part of city while providing an expansive view from the Mediterranean in the west to the mountains of Hebron and Jerusalem in the east. That would have made it a particularly suitable place for the transmission of fire signals.

The Major Small Finds Categories 

A sudden destruction and abandonment of the city left a very rich assemblage of objects of daily life on the floors and destruction debris in every room. The three largest categories of finds are pottery, stone artifacts, and metal objects (Fig. 11). 

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 Fig. 11. destruction

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Pottery

Hundreds of restorable pottery vessels were found, the best example of early tenth-century B.C. pottery ever found that could be attributed to biblical Judah. Until our excavations, the pottery typology of the early Iron Age IIA was poorly known. Khirbet Qeiyafa completely changed this situation. Of special interest are three categories of pottery vessels (Figs. 12–15):

1. The mass production of jars with finger-impressed handles is the beginning of a long tradition in the region of Judah, when the royal administration marked storage jars on handles. Thus, the nearly 700 impressed jar handles from Khirbet Qeiyafa are not coincidental and reflect the beginning of this very long tradition. 

2. The painted Philistine pottery, known as Ashdod Ware, uncovered at Khirbet Qeiyafa has enabled us to subdivide this pottery tradition into two groups, earlier and later.

3. Four vessels known as “Black Juglets” were found, three of them originating from Trans- Jordan.

4. Two Cypriot juglets connect Khirbet Qeiyafa with the Mediterranean trade and have far-reaching implications for the dating of these juglets at other sites.

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Fig. 12. The typical storage jar of Khirbet Qeiyafa. Many of them were stamped with a finger impression on one or two handles. These jars were probably used for the collection of taxes, in the form of olive oil, wine, and other agricultural products, as were the royal (LMLK) jars of the eighth century BCE (photo by C. Amit, IAA). 

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Fig. 13. The typical finger impression on jar handles from Khirbet Qeiyafa. Nearly 700 such handles were found at the site (photo by C. Amit, IAA)

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Fig. 14. Ashdod Ware I vessels from Khirbet Qeiyafa, imported from the nearby Philistine territory. 

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Fig. 15. A small barrel-shaped juglet of Cypriot Black-on-White ware. 

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Stone Artifacts

Over two hundred stone artifacts were found. These were made from hard limestone, soft limestone, chalk, basalt, beachrock, flint, and other minerals. A few fragments of small alabaster vessels were discovered as well; they are probably indicative of trade relations with Egypt. Basalt is not a local raw material in the Judean Shephelah and had to be imported from volcanic deposits more than 100 kilometers from the site. The appearance of basalt grinding tools at Khirbet Qeiyafa, including quite heavy items, suggests an intensification of economic activities in the early tenth century BCE. 

Metal Objects

Nearly 100 metal objects had been unearthed in the Iron Age city, and over thirty iron and bronze tools, mainly weapons, were uncovered. Two pottery crucibles with bronze slag were found as well, indicating that metal was smelted on site. The dominant use of iron rather than bronze should not be overlooked (Fig. 16). 

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 Fig. 16. Various metal objects: iron knives, large iron swords, a bronze axe and bronze arrowheads.

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Objects of Trade

The large variety of objects imported to Khirbet Qeiyafa points to trade connections with a rather wide geographical spread:

1. Local, regional trade. This category includes trade with the nearby Philistine coastal plain. Petrographic analysis has shown that the Ashdod Ware pottery came from Philistia. In the same way, grinding stones made from beachrock originated from the Mediterranean coast.

2. Interregional trade within the southern Levant. This category includes basalt grinding tools and copper.

3. International trade. This category includes two Cypriot juglets, Egyptian scarabs and amulets, alabaster vessels, tin for the bronze industry, and a miniature gold leaf.

As with all trade, the immediate question is what was given in return. What goods could the inhabitants of Khirbet Qeiyafa have provided to the inhabitants of the Philistine coastal plain? It seems to us that timber may have been a major commodity that was in short supply in Philistia, since the sandy coastal plain is not an appropriate ecological zone for trees. The large population of the Philistine sites of Ashdod, Ashkelon and Gath, would have needed timber for construction, cooking, and heating. This would create the motivation for regional trade connections between Philistia and the Judean Shephelah.

The Inscriptions

Two inscriptions were found during the excavations (Figs. 17–19).  

The Ostracon

This is a large pottery sherd bearing an inscription, written in ink, containing five lines, with a total of some seventy letters. The letters are written in an archaic style in the Canaanite writing tradition (also known as “Proto-Canaanite”). This is the longest inscription in this style ever found, and the longest extant inscription from the 12th to 9th centuries BC in the region. It is also one of only a few inscriptions to be uncovered in clear stratigraphic context and its date, ca. 1000 BC, is certain. Nearly 20 scientific articles had been written on this text,  yet its reading is not clear.  

The Incised Jar

The second inscription was incised before firing from right to left on the shoulder of a pottery storage jar. The letters are large and clear, similar in size and evenly spaced, written by a skilled hand in Canaanite script. A short, straight vertical line (a word divider) appears between each pair of words. The inscription includes a personal name: Eshbaal son of Beda‘. The name Beda‘ is unique, while Eshbaal is known from the Bible but has never yet appeared on an ancient inscription. The few first letters of the inscription are not fully preserved but, in the context of an incised inscription on a large container, it seems that the first word implies that the jar’s contents came from the field/estate of Eshbaal son of Beda‘. 

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 Fig. 17. Photograph of the Khirbet Qeiyafa ostracon taken at the Megavision laboratory.

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Fig. 18. Drawing of the Khirbet Qeiyafa ostracon by Ada Yardeni. 

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 Fig. 19. The ʾIšbaʿal inscription was incised on the storage jar before firing.

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The Cult at Khirbet Qeiyafa 

Substantial data on the cult of the inhabitants were obtained, including: 

Standing Stones. 

The standing stone, the biblical massebah, is one of the more common cultic objects in the ancient Near East. Typically, it is an elongated stone with a rounded top that was placed on its narrow end. In most cases a natural stone was chosen for this purpose and signs of intentional shaping are absent or minimal. Seven standing stones were uncovered in the city.

Cultic Room in Building C3 (Figs. 20–23).  

The room was equipped with special installations and finds, including a bench, a sink-hole with a connection to a drainage system that was found in the adjacent room to the south, two standing stones, an offering table, a rounded installation built of stones and containing a Black Juglet, a rectangular installation in the southeastern corner, and a limestone basin. The room is notable for the rich destruction debris accumulated on its floor, which included, as well as a very large amount of pottery vessels and cultic paraphernalia: a basalt altar, a libation vessel consisting of two conjoined round cups, a seal and an Egyptian scarab.

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Fig. 20. The cultic Room G in Building C3, with the Valley of Elah in the background.   

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 Fig. 21. Two standing stones found in Cultic Room G in Building C3.

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Fig. 22. A basalt altar restored from two parts, each found on a different side of Cultic Room G in Building C3.

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 Fig. 23. Twin-cup pottery libation vessel from Cultic Room G in Building C3.

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Cultic Room in Building D1

Immediately after the western gate piazza, a cultic room was found. This room was furnished with a bench, a standing stone and an offering table, and contained among other finds three iron swords. A libation vessel with two rounded cups of the type found in the cultic room of Building C3 was found in an adjacent room.

Cultic Room in Building C10 (Figs. 24–27). 

Immediately after the southern gate piazza, a cultic room was found. Two exceptional artifacts uncovered in the room are model shrines, one made of clay and the other of limestone:

“Model shrine” made of clay: This item is 11 cm wide and 16 cm high. While the sides and back are simple, the façade is elaborately decorated to resemble a temple entrance, including two lions, two columns, ribbons tied to the columns and four beams above the entrance, above which is a rolled curtain. On the beams are circles scored with vertical parallel lines, apparently representing roofing beams laid perpendicularly to the entrance and extending beyond it. Three birds perch on the roof. Further analysis of the significance and function of this artifact is presented below.

“Model shrine” made of limestone: This artifact, 21 cm wide, 26 cm long and 35 cm high, was carved from a single block of soft limestone. Traces of red paint are visible on the exterior. While the sides and back are simple, the façade is elegantly profiled. In the center of the façade is a large rectangular doorframe, 10 cm wide and 20 cm high, formed by three recessed frames. Between the doorframe and the roof is a row of protruding rectangular elements, each divided by deep incisions into three narrow parallel rectangles. Four of these protruding elements are fully preserved and traces of three others are visible. This is the triglyph, a common element in classical architecture. 

Iconographic analysis of this building model, undertaken by the author and Madeleine Mumcuoglu, enabled us to better interpret the various technical terms in the biblical description of Solomon’s palace and temple (Fig. 28)

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 Fig. 24. The cultic room and nearby city wall casemate in Building C10. Two model shrines were found here, one made from clay, the other from limestone. 

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 Fig. 25. Clay model shrine from Rooms G and H in Building C10, after restoration.

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 Fig. 26. Limestone model shrine from Room G in Building C10, after restoration.

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 Fig. 27. Trigliphes

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 Fig. 28. Reconstruction of Solomon’s temple 

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Khirbet Qeiyafa Dating 

Two radiometric dating projects were conducted by the expedition. Already in the first few years (2008–2010) olive pits from various contexts in the city were processed at Oxford University. The results suggested at the 68.3% confidence level that the destruction of the city took place between 1012 and 967 BC. However, our interpretation of these results has been criticized on the grounds that the olive pits were collected from various contexts and thus should not be averaged. In this view, the earlier dates represent the construction of the city and the later dates represent its destruction. Hence, the single-phase city existed from ca. 1050 to 925 BC. What was needed, according to this critique, was a secure context containing a large number of short-lived samples.

In the 2012 excavation season such a secure context was found: a pottery storage jar containing some 20 burnt olive pits found in the destruction layer of the city. The jar was uncovered in Building C10 near the southern city gate. Firstly, all the olive pits came from a well-controlled context, a closed container that minimized the chance of contamination (isolated olive pits can travel up and down the sediment of a site and the location in which an object is found is not always that of its original deposition). Secondly, the short-lived nature of olives suggests that they were harvested in the very last years before the destruction of the city. After this discovery, a second dating project was initiated.

In the second radiocarbon dating project 17 samples of olive pits were analyzed, 12 at Belfast and 5 at Oxford. The results clearly indicate that the destruction of Khirbet Qeiyafa took place in the first third of the 10th century BC (ca. 1000-970 BCE)

Khirbet Qeiyafa and the Debate over the Historicity of the Hebrew Bible 

In order to understand the contribution of Khirbet Qeiyafa to the debate over the historicity of the Hebrew Bible one must consider the developments in the field of Biblical archaeology and Biblical history in the last 40 years (Fig. 30). This debate can now be divided into three phases, and Khirbet Qeiyafa is at the focus of the second and the third of these (Garfinkel and Ganor 2008, 2009).     

Phase I. The Mythological Paradigm

In the mid-1980s, new approaches developed concerning the historicity of the biblical narrative. The main argument revolved around dating the final writing of the Hebrew Bible. Particularly relevant to our discussion is the narrative of the tenth century BCE, the period known as the United Monarchy. The so-called “Minimalist” school claims that the Hebrew Bible was written in the Hellenistic period, nearly 700 hundred years after the time of David and Solomon, and therefore the description of that era is a purely literary composition. 

In 1993 and 1994, several fragments of an Aramaic stele were found at Tel Dan, dated to the ninth century BCE. This text specifically mentions a king of Israel and a king of the “House of David”, that is, a king of the dynasty of David (Fig. 31). Reference to the “House of David” has consequently been identified on the Mesha Stele, also dated to the ninth century BCE. Thus, there is at least one, and possibly two, clear references to the dynasty of David in the ninth century BCE, only 100–120 years after his reign. This suggests evidence that David was indeed a historical figure and the founding father of a dynasty, contrary to the claims of the Minimalists.

An interesting side-effect of the collapse of the minimalist paradigm was the panic reaction of its proponents, leading to a number of suggestions which now seem ridiculous: “House of David built on sand”, “Did Biran kill King David?” or “Eponymic referent to Yahweh as Godfather”. Another linguistic manipulation suggested that the stele reference should be read as a place-name called Bethdod, in parallel to the known place-name Ashdod. Nowadays, articles of this type can be classified as displaying “Paradigm-Collapse Trauma”—literary compilations of groundless arguments, masquerading as scientific writing through footnotes, references and publication in professional journals.

The Tel Dan stele ended the first phase of the debate regarding the historicity of the Hebrew Bible, clarifying that the mythological paradigm was nothing but a modern myth.      

Phase II. The Low Chronology Paradigm

After the collapse of the mythological paradigm, a new strategy was developed by the Minimalists. This time, the central method was to lower the dating of the transition between Iron Age I and Iron Age II from c. 1000 BCE, as was accepted until then (commonly called “high chronology”), to c. 925 BCE (“low Chronology”). A more extreme approach even lowered the transition to as late as c. 900 BCE (“ultra-low chronology”). 

What was achieved by these low-chronology suggestions? 

The Iron Age I in Judah and Israel was a period of agrarian communities organized in a tribal social organization (described in the biblical tradition as the period of the Judges). The next period, the Iron Age II, was a period of urban society and a centralized state organization (described in the biblical tradition as the period of the Kings). Low chronology placed urbanization only at the end of the tenth century BCE, thereby indicating that David and Solomon were not rulers of a kingdom but local tribe leaders.  

In the last decade, hundreds of organic samples from Iron Age sites were sent for radiometric dating in order to verify or contradict the low chronology. Initially, various methodological problems and mistakes were made regarding radiometric dating of such archeological samples. These include the type of material used for dating, the context from which the sample is retrieved, the selection of dates and statistical analysis.

Once the various problems were understood and corrected, the advocates of low chronology declared without hesitation that the dating results of hundreds of samples clearly supported low chronology.  

This situation is altered completely thanks to the recent excavations at Khirbet Qeiyafa. The site cannot be later than c. 970 BCE. This date fits the period associated with King David (c. 1000–965 BCE) and is too early for King Solomon (c. 965–930 BCE). The fortified city of Khirbet Qeiyafa indicates that the Iron Age IIA in the southern Levant began at the very end of the eleventh century BCE, thus rendering the low chronology paradigm nothing but a modern myth.

In this context, it was indeed a pleasant surprise to see the article by Finkelstein and Piasetzky where they show that Canaanite sites in northern Israel, like Megiddo, have destruction levels dated to c. 1,000 BCE. This is exactly the dating indicated by the traditional high chronology decades ago. Thus, Finkelstein is not only the founding father of low chronology, but also its undertaker. Dating the end of major Iron I sites to c. 1,000 BCE fits perfectly with the dating of Khirbet Qeiyafa. This very early Iron IIA border site was destroyed shortly after its construction.    

Phase III. The Ethnic Identification of Khirbet Qeiyafa

Khirbet Qeiyafa is located on the border between Judah and the Philistine region, and could, therefore, be associated with either of these. If it was a Judaean site it indicates that fortified cities were built in Judah, so David and Solomon were not shepherds living in tents. This situation supports the Biblical tradition. 

Here begins the third phase in the evolution of the minimalist approach. The basic minimalist argument is very simple: even if David was a historical figure (given the Tel Dan stele), and even if the transition from Iron Age I to Iron Age II began at the end of the eleventh century BCE (given the dating of Khirbet Qeiyafa), there was still no kingdom in Judah at the tenth century BCE. For this assumption to be true, Khirbet Qeiyafa must be a non-Judean site. Conversely, the identification of Khirbet Qeiyafa as a Judean city would indicate that David was indeed a meaningful king, who built fortified cities in strategic border locations. Thus, the first attempt of the Minimalists is to classify Khirbet Qeiyafa as a non-Judean city. In this way it was suggested that the site was a Philistine city, a Canaanite city, or a city in the Kingdom of Israel built by King Soul. None of these suggestions however took into consideration the data uncovered at the site of Khirbet Qeiyafa. Needless to say, if the proposed identifications fail, there are still more ethnic candidates for the population of Khirbet Qeiyafa — the various other nations mentioned in the Bible: Hittites, Girgashites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites and Jebusites (Deut. 7:1).

The Khirbet Qeiyafa expedition did not take part in the long-standing minimalist debate and has nothing to gain or lose if the site is identified as Judean or Philistine. Thus, we remain open-minded in evaluating the evidence. As it seems now, the identification of Khirbet Qeiyafa as a Judean site is supported by various site characteristics and elements. The main ones are:

1. Settlement pattern: Fortified field cities are known only in Judah. In Philistia, only the five large capital cities were fortified.  

2. Character of the fortifications: Casemate city walls are not known in Philistia, but in Judah.

3. Orientation of the entrance to the city: The main entrance to Khirbet Qeiyafa faced Jerusalem. 

4. No pig or dog bones were found at Khirbet Qeiyafa, while in Philistine Gath, these animals were part of the diet, as indicated by the bone remains found at Tell es-Safi.

5. At Khirbet Qeiyafa, a pottery baking tray was found in each of the buildings uncovered in the 2008 season. Such baking trays were not found at Philistine sites; and

6. The language of the ostracon uncovered at Khirbet Qeiyafa is Hebrew, according to the epigraphist Haggai Misgav. The inscription published from Tell es-Safi (Philistine city of Gath) contain Indo-European names, while the Khirbet Qeiyafa ostracon displays no such names.

The central question regarding Khirbet Qeiyafa is its relationship with the biblical text, which describes state-formation processes in Judah, King David’s activities, and intensive military clashes against the Philistine city of Gath in the Elah Valley. These biblical traditions are contemporaneous with the settlement of the fortified city at Khirbet Qeiyafa. Thus, our excavations have direct implications for these complex matters. If Khirbet Qeiyafa was a Philistine or Canaanite city or belonged to the Kingdom of Israel, it cannot be connected with the traditions about David and state formation in Judah. If, however, Khirbet Qeiyafa was a Judean city, it is of crucial importance for David and state-formation processes in Judah.

When evaluating the various possible interpretations of Khirbet Qeiyafa, the following distinctive components should be considered: 

1. The site was built according to the typical Judaean urban plan, a plan that is not found in any city in the Kingdom of Israel.

2. There are nearly 700 impressed jar handles, a typically Judean administrative device. Impressed jar handles are not found in the Kingdom of Israel in meaningful quantities.

3. The site did not yield the figurines that are characteristic of sites in the Kingdom of Israel in this period.

4. Five early alphabetic (Proto-Canaanite) inscriptions are known today from the tenth century B.C.: three from Khirbet Qeiyafa, one from Beth-Shemesh, and one from Jerusalem. These sites are located in the core area of Judah. Not a single such inscription was found in sites of the Kingdom of Israel.

5. The dominance of iron tools in the assemblage of metal objects is characteristic of Judean sites; in the Kingdom of Israel bronze was dominant at this stage; and

6. The site’s location in the Elah Valley on the main road from the Philistine centers of Ashdod and Ashkelon to Jerusalem had no geopolitical importance for the Kingdom of Israel. In order to defend its supposed territory from Philistine attacks, the northern kingdom would have needed to build fortified cities in the Sorek and Ayalon Valleys.

The material culture of Khirbet Qeiyafa does not accord with the characteristics of the Philistine city states of the coastal plain and lower Shephelah, the Canaanites, or the Kingdom of Israel. On the other hand, all these aspects fit the Kingdom of Judah very well. Indeed, those who raised the idea that Khirbet Qeiyafa could be a site of the Philistines/Canaanites/Kingdom of Israel did not discuss its material culture. 

One should also be aware that the finds at Khirbet Qeiyafa do not imply a large kingdom extending all the way to Megiddo or Hazor. In this phase, even Beersheba and Arad were not yet fortified. Thus, Khirbet Qeiyafa represents the first stage in the development of the Kingdom of Judah, which was at that time a relatively small political unit. 

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 Fig. 30. Three possible models for understanding the establishment of the biblical Kingdom of Judah.

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Archaeology and King David

Until our excavations at Khirbet Qeiyafa it was indeed very difficult to find Judean sites dated to the early 10th century BCE, the time of King David. Thus, it is not surprising that “minimalist” approaches had been developed. However, the new data from Khirbet Qeiyafa open a new horizon for the study of the very early stage of the Judean Kingdom. The combination of the site location, its massive fortifications, its urban planning, its chronology, central production of jars with stamped handles, the writing and seal, all point to an organized state, not an agrarian community. 

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Acknowledgments

The Khirbet Qeiyafa Archaeological Project is directed by Yosef Garfinkel and Saar Ganor on behalf of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and Michael G. Hasel on behalf of the Southern Adventist University. Other participating institutions include Oakland University and Virginia Commonwealth University and volunteers from over 15 countries. The project is sponsored mainly by J.B. Silver and the Nathan and Lily Silver Foundation.  

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Unless otherwise noted, figures and images courtesy the author and the Khirbet Qeiyafa Archaeological Project and Insititue of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

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This popular account of the Khirbet Qeiyafa project is based on the following scientific publications:  

Y. Garfinkel, 2011. The Davidic Kingdom in Light of the Finds at Khirbet Qeiyafa. City of David Studies of Ancient Jerusalem 6:13*–35* (English), 31–51 (Hebrew)

Y. Garfinkel, 2011. The Birth & Death of Biblical Minimalism. Biblical Archaeology Review 37/3: 46–53.

Y. Garfinkel, 2017. The Ethnic Identification of Khirbet Qeiyafa: Why It Matters? In Lev-Tov, J., Wapnish, P. and Gilbert, A. (eds.) The Wide Lens in Archaeology. Honoring Brian Hesse’s Contributions to Anthropological Archaeology, pp. 149–167. Atlanta: Lockwood Press.

Y. Garfinkel and S. Ganor, 2008. Khirbet Qeiyafa: Sha‘arayim. Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 8: Article 22.  

Y. Garfinkel and S. Ganor, 2009. Khirbet Qeiyafa Vol. 1: Excavation Report 20072008. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. 

Y. Garfinkal, S. Ganor and M.G. Hasel, 2014. Khirbet Qeiyafa Vol. 2. The 2009–2013 Excavation Seasons. Stratigraphy and Architecture (Areas B, C, D, E). Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Y. Garfinkel, S. Ganor and M.G. Hasel, in press. Footsteps of King David in the Valley of Elah. London: Thames & Hadson.

Y. Garfinkel, S. Ganor and J.B. Silver, 2017. Did the Ancient City of Khirbet Qeiyafa/Sha’arim have two gates? Biblical Archaeology Review January/February 51/1:37–42, 59.

Y. Garfinkel, M.R. Golub, H. Misgav and S. Ganor, 2015.The ʾIšbaʿal Inscription from Khirbet Qeiyafa. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 373: 217–233.

Y. Garfinkel, M.G. Hasel and M. Klingbeil, 2013. An Ending and a Beginning: Why We’re Leaving Qeiyafa and going to Lachish. Biblical Archaeology Review 39/6: 44–51.

Y. Garfinkel, I. Kreimerman and P. Zilberg, 2016. Debating Khirbet Qeiyafa: A Fortified City in Judah from the Time of King David. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Y. Garfinkel and M. Mumcuoglu, 2013.Triglyphs and Recessed Doorframes on a Building Model from Khirbet Qeiyafa: New light on Two Technical Terms in the Biblical Descriptions of Solomon’s Palace and Temple. Israel Exploration Journal 63: 135–163.

Y. Garfinkel and M. Mumcuoglu, 2016. Solomon’s Temple and Palace: New Archaeological Discoveries. Jerusalem: Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem & Biblical Archaeology Society.

Y. Garfinkel, K. Streit, S. Ganor and M.G. Hasel, 2012. State Formation in Judah: Biblical Tradition, Modern Historical Theories and Radiometric Dates at Khirbet Qeiyafa. Radiocarbon 54: 359–369.

Y. Garfinkel, K. Streit, S. Ganor and P.J. Reimer, 2015. King David’s City at Khirbet Qeiyafa: Results of the Second Radiocarbon Dating Project. Radiocarbon 57/5: 881–890.

A. Gilboa, 2012. Cypriot Barrel Juglets at Khirbet Qeiyafa and Other Sites in the Levant: Cultural Aspects and Chronological Implications. Tel Aviv 39:133–149.

H.G. Kang and Y. Garfinkel, 2015. Finger-Impressed Jar Handles at Khirbet Qeiyafa: New Light on Administration in the Kingdom of Judah. Levant 47: 186–205.‏

K.H. Keimer, I. Kreimerman and Y. Garfinkel, 2015. From Quarry to Completion: Hirbet Qeiyafa as a Case Study in the Building of Ancient Near Eastern Settelments. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 131: 109–128.

M. Mumcuoglu and Y. Garfinkel, 2015. The Puzzling Doorways of Solomon’s Temple. Biblical Archaeology Review 41/4 (Jul/Aug): 34–41.

S. Schroer and S. Münger (eds.), 2017. Khirbet Qeiyafa in the Shephelah. Papers Presented at a Colloquium of the Swiss Society for Ancient Near Eastern Studies Held at the University of Bern, September 6, 2014. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 282Fribourg (CH): Academic Press.

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Building Fairer Cities: New Insights From Mohenjo-daro

Adam S. Green is a lecturer in sustainability at the University of York. He is an archaeological anthropologist focused on South Asia, specializing in the comparative study of early states through the lenses of technology, the environment, and political economy. Follow him on X @Adam_S_Green.

Inequality and Urbanism

Today’s cities are hotbeds of inequality. Urban real estate is one of the most expensive kinds of land in the world. It attracts billionaires looking to store their wealth and hedge funds looking to garner predictable returns: New York’s avenues, Paris’s thoroughfares, and Dubai’s dazzling skyscrapers are great at making the rich richer. But they raise the cost of urban life for everyone else.

And yet, plenty of people who are not rich flock to cities, driving the ongoing expansion of urbanism across the globe. In the 21st century, humans became an urban species, with more than 50 percent of the global population living in urban areas. This is because the benefits of living in a city—the opportunities provided by dense networks of interaction, cultural production, and heaps of concentrated resources—outweigh the immense cost of urban life. Inequality is the price we pay for the myriad opportunities that cities bring.

But what if we don’t have to pay this cost? Archaeological evidence from South Asia is rewriting that story of urbanism. My new article in Antiquity reveals that inequality was low in one of South Asia’s first cities and that it decreased as its citizens prospered.

The Measure of an Ancient City

In 2021, I joined the GINI Project, a working group devoted to investigating the long-term dynamics of inequality using archaeological data, a project supported by the Coalition for Archaeological Synthesis.

The idea was to systematically compare evidence from archaeological sites like Mohenjo-daro, an early city that seemed to defy the tradeoffs of urbanism, with comparable data from other time periods, to better understand why inequality is skyrocketing today.

The GINI project adopted the “Gini coefficient,” an economic statistic that captures the level of inequality within the distribution of a particular variable, like income or wealth, in a given population. When all the wealth or income is concentrated in a tiny portion of the population, you get a Gini coefficient of 1. When it’s more evenly distributed, you get a Gini coefficient closer to 0. Archaeologists often apply the Gini coefficient to house areas, which provide a reasonable, but far from perfect, proxy of wealth or income within a given society.

I collaborated with Cameron Petrie and Iqtedar Alam, both based at the University of Cambridge, to measure all of Mohenjo-daro’s 309 excavated houses, contributing these measurements to the GINI database, which includes similar measurements from more than 50,000 residences found throughout the archaeological record. These measurements, and the Gini coefficients we can get from them, tell a striking story.

Every House a Palace
Mohenjo-daro was built more than 4,000 years ago in what is today the Sindh Province of Pakistan. It was one of the first cities in the world, emerging after a 1,000 years of village development throughout the broader Indus River Basin, forming part of the expansive Indus (or Harappan) civilization, which stretched from the Arabian Sea to the foothills of the Himalaya.

Excavations at the Mohenjo-daro began nearly a 100 years ago, uncovering the foundations of hundreds of structures arranged along wide streets. What archaeologists found astonished them—a massive public bath, the foundations of an assembly hall, and huge foundation platforms that could have provided a defense against Indus River flooding.

But it was the city’s numerous houses—replete with second stories and private bathing platforms—that made the biggest impression. The first-ever report on the archaeology of the Indus civilization opens with a description of Mohenjo-daro’s “commodious” and “well-built” houses, which rivaled the palaces seen in Egypt or Mesopotamia. Excavators have documented more than 300 residences from Mohenjo-daro, some dating to the earliest phases of the city’s development.

Further research has revealed that the people who built these houses were masters of Bronze Age technology, producing a huge range of sophisticated objects, like small statuettes, beads and bangles, which could be widely distributed amongst its populace. As I’ve argued elsewhere, there is tons of qualitative evidence that Mohenjo-daro reaped the benefits of urbanism without creating a massive wealth gap between houses.

Ever More Equal

By the numbers, Mohenjo-daro was far more equal than other ancient cities. If you calculate a Gini coefficient from all 309 houses at Mohenjo-daro, you get 0.44. We can compare that number to other ancient cities in the GINI database, like that from Knossos in Ancient Greece, famous for its palaces, where the Gini coefficient was a striking 0.86, or Ur and Ugarit in neighboring Mesopotamia, where Gini coefficients were greater than 0.60. The city clearly followed a different trajectory than many others.

However, 0.44 is pretty far from 0; does it really support the idea that Mohenjo-daro was egalitarian?

Comparing the oldest houses to the newest ones reveals an even more interesting story. Mohenjo-daro’s earliest houses, those found in the deepest levels of its DK-G South Neighborhood, had a Gini coefficient of 0.39. These date to the earliest periods of the city’s occupation, perhaps around 2500 BC. Each subsequent wave of house construction lowered the Gini coefficient, and by the city’s latest levels, its Gini coefficient was only 0.23, the same as we find in the world’s earliest farming villages.

Mohenjo-daro was not only more egalitarian than other ancient cities, it also became more equal over time.

Governing an Egalitarian City

We don’t know exactly how Mohenjo-daro’s citizens kept a lid on inequality. Was it an effect of the broader economic system, which perhaps gave all the city’s residents equivalent access to land and fuel for making bricks? Was it more active, perhaps with communities placing an upper limit on the size of residences, or punishing people who tried to make ostentatious houses? We can’t say for sure.

What we do know is that there is strong evidence for governance at Mohenjo-daro. Its houses used the same brick ratios—a level of standardization unprecedented in the Bronze Age. And the city’s houses were full of standardization stamp seals, tools for carrying out different kinds of economic transactions, as well as weights and measures.

These small tools had big effects, facilitating trade and communication across an expansive area. This penchant for setting and agreeing to shared protocols is evident in Mohenjo-daro’s infrastructure as well. The city boasted one of the world’s earliest systems of public drainage, and its houses conformed to a public street plan. This street plan developed over time. At the same time, the Gini coefficient of houses decreased. It does not seem far-fetched to suggest that the same set of rules produced the city’s street plan and leveled differences between residences.

There is also evidence that governance was inclusive or democratic. Public structures, like the Pillared Hall, which could have allowed hundreds of people to deliberate and make decisions about the city, likely helped facilitate this governance, perhaps providing a forum for discussing the distribution of residence area within the city. Archaeologists are becoming more and more aware of such early forms of democratic governance across the globe.

Prospering in a Fairer Society

Mohenjo-daro’s declining inequality also correlates with an increase in the median size of houses, a proxy for productivity in past societies. As inequality dropped, the total resources people could invest in their housing increased. The city appears to have prospered, a pattern corroborated by claims that later levels at Mohenjo-daro have more evidence for craft production than earlier levels. Ensuring that public goods were maintained and ensuring equitable access to housing seems to have been deliberate.

Still, I don’t think Mohenjo-daro’s declining Gini coefficient was an accident—it’s far more likely that its communities made rules that actively shaped the distribution of housing in the city, and that those same rules channeled labor and resources into goods that could be enjoyed by everyone.

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This article is distributed in partnership with the Coalition for Archaeological Synthesis and has been published on its website.

Cover Image, Top: Mohenjo-daro. Saqib Qayyum, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Priceless Prehistoric Treasures of Malta on the Edge

The island country of Malta, about 113 miles south of Sicily in the central Mediterranean Sea, is popularly known as a tourist hotspot, attracting both short-term travelers and an expanding expatriate community because of its warm climate and numerous recreational areas. It also boasts a long and complex history and prehistory, including seven iconic prehistoric sanctuaries built between 3800 BC and 2500 BC. They are numbered among the oldest freestanding stone structures on Earth. Older than both Stonehenge and the Egyptian Pyramids, these UNESCO World Heritage Sites showcase an extraordinary architectural feat achieved by a Neolithic civilization working entirely without metal tools. 

But behind the story of these priceless treasures is another story—one that speaks of endangerment, destruction and cultural loss.

Popular Archaeology interviewed Dawn Adrienne Saliba, Ph.D., an archaeologist based in Malta. Along with her academic work, she is known as an activist, championing the cause for protecting and preserving the current remains of Malta’s prehistoric heritage, and those yet to be unearthed.

What follows is the substance of that interview.

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What is your background and education as it relates to what you are currently doing?  You have extensively studied the Hal Saflieni Hypogeum on Malta.  How do you interpret the significance, purpose and use of this ancient site?  What other archaeological matters are you involved with in Malta?

My background is very multi-disciplinary, yet it all revolves around a central theme: theatre. I have a Ph.D. from SUNY Binghamton where I utilized a cultural-historicist approach to Early Modern Drama, but I also have an MFA in musical theatre writing obtained at New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts—and most of my adult life was spent writing, directing, and performing for the stage. However, I  recently completed an MPhil in Archaeology from the University of Malta, which concentrates on evidence of liminality and proto-theatricality from Malta’s Late Neolithic civilization.

It happened like this: In 2013, as I was finishing up the Ph.D., I took a trip to Malta just to meet family and explore the region. When I visited the Hypogeum of Ħal Saflieni (as a tourist), my heart stopped as I beheld one chamber which seemed clearly purposefully-shaped as a theatre. After the tour, I researched the academic literature to see what had been written about it in terms of its performative dimensions, and no one had really tackled the subject:  so I vowed to move to Malta and study it myself!

Nearly a decade later, my study is complete—it was an incredible journey. Essentially, the study shows how Ħal Saflieni is one of the world’s earliest extant purposefully-built theatre spaces. It precedes the Theatre of Dionysius (often cited as the world’s earliest theatre) by millennia, and the Hypogeum deserves its own  place in the annals of theatre history.

Heritage Malta granted me permission to conduct phenomenological studies within the space, through a process I call “performance fieldwork.” Inspired by David Lewis-Williams’ work in Paleolithic caves, I utilized a multi-evidential stranding methodology that synthesized empirical observations of the area’s architectonic dimensions (spatial measurements, participant-access points, sightlines, soundwave distribution, etc.) with phenomenological study. Drawing on my theatrical background and working with a team of academic colleagues also experienced in performance (music, dance, acting, and recitation), we performed in various sections of the Hypogeum, also recording our observations and experiences as participants and observers. This enabled us to draw conclusions as to how the Hypogeum’s architecture likely affected past performative movements and audience reception.

However, what consumes most of my work today is, unfortunately, advocating against the destruction of several archaeological sites here in Malta, some of which are quite important.

My advocacy started one month after I moved to the country in 2017, when I found out that a site that had held the foundations of one of Malta’s earliest Roman buildings was going to be destroyed for a car showroom. Aghast, I founded the collective, MALTA-ARCH along with some like-minded colleagues and passionate activists and fought for the area’s protection. We only succeeded in saving a fraction of it; although they abandoned the showroom idea, they created a raised building that preserves some of the Roman remains below. But, tragically, many other nearby remains were destroyed to build a supermarket right next to another supermarket in a small town that, at the time, possessed 17 other supermarkets.

And that’s how it goes in Malta.

Sadly, since then the situation has just gotten progressively worse. Today, there are *three development proposals within the buffer zone of the UNESCO heritage site, Ġgantija Temple—one of Malta’s most iconic cultural treasures, as well as one of the most important Neolithic sites in the world! Ġgantija is situated on a plateau near two other areas: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum. Recent developments near these sites have already destroyed important archaeological landscapes, and more are in the pipeline.

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Above and below: Views of the Hal Saflieni hypogeum. Above Public Domain

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Credit: Hamelin de Guettelet, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What is the significance of the Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna megalithic complexes?  What do they say about the ancient culture that once thrived on Gozo?

As I stated, Ġgantija is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world; it’s been protected by UNESCO since1980. As UNESCO writes, the site is important because of its “originality, complexity and striking massive proportions [and the] considerable technical skill required in their construction.”

Ġgantija was built on a massive scale, with enormous megaliths nearly 10ft (3m) tall and walls extending up to 23ft (7m). It is of stunning beauty and reveals some of the world’s earliest free-standing monumental stone architecture, famously predating Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids by at least a millennium (the earliest temple was built somewhere between  3800 –  3600 BCE). Its massive megaliths testify to the extraordinary complex society of Neolithic Malta, revealing a community that was able to mobilize architects, artisans, and laborers in the creation of a communal and, quite likely, sacred ritual space that was linked to a larger network of communities across the islands of both Gozo and Malta that shared a similar culture.

Similar to other temples on Malta’s main island, Ġgantija was situated within a larger monumental landscape that was utilized for over a thousand years. Near Ġgantija are two other coeval structures: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum, both of which have also yielded revelatory information.

The Xagħra Circle hypogeum, especially, was a game-changer in providing new information regarding this prehistoric society. Although most of its main monuments were destroyed in the 19th century, many of the burials were excavated in the 1990s, providing us with the first comprehensive scientific examination of such a Neolithic area in Malta. This study revealed previously unknown elements of funerary ritual, including the disarticulation and sorting of bones, the staining of bones with red ochre, and the movement of bones across the site.

The least famous and protected of the megalithic complexes, Santa Verna, is nonetheless just as important. GPR surveys and excavations from the 2014 FRAGSUS study reveal it once had been a 5-apse structure (likely temple) with unique features, including a hidden pit-like structure made of polygonal stone tiles and a mosaic cobblestone path. But the real value is in the landscape around it. Lead Archaeologist Caroline Malone emphasizes that Santa Verna’s archaeology extends far beyond the megaliths; untouched paleosols are still extant, preserving ancient soils, bones, seeds, pottery, lithics, and environmental material. The site’s landscape (which we’re fighting to protect) is still relatively undeveloped and it also provides a means for the visitor to have valuable phenomenological experiences that give windows into the prehistoric past.

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Above and below: Ggantija. Above, credit Bs0u10e01, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What are the specific issues related to Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna in terms of conservation and preservation?

The entire plateau, where all three sites are located, is being threatened. Worse—structures within Ġgantija’s protected buffer zone are being approved or considered for development: Ġgantija Heights, a 22-apartment development directly east of the temple that the Gozo Regional Council warned would cause “permanent harm” and another 27-apartment complex with an underground parking garage just west of the temple and steps away from the Xagħra Circle.

Even worse, there is a development being planned over a recently discovered extension of the Circle, which has not received any significant protection, despite its classification as a “Class A site.” Indeed, the only protection the human remains were given was simply a tarp thrown over them held in place by some rocks six years ago—no signs or fences were ever installed. Now, the tarp is weathered and torn and the human remains may have disappeared. Absolutely disgraceful.

Then there is the ongoing issue of Ta’ Lablab, a few minutes’ walk from Santa Verna. This area had a beautiful cave system situated right near a Ġgantija-Phase burial pit that had contained human remains, including a line of seven skulls, mostly children’s, interred in a unique way, shedding new light on funerary ritual. However, this pit was partially destroyed by a bulldozer and the entire site would have been destroyed had it not been for the efforts of a local resident who alerted the police, press, and took the matter to court. We also launched extensive awareness-raising events and objection campaigns about this area, resulting in the temporary salvation of 1/3 of the site—however, not the area with the burial pit of caves. At the moment, the caves are already partially demolished and developers are still trying to acquire permission to develop upon the remaining third.

What are the implications for the rest of the cultural treasures/resources on Malta and Gozo as a result of the Santa Verna and Ggantija stories?

Nothing here is fully protected. Forces of corruption, cronyism, ignorance, and greed are already destroying some of our most environmentally and archaeologically precious areas.

What would you suggest as a solution or set of solutions for addressing culturally significant sites across Malta and Gozo?

The current Maltese government is intent on dismantling our cultural-heritage protective mechanisms, so, sadly, no help can be found there, though massive protests and court cases led by NGOs do sometimes succeed. But for every one site that gets rescued, it seems a dozen more are destroyed.

There is almost no hope with this current government—in the case of Ta’ Lablab we have almost exhausted every outlet: the courtroom, objection-letter campaigns, Planning Authority presentations, the Environment and Protection Review Tribunal, the national Ombudsman, Parliamentary petitions—all agencies have been bent to serve the will of an authoritative leader who governs unilaterally—despite massive violations of existing cultural heritage protection laws and massive, incessant protests by NGOs and private citizens.

The government simply does not care.

And when a nation-state goes rogue, violating its own laws and conventions, where is there accountability?

What is needed now is efficacious international pressure: a coordinated network of archaeologists, heritage lawyers, UNESCO and ICOMOS officials, European cultural-heritage bodies, investigative journalists, and civil-society organizations capable of documenting violations, publicizing them internationally, and forcing not just Malta, but all regions to answer for violations of cultural-heritage treaties and agreements they have signed, including the Valletta Convention. UNESCO, especially, needs to step in.

The archaeology community can help, because international scholars can do what local citizens often cannot: lend authority, visibility, and pressure to demand that Malta’s prehistoric landscapes be treated not as disposable real estate, but as something that belongs to the history of the entire world.

What are your future plans/goals for your work and mission as they relate to the cultural treasures of Malta and Gozo?

I would very much like to not have to spend all of my time advocating for the protection of sites that should never have been threatened in the first place.

I believe there are potentially future exciting and important implications to my phenomenological performance experimentation in other archaeological sites here in Malta and elsewhere. Archaeologists sometimes miss the human dimension as the pendulum has shifted towards exclusively publishing empirical data. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it isn’t the complete picture—and incorporating phenomenological performance experimentation is just one more multidisciplinary approach that can also illuminate the past.

However, since the likelihood is that these fights aren’t going to end any time soon, my main objective is to use the arts as a means of empowering protest and community-building. In the past five years, we have held four protests that bring together not only politicians and NGO representatives, but also poets, musicians, dancers, film, and visual artists. I am a firm believer in the power of the arts to instigate personal and societal change. When common (or uncommon, as the case may be) citizens use destruction as a means towards creation, it is an act of empowerment—and even if we cannot save our precious sites, we can at least document their erasure and bring to life something new.
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South American Indigenous peoples are diverse and descend from a third wave of migration

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo—The Indigenous peoples of South America are descended from three waves of migration. According to a study conducted exclusively by researchers from the continent, one of these waves, which is most represented in the current population, came from Mesoamerica around 1,300 years ago. This finding reveals the greater complexity of the history of Indigenous peoples and their greater genetic diversity than previously anticipated. The research is featured on the cover of the May 7 issue of the scientific journal Nature. “We reached these conclusions through very intensive collaborative work,” says Tábita Hünemeier, a geneticist at the Institute of Biosciences at the University of São Paulo (IB-USP) in Brazil. She coordinated the study, on which she has been working for over a decade, and was surprised by the higher-than-expected genetic diversity.

A total of 128 genomes were fully sequenced and compared to 71 other sequences available in databases. The genomes represented 45 Indigenous groups from eight Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru. The goal was to estimate the genetic affinities among all Indigenous American groups by taking ancient genomes into account. The researcher celebrates the inclusion of biomedical scientist Putira Sacuena from the Federal University of Pará (UFPA), among the authors. “She was the first Indigenous woman to work in genetic anthropology,” Hünemeier states. The researchers consider Indigenous collaboration in studies concerning native peoples to be a welcome development in the quest to understand their history.

This work adds important information to what is known about the human colonization of South America. The first wave of migration left records dating back up to 12,000 years ago at Lapa do Santo (read more at revistapesquisa.fapesp.br/en/the-peoples-of-lagoa-santa/) and in the Sumidouro cave in the Lagoa Santa region of Minas Gerais state in Brazil, as well as in Chile. Around 9,000 years ago, another migration left distinct marks in the genetic and archaeological record in Peru and Argentina. However, the Middle Holocene period, between 8,000 and 4,200 years ago, brought environmental changes that damaged ecosystems and reduced the availability of resources, affecting human populations as well.

The Indigenous peoples inhabiting the continent today are partly descended from individuals who arrived from what is now Mexico about 1,300 years ago. This third wave had not been documented until now and is a major new finding. DNA analyses also suggest that Indigenous groups became less populous and more isolated from one another after the arrival of Europeans in the 16th century. The study detected signs of inbreeding – which occurs when reproduction happens among small groups with no possibility of migration – among the Sirionó, Suruí, and Karitiana peoples within the Tupi lineage. This indicates a population collapse, which was likely caused by epidemics, enslavement, and disruptions to subsistence and traditional knowledge. A recent recovery can be observed in some regions of western South America. Genetic diversity is higher in Central America and the Southern Cone.

A puzzling discovery was the presence of ancient genomic segments characteristic of Australasians (people from Australia and surrounding islands), Neanderthals (from Europe), and Denisovans (from East Asia) in South American DNA. The hypothesis is that these ancient genes play a beneficial, as yet unknown, role and were maintained by natural selection. While the article focused on diversity and population trajectories rather than functional aspects, the identification of regions associated with immune response, cardiometabolic traits, fertility, and anthropometric traits suggests that future studies may explore the role of human evolution on the continent in greater depth. According to Hünemeier, genetic markers used in previous studies were designed based on European and African populations, making them unsuitable for understanding the Americas. “Now we have parameters”.

Importantly, the study documented the prolonged presence of human groups with marked genetic diversity in many areas, which contradicts some views about Indigenous groups. This underscores the need for more comprehensive representation of these peoples in global genomic databases. “The whole world had genomic data to tell the story of its population; only Brazil didn’t,” says André Strauss, an archaeologist at the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (MAE) at USP who did not participate in the study. He refers to an article he published in 2018 in the journal Cell on the ancient history of the South American population (read more at revistapesquisa.fapesp.br/en/when-indigenous-people-occupied-lagoa-santa/). The article left a mystery hanging: If the people of Lagoa Santa were not the direct ancestors of today’s Indigenous peoples, who are their ancestors? “The current article confirms the two previous migratory waves and characterizes the third.”

Strauss aims to identify this wave in the archaeogenetic record. “Most of the skeletons we have are older. There are very few from pottery-making groups,” he explains. One reason for this is that caves and sambaquis are environments that are more conducive to the preservation of skeletons. In places like the Amazon, however, they decompose. Based on the available molecular data, more information is on the way. “We already have over a thousand more sequenced samples,” says Hünemeier. “We understand that to grasp the diversity and complexity of the Americas, it’s best to have a few individuals from many populations.”

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Article Source: Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo news release.

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The research was supported by FAPESP through projects 15/26875-9 and 21/06860-8

About São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP)

The São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) is a public institution with the mission of supporting scientific research in all fields of knowledge by awarding scholarships, fellowships and grants to investigators linked with higher education and research institutions in the State of São Paulo, Brazil. FAPESP is aware that the very best research can only be done by working with the best researchers internationally. Therefore, it has established partnerships with funding agencies, higher education, private companies, and research organizations in other countries known for the quality of their research and has been encouraging scientists funded by its grants to further develop their international collaboration. You can learn more about FAPESP at www.fapesp.br/en and visit FAPESP news agency at www.agencia.fapesp.br/en to keep updated with the latest scientific breakthroughs FAPESP helps achieve through its many programs, awards and research centers. You may also subscribe to FAPESP news agency at http://agencia.fapesp.br/subscribe

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*The evolutionary history and unique genetic diversity of Indigenous Americans, Nature, 22-Apr-2026. 10.1038/s41586-026-10406-w 

Cover Image, Top:  Ethnic groups of the Upper Xingu gather annually at the Quarup. The origin of Indigenous peoples is more complex than previously known.  Credit: Mário Vilella/FUNAI

Homo Sapiens Outlasted Neanderthals Because of Stronger Social Networks, a 2026 Study Finds. Games May Have Been Part of Why

This new study, which some of you may have already read, examined Europe from up to 60,000 years ago, trying to understand more deeply what made our species survive when Neanderthals disappeared entirely. Opposing the widely accepted viewpoint that we may have been stronger in direct competition with them, the research points to something we still struggle with today: social networking.

The places where Homo sapiens lived were more connected to each other. That may have helped groups share information, move, cooperate, and survive when conditions changed. In simple terms, Homo sapiens may have done better because their communities were better connected.

Poker tournaments as a social machine

The fact that games have a significant impact on human interactions, regardless of age, is undeniable. But when Neanderthals and our species first stared into each other’s eyes, there were no games we currently know of.

So, the claim here is not that games helped us with social bonding in a modern sense, but rather that our ability to play games, although demonstrated differently, became one of the clues to how we collaborated and survived. And since 60,000 years is too far back to analyze gaming concepts directly, we can deduce some ideas based on how humans currently use their interest in gaming to build social circles around them.

And so, if you want to see grown-ups gaming fiercely, look at poker. Simply go to some of the well-regarded US poker tournaments online, and it will show off with avid gamers that are shaping American society’s expanding gaming culture in the digital age.

Poker competition is both mathematical and social

The logic of poker competition is built on layers. One layer is mathematical. Players track pot odds, stack depth, position, hand ranges, and payout pressure. Another layer is human. They ask who is patient, who protects a short stack too tightly, who bluffs missed draws, who folds to repeat pressure, and who changes style near the money.

A strong tournament player is not simply choosing cards to play. That player is building live models of other minds. Each hand becomes a test of observation. Betting patterns, speed of action, table talk, posture in live play, and even silence can all shape the next choice. Also, the short clip below shows the gaming setting in modern days. Pay attention to people’s interactions and emotions:

The game stays social even online

That is why poker tournaments still depend on human interaction, even when the table is digital. Online play removes some face-to-face clues, but it creates other clues. Players watch things like:

  • how fast someone acts,
  • how much they bet,
  • what habits they repeat,
  • how aggressive they are in late position,
  • how they behave near the money bubble,
  • and how they react after losing a big pot.

Regular tournament fields also create familiarity. Over time, players start to recognize names, styles, and patterns. So even without a physical table, the game still feels social. People are still reading each other, adjusting to each other, and building a kind of competitive network.

What modern game data says about connection at scale

If the study’s lesson is that resilience grows when people can reach beyond the small local group, recent game data offers a useful modern comparison. Current surveys suggest that games organize repeated contact, shared schedules, and social learning across both physical and digital settings.

From recent surveys

Latest figure

Explanation

Americans who play video games

205 million+

A very large base for repeated social contact

U.S. adults who say games bring different types of people together

76%

Players see games as social bridges

U.S. adults who say games teach teamwork and collaboration skills

69%

Shared play is tied to practical group skills

Players in a 21-country survey who say games introduce new friends and relationships

71%

Digital play expands social reach

Net positive rating of playing with others, globally

68% in person, 68% online

The social value holds across formats

These figures do not prove Paleolithic play decided survival. What they do show is that games are unusually good at organizing repeated, rule-based contact at scale. They create common schedules, shared language, and durable weak ties that can later become strong ones. For archaeologists thinking about long-distance information flow, that is the interesting part. The same activity can be fun, competitive, and quietly infrastructural at the same time.

Why the study changes the Neanderthal story

The 2026 paper matters beyond one extinction story. It encourages a shift from asking which human group simply had better tools to asking which group could keep people connected when climates swung and territories changed. That question also feels current.

OECD data shows that in 21 European countries in 2022, people contacted family and friends remotely much more often than in person.

Daily remote contact was about:

  • 29% with family
  • 28% with friends

Daily in-person contact was much lower:

  • 11% with family
  • 12% with friends

So people were almost three times more likely to connect remotely than face-to-face.

This diagram shows how ancient hunter-gatherer groups were shaped by environment, population, social networks, and culture. When groups were well connected, ideas and knowledge could grow, spread, and survive over time.
Source: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/brv.12599

 

But the numbers also show a problem. Some people still felt unsupported:

  • 10% said they had no one to count on in hard times
  • 8% said they had no close friends
  • 6% felt lonely most or all of the time

So the way people connect may change, but the need for real, reliable relationships does not.

Social networks mattered as survival systems

Ariane Burke explained the prehistoric lesson this way: “These networks act as a safety net.” In her description, interconnected groups could share information on resources and animal movements, form partnerships, and gain temporary access to other territories during crises. It does suggest that any repeated social practice that built trust, memory, and return visits would have mattered more than older extinction stories allowed.

If play helped keep that social web active, then games were never just leisure. They were part of how humans stayed reachable to one another.

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Ancient DNA reveals web of marriage and migration in Peru

University of Sydney—Long-distance migration along Peru’s Pacific coast began at least 800 years ago, centuries before the rise of the Inca Empire and much earlier than previously thought, a new international study reveals. 

By analyzing ancient DNA (aDNA) alongside archaeological and historical data, the study* provides some of the strongest evidence to date of population movement along the Pacific coast prior to Inca rule (AD 1400 to 1532), demonstrating that pre-Inca coastal communities were far more mobile and connected at local and interregional scales than historically believed. 

Published in Nature Communications, it suggests people travelled more than 700 kilometres from Peru’s north coast to the Chincha Valley in the south. Here, they settled and intermarried with neighbouring populations, while maintaining distinctive cultural traditions – such as cranial modification and painting the dead with red pigment – for generations. The study also identified a single grave containing relatives who engaged in endogamy, or close-kin procreation.  

“Migration and kinship have long been part of the human story and the development of powerful societies,” said co-lead author Dr Jacob Bongers, digital archaeologist and member of the Vere Gordon Childe Centre at the University of Sydney, and Visiting Research Fellow at the Australian Museum Research Institute.  

“What’s most interesting about this research is that it shows the close-knit and far-reaching social networks of pre-Inca coastal communities, as well as how people maintained cultural traditions of marking group identities for centuries, even as they intermarried with distinct groups,” he said. 

Tracing ancient movement and mating patterns through aDNA  

The research team analysed aDNA samples of 21 individuals recovered from burial sites in the Chincha Valley to reconstruct family relationships and explore genetic diversity over time.  

“The genome-wide data and radiocarbon dates suggest migrants arrived in the Chincha Valley by at least the thirteenth century AD, well before Inca expansion,” Dr Bongers said. “Their ancestry traced back to the Peruvian north coast, more than 700 kilometres away, and the aDNA of these early migrants revealed no evidence of mixing with local populations.” 

Genetic evidence revealed mixed ancestry between people from the north, central and south coasts over subsequent generations. “This likely means that, after northerners migrated to Chincha, they intermarried with groups from neighbouring coastal areas, a practice that continued during the Spanish Colonial Period (AD 1532-1825),” Dr Bongers said.  

Genetic and bioarchaeological data from the aDNA samples also indicated close-kin procreation.  

“The burial of family members together and the evidence for close-kin unions in the lower Chincha Valley highlights the importance of the familial unit for ancient Andeans,” said co-lead author Assistant Professor Jordan Dalton from the State University of New York, Oswego. 

“The close biological relationships suggest the sampled individuals were members of an ayllu or parcialidad, a traditional, kin-based group that shares common territory, resources and ancestry. Close-kin unions may have served as a strategic means of retaining control over resources within the group,” she said.  

Cultural traditions endured across centuries    

All sampled individuals had some north coast ancestry, demonstrating population continuity for at least 200 years. This coincides with persistent cultural traditions maintained in Chincha from at least the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries. 

“In the sampled individuals from the lower and middle valley we observed practices such as cranial modification, a process carried out in infancy to shape the head using boards and bindings, human vertebrae strung on reed sticks, and the postmortem application of red pigment to the skull,” Dr Bongers said.  

“Postmortem red pigment application and cranial modification are cultural traditions that have long been documented on Peru’s north coast, so this evidence shows migrants may have brought their body modification traditions south to mark group identities.” 

The timing of migration from northern Peru aligned with major social and political changes along Peru’s coast, yet the precise reasons for population movement remain uncertain, Dr Bongers said. 

“Climate hazards, the expansion of powerful northern polities such as the Chimú, and access to valuable resources including seabird guano, are all possible drivers of ancient Andean migration,” he said. 

“Importantly, this research expands our understanding of how and when interregional interaction occurred along the Andean Pacific coast and makes it clear the Inca incorporated highly mobile and deeply connected coastal communities into their empire.” 

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Map of the study area. A. Locations of the Chincha Valley and other Andean sites referenced in this study that yielded ancient DNA data. B. The archaeological sites under investigation for this study. Basemaps for panels A and B were obtained from the World Imagery dataset (https://www.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=10df2279f9684e4a9f6a7f08febac2a9) and created with ArcGIS Pro v3.6.2. Sources: ESRI, Michael Bauer Research GmbH 2022, Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI), Earthstar Geographics, Vantor.  Credit: Basemaps for panels A and B were obtained from the World Imagery dataset (https://www.arcgis.com/home/item.html?id=10df2279f9684e4a9f6a7f08febac2a9) and created with ArcGIS Pro v3.6.2. Sources: ESRI, Michael Bauer Research GmbH 2022, Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI), Earthstar Geographics, Vantor.

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Aerial view of a cemetery in the middle Chincha Valley. Photo by Jacob L. Bongers.  Credit: Photo by Jacob L. Bongers.

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Aerial view of a cemetery in the middle Chincha Valley. Photo by Jacob L. Bongers.  Credit: Photo by Jacob L. Bongers.

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Article Source: University of Sydney news release.

*Bongers, J, L., Dalton, J. A., et al., ‘Ancient DNA reveals a family ossuary and long-distance migration on the Pacific coast before the Inca Empire’ (Nature Communications, 2026). Nature Communications, 22-May-2026. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-026-72216-y

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The Hidden History of Earth Is Written in Stone: What Structures and Artifacts Are Telling Us

The hidden history of Earth does not require faith or speculation to engage with meaningfully. It asks only for a willingness to look directly at the physical evidence and follow that evidence wherever it leads, even when it points beyond the boundaries of what the accepted historical framework is prepared to accommodate. Around the world, in sites as geographically diverse as the Egyptian plateau, the Andean highlands, the plains of Turkey, the forests of Central America, and the remote mountains of Bolivia, ancient structures and artifacts exist whose age, precision, and engineering complexity place them in direct, unresolvable tension with the standard timeline of human civilization.

These are not theoretical anomalies. They are built of stone. They have been measured, dated, and analyzed by credentialed researchers. And they consistently suggest a version of Earth’s history that begins far earlier and reaches far higher than the textbooks acknowledge.

Understanding what these physical remnants are communicating requires approaching them not as curiosities to be explained away within existing frameworks but as primary sources whose integrity demands that the frameworks themselves be questioned. The stones do not lie. The astronomical alignments do not drift. The metallurgical compositions do not change their story. What changes, as our tools for measurement and analysis improve, is our growing recognition that the people who built these things knew far more than we have been prepared to credit them with knowing.

The Great Pyramid and the Engineering Impossibility Problem

The Great Pyramid of Giza is the most studied structure on Earth, and despite more than a century of intensive archaeological, engineering, and geological analysis, it continues to resist any fully satisfying conventional explanation for how it was built, why it was built, and what it was truly designed to do. The structure consists of approximately 2.3 million stone blocks, many weighing between two and eighty tons, assembled with a degree of precision that modern engineers have repeatedly acknowledged would be difficult to replicate with today’s technology.

The base of the pyramid is level to within two centimeters across its entire 230-meter perimeter. The sides are oriented to the cardinal directions with an accuracy of fractions of a degree. The internal chambers are aligned with specific stellar configurations, including Orion’s Belt and the star Thuban, with a precision that required extraordinarily sophisticated astronomical knowledge.

Researcher Christopher Dunn, an aerospace engineer who spent decades analyzing the machining marks and dimensional tolerances within the Great Pyramid’s chambers and passages, concluded that whoever constructed the structure possessed and employed precision manufacturing capabilities at least equivalent to and in some respects exceeding what modern industrial civilization commands.

His analysis of the sarcophagus in the King’s Chamber revealed surface finishes and right-angle tolerances consistent with the use of machine tools rather than hand chisels. The granite coffer’s interior and exterior dimensions reflect a level of geometric precision that conventional Egyptology has never fully accounted for within the framework of copper tools and human labor it favors.

Sacred Sites and Astronomical Precision Across Cultures

One of the most consistently remarkable features of ancient monuments around the world is their precise astronomical alignment, a feature that appears not just once or twice but as a pattern so regular and so geographically widespread that its coherence across unconnected cultures demands explanation. Stonehenge in Britain is aligned with both the summer solstice sunrise and the winter solstice sunset.

The temples of Angkor Wat in Cambodia mirror the constellation Draco as it appeared at the spring equinox in 10,500 BCE. The Nazca Lines in Peru, visible only from altitude, trace geometric and biological forms whose precision and scale serve no practical purpose within conventional interpretive frameworks. The temples of ancient Egypt are aligned with specific stars, tracking the precession of the equinoxes with a mathematical precision that implies knowledge of a twenty-six-thousand-year astronomical cycle.

The consistency of this astronomical orientation across cultures separated by thousands of miles and thousands of years of apparent chronological separation points toward a shared understanding of the sky, of sacred geometry, and of the relationship between terrestrial structures and celestial mechanics that transcends any single civilization’s independent discovery.

It suggests instead the transmission of a body of knowledge, a common heritage of astronomical and cosmological understanding that was distributed across the ancient world and encoded into stone structures whose permanence was clearly intentional. These monuments were not built to last a generation or a century. They were built to last across the full sweep of geological time, and they have.

The Iron Pillar of Delhi and Ancient Metallurgical Knowledge

Among the most physically verifiable pieces of evidence for advanced ancient knowledge is the Iron Pillar of Delhi, a seven-meter column of wrought iron standing within the Qutub complex that has remained virtually free of rust or corrosion for approximately sixteen hundred years despite continuous outdoor exposure to the monsoon climate of northern India. Modern metallurgical analysis has confirmed that the pillar was forged from a high-purity iron alloy whose composition was not replicated in European metallurgy until the Industrial Revolution introduced the advanced smelting technology required to achieve equivalent purity levels.

The pillar’s resistance to oxidation results from a thin layer of misawite, a compound of iron, oxygen, and hydrogen, that formed on its surface and has been continuously self-regenerating since its creation. This passive protection mechanism was not a theoretical achievement of medieval Indian metallurgists. It was a practical accomplishment embedded in a physical object that has been standing and demonstrating its own extraordinary properties for sixteen centuries.

The knowledge required to produce a metal with these specific properties, at scale and with this consistency, represents a level of materials science understanding that the standard timeline of technological development struggles to account for.

Megalithic Precision and the Question of Lost Tools

Across the Andean highlands of Peru and Bolivia, stone construction sites at Sacsayhuamán, Ollantaytambo, and Tiwanaku feature massive stone blocks fitted together with a precision that archaeology has never satisfactorily explained within the framework of conventional pre-Columbian technology.

Blocks weighing hundreds of tons have been transported from quarries tens of kilometers away and fitted together with joints so tight that a piece of paper cannot be inserted between adjacent stones. The fitting is not simply tight. It is geometrically complex, with many of the stones shaped to interlock with multiple adjacent faces simultaneously in what engineers have described as a seismically sophisticated construction approach that distributes compressive forces across interlocking surfaces rather than mortar joints.

The precision of this stonework at Sacsayhuamán and related Andean sites led the engineering researcher David Childress and others to propose that the builders possessed cutting and shaping tools whose capabilities far exceeded any known pre-Columbian technology.

No tools consistent with the stone’s hardness and the precision of its finishing have been recovered from these sites. What has been found, and what continues to resist conventional explanation, are the physical products of their application: stones shaped, transported, and assembled in ways that prompt serious engineers to conclude that something significant about ancient human technical capability is being systematically underestimated by the mainstream interpretation of the archaeological record.

The Artifacts as Bridges to Earth’s Forgotten Chapters

What connects all of these physical pieces of evidence, the precision of the Great Pyramid, the astronomical alignments of temples on six continents, the metallurgical sophistication of the Delhi pillar, the engineering genius of Andean stonework, is that they represent a coherent pattern rather than a collection of isolated anomalies. That pattern consistently points toward the existence of a level of knowledge, a civilization or series of civilizations, that possessed advanced understanding of engineering, astronomy, materials science, geometry, and the energetic properties of physical matter.

The artifacts that survive from this hidden chapter of Earth’s history are not relics of a primitive past. They are messages from a sophisticated one, encoded in physical materials designed to outlast whatever catastrophe ended the civilization that produced them, and waiting for the awareness capable of reading what they contain.

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Cover Image, Top: rperucho, pixabay

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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Neanderthals gathered shellfish using the same strategies as modern humans

Universität Autonoma de Barcelona—Neanderthal populations in southern Europe collected shellfish throughout the year, with a marked preference for the colder months, according to a new international study led by researchers from the Institute of Environmental Science and Technology at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (ICTA-UAB), the IsoTOPIK Lab at the University of Burgos (UBU), and the Instituto Internacional de Investigaciones Prehistóricas de Cantabria at the University of Cantabria (UC).

The research, recently published in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), shows that 115,000 years ago Neanderthal groups from Los Aviones Cave (Cartagena, Region of Murcia, Spain) were already consuming molluscs following a clearly seasonal pattern, particularly during the colder months of the year, from November to April.

For decades, the ability of Neanderthal populations to adapt to coastal environments and exploit marine resources in an organised manner has been the subject of intense debate in archaeology and human evolution. Traditionally, the regular consumption of shellfish and seasonal planning were considered traits exclusive to our species, Homo sapiens. However, this recent finding challenges that paradigm.

The study analysed marine mollusc remains (including small gastropods and limpets) recovered from Los Aviones Cave at an unprecedented resolution. The results show that these populations not only collected shellfish sporadically but also possessed a deep understanding of marine ecological cycles, anticipating by thousands of years behaviours later documented in modern humans from the region.

But how is it possible to determine the season in which a mollusc was consumed thousands of years ago? The key lies in the oxygen isotopic signal preserved in the carbonate of their shells, as the incorporation of heavier or lighter oxygen isotopes depends primarily on seawater temperature. “By reconstructing variation during shell growth, these values act as a prehistoric thermometer. This makes it possible to infer temperature changes as well as the exact time of year when a mollusc was collected, revealing new details about seasonal consumption patterns,” explains Asier García-Escárzaga, lead author of the study.

The results represent a milestone, as they are the first obtained for such early stages of human evolution. “They consumed marine resources throughout the year, but with a very clear preference for winter and autumn months. This pattern, very similar to that developed by more recent populations of modern humans in Europe and other regions, cannot be coincidental,” García-Escárzaga explains.

Winter collection coincides with periods when certain mollusc species have higher meat yield and improved sensory qualities (flavour and texture) due to their reproductive cycles. In addition, Neanderthal populations may have avoided collecting shellfish in summer to minimise health risks, such as the proliferation of toxic algae (red tides) or the rapid decomposition of shellfish due to heat, demonstrating a conscious and safe management of marine resources.

These findings suggest that Neanderthals and modern humans may have been more similar than previously thought. The study highlights that this behaviour reflects a diversified diet incorporating high-quality marine proteins (rich in Omega-3 and zinc), which are essential for brain development and reproductive health. “What we see at Los Aviones is a fully modern subsistence strategy,” the authors state. This discovery reinforces the idea that Neanderthals possessed cognitive, social and economic capacities comparable to our own, establishing the Iberian Peninsula as a key region for understanding the complexity of our closest ancestors.

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Cueva de los Aviones, Cartagena, Region of Murcia, Spain.  Credit: ICTA-UAB

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Cueva de los Aviones, Cartagena, Region of Murcia, Spain, and specimens of limpets Patella ferruginea and gastropod Phorcus lineatus. Credit: ICTA-UAB

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Asier García-Escárzaga in the laboratory.  Credit: ICTA-UAB

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Laboratory analysis of a specimen of the gastropod Phorcus turbinatus.  Credit: ICTA-UAB

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Article Source: Universität Autonoma de Barcelona news release.

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Neanderthal dentists used stone drills to treat cavities nearly 60,000 years ago

PLOS—Neanderthals had the know-how to identify a tooth infection and the motor skills to drill out the damage, according to a study published May 13, 2026 in the open-access journal PLOS One by Alisa Zubova of Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Russian Academy of Sciences (Kunstkamera), St. Petersburg, and colleagues.

Archaeological discoveries have shown that Neanderthals used toothpicks to remove food from their teeth and might also have used medicinal plants, but the extent of their medical capabilities is unclear. In this study*, Zubova and colleagues describe a Neanderthal tooth which received physical alterations to treat infection.

This tooth is a single molar from Chagyrskaya Cave in Russia, around 59,000 years old. In the center of the tooth is a deep hole extending into the pulp cavity. The researchers conducted experiments on three modern human teeth to demonstrate that a hole of the same shape and same patterns of microscopic grooves can be created by drilling into the tooth with a stone point similar to tools that have been found within Chagyrskaya Cave. The hole in this damaged molar, as well as toothpick grooves along the side of the tooth, is an example of a caries lesion in the same population, which is rare among Neanderthals.

This procedure would have hurt, but it would also have ultimately alleviated the pain of a tooth infection by removing the damaged part of the tooth. These modifications provide evidence that Neanderthals had the capacity to identify the source of pain, to determine how to treat it, to apply the manual dexterity needed for an efficient operation, and to endure painful treatment to alleviate future discomfort. This is the first time such behavior has been demonstrated outside of Homo sapiens, and it is the oldest example of such behavior by more than 40,000 years.

The authors add: “This finding currently represents the world’s oldest evidence of successful dental treatment. The damage documented on the Neanderthal tooth from Chagyrskaya Cave in Siberia points not only to intentional pulp removal but also to antemortem wear – wear that could only have developed if the individual kept using the tooth while alive. We also identified areas of demineralization where remnants of carious damage were preserved, further indicating that the concavity in the tooth was associated with treatment.”

Alisa Zubova adds: “We were intrigued by the unusual shape of the concavity on the tooth’s chewing surface. It differed from the normal morphology of the pulp chamber and did not match the typical pattern of carious lesions seen in Homo sapiens. Moreover, distinctly visible scratches suggested that the concavity was not the result of natural damage but of intentional actions.”

“Computed microtomography revealed changes in dentin mineralization consistent with severe caries. Human manipulation of carious lesions has already been documented for the Upper Paleolithic, Mesolithic, and later periods. We therefore hypothesized that the damage we observed could also represent traces of such medical intervention – but from a significantly earlier period.”

Lydia Zotkina adds: “To interpret the concavity on the occlusal surface of the tooth, we conducted experimental manual drilling on a series of specimens: a modern human tooth and two Homo sapiens teeth from a Holocene archaeological collection of uncertain temporal and cultural provenance. Comparison of the microscopic traces on the original Neanderthal specimen with those produced experimentally revealed a clear match. The findings demonstrate that drilling a carious lesion using a sharp, thin stone tool is entirely effective, permitting the rapid removal of damaged dental tissue.”

Ksenia Kolobova adds: “Neanderthals arrived in this region 70–60 thousand years ago during a migration from Central and Eastern Europe and inhabited it until at least 40–45 thousand years ago. Altai became a new and suitable home for them thanks to its biological diversity, climate similar to that of Europe, abundant raw materials for stone tool production, and their usual prey – wild bison and horses. Analysis of stone tool industries and paleogenetic studies have shown that the Neanderthals from Chagyrskaya Cave are very closely related to the bearers of the so-called Micoquian industry, who also lived in the Caucasus and Crimea.”

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Chagyrskaya 64 molar tooth and its macro-features: General view of the tooth in five projections.  Credit: Zubova et al., 2026, PLOS One, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Chagyrskaya Cave, southwestern Siberia, Russia. a. cave location map (created in ArcGIS software, using open data from https://www.usgs.gov/products/maps accessed on December 15, 2021); b. stratigraphic sequence with Chagyrskaya 64 molar discovery location indicated in orange; c. general view of the cave; d. discovery location of the Chagyrskaya 64 molar in situ in Layer 6c/2.  Credit: Zubova et al., 2026, PLOS One, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS news release.

*Zubova AV, Zotkina LV, Olsen JW, Kulkov AM, Moiseyev VG, Malyutina AA, et al. (2026) Earliest evidence for invasive mitigation of dental caries by Neanderthals. PLoS One 21(5): e0347662. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0347662

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Researchers reveal new clues about H. erectus evolution while advancing paleoproteomics

Chinese Academy of Sciences Headquarters—Scientists from the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences have uncovered new information suggesting a potential connection between Homo erectus and modern humans, while also developing new, less invasive paleoproteomics methods of fossil research.

Homo erectus, or H. erectuswas the first species within the genus Homo to leave Africa, occupying a key position in human evolutionary history. However, due to the lack of molecular evidence from H. erectus, their genetic characteristics, population diversity, and especially their potential connections to modern humans remain unresolved. As a result, the role of H. erectus represents a major mystery and a focal point of debate in human evolution.

Molecular research on H. erectus remains has been limited because ancient human fossils are irreplaceable and a precious cultural heritage. For this reason, traditional destructive sampling methods are unacceptable and have long constrained the progress of relevant molecular research.

Now, however, the research team, led by FU Qiaomei from IVPP in collaboration with multiple institutions, has overcome this bottleneck by employing a micro-destructive sampling approach based on acid etching to recover molecular information from six Homo erectus teeth without damaging their morphology.

The team’s findings were published online in Nature on May 13*.

The article was also accompanied by a concurrent commentary in Nature, which highlighted the role of enamel proteins from these six H. erectus teeth from China in providing “new insights into how ancient genetic material was eventually introduced into modern human populations.” 

The researchers identified two mutations from the fossil teeth, dating back to at least 400,000 years ago, from three different sites—Zhoukoudian (Peking Man), Hexian, and Sunjiadong. The mutations suggest genetic links between East Asian H. erectus and Denisovans, which themselves are linked to modern humans.

The first is the previously unknown AMBN-A253G mutation, which was identified as a potential molecular marker associated with these H. erectus populations. It provides the first evidence that H. erectus specimens from these three sites belonged to the same evolutionary population.

The second is the AMBN-M273V variant, previously thought to be specific to Denisovans. However, this study reveals that this variant is not unique to Denisovans but is shared by these H. erectus populations.

According to the researchers, the second variant may have entered the Denisovan lineage through admixture and was subsequently passed to some modern human populations (in Southeast Asia and Oceania) via Denisovan introgression. This provides the first insights into a possible connection between East Asian H. erectus (such as those from Zhoukoudian) and Denisovans, as well as the potential deep genetic links to some present-day modern humans.

Additionally, the study establishes a suite of new experimental and computational methodologies, including a sex determination method for ancient hominins based on the male-specific enamel protein AMELY, a cross-validation approach using tandem mass spectrometry and multiple data analysis pipelines, and DNA analysis methods linked to specific amino acid variants. Together, these tools provide a new framework for systematic paleoproteomics research.

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A cartoon illustration of the AMBN enamel protein.  Credit: Image by IVPP

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Article Source: Chinese Academy of Sciences Headquarters headquarters.

*Enamel proteins from six Homo erectus specimens across China, Nature, 13-May-2026. 10.1038/s41586-026-10478-8 

Ancient burial site and remains of Anglo-Saxon houses unearthed during archaeological digs near A46 Newark Bypass scheme

The remains of seven ancient people, a Roman well and two probable Anglo-Saxon houses are some of the amazing finds that have been discovered by archaeologists during early, pre-construction investigations around National Highways’ A46 Newark Bypass scheme.

The scheme, which was confirmed in the Government’s third Road Investment Strategy (RIS) in March, aims to improve congestion at key junctions along the A46 by widening sections of the carriageway, creating a flyover and building a bridge over the A1.

A team of 30 archaeologists carefully excavated five fields in Newark last year, covering over 23 acres ( 9.63 hectares) over 22 weeks to reveal the fascinating finds that potentially date back to 6000 BC.

A burial site, encompassing the remains of seven individuals, was discovered in one field close to the A46. These burials are provisionally dated to the Iron Age, Roman or Anglo-Saxon periods. Ongoing scientific post-excavation analysis of these items is expected to refine and more precisely determine their chronology.

The remnants of an Anglo-Saxon house, known as a grubenhaus, were also found within the same area. A grubenhaus, German for ‘sunken-floored building’, was typical of Anglo-Saxon settlements but is a rare find in Nottinghamshire.

In a field south-west of Kelham village, various features were discovered dating from the Mesolithic period to post-Medieval. Items included a rectangular Roman enclosure, foundations of a farmhouse and a Roman well.

Naziya Sheikh, National Highways project manager for the A46 Newark scheme, said:

“The experts have done an amazing job to uncover these important pieces of history that have unknowingly remained buried under Newark until now. We’re excited to finally be able to share the details with residents in the town and beyond as part of our early pre-construction work on the A46 scheme.

“We take great care to record and safeguard the country’s heritage that can be uncovered by our projects. Archaeology belongs to the communities we serve, and by working alongside a team of archaeologists, we are delighted to be able to conserve and protect these incredible finds for future generations.”

Other items discovered during the digs included 163 pieces of ceramic pottery, many of which were glazed and show clear decorations dating from Roman and Iron Age periods. Several prehistoric finds such as flint arrowheads and a saddle quern used to grind flour to make bread in the Neolithic period and items dating to the English Civil War in 1642 were also uncovered.

Sean Tiffin from Archaeological Management Solutions (AMS), which carried out the dig on behalf of National Highways, said:

“Our excavations uncovered fascinating insights into life in this corner of Nottinghamshire during the prehistoric, Roman and Anglo-Saxon periods, and even up to the present day.

“The results will greatly help increase our understanding of the rich history of the area, shedding light and new insights on previously unknown settlements.”

Details of the findings have all now been published online with photos and videos of the dig and items uncovered. It is hoped some of the artifacts and findings will go on public display in Newark but details of this will be confirmed at a later date.  

The A46 Newark Bypass scheme, which will improve a key trans-Midlands trade corridor linking to the Humber ports, will be a major project to ease congestion at crucial junctions. Work will include:

• Widening four miles of a single carriageway in both directions between the Farndon and Winthorpe roundabouts near Newark-on-Trent.
• Creating a flyover for the A46 at the Cattle Market roundabout.
• Building a new bridge over the A1.
• Enlarging the Winthorpe roundabout to connect the new link road.

The Government confirmed its commitment to this scheme in its third Road Investment Strategy (RIS3) published in March and National Highways plans to set out more information on its delivery of the scheme in the summer.

Further information on the scheme can be found here or read more on National Highways’ approach to conserving archaeological finds.

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Mid-excavation of burials. Credit National Highways & AMS

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Several pieces of well-preserved Roman pottery were also discovered. Credit National Highways/AMS

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It is hoped some of the finds could be displayed in Newark in future. Credit National Highways/AMS

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A prehistoric flint arrowhead was among several discovered during the dig. Credit National Highways/AMS

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About Archaeological Management Solutions (AMS)

AMS was founded in 2011 by Ed Danaher and has grown to become one of Ireland’s leading cultural heritage and archaeological consultancies. AMS specializes in providing archaeological services for the delivery of infrastructure services including water, energy and roads. Core services include cultural heritage consultancy and planning; archaeological excavation and post excavation; geophysics and remote sensing; and coastal marine and inland waterways.

The company first entered the UK market in 2016, establishing an office in York, and has since built a growing client base. AMS is continuing its expansion in the UK with a new office set to open in Newark, Nottinghamshire, in the coming weeks.

The company employs more than 150 people across the UK and Ireland.

For enquiries, contact Jonathan Monteith – 07534116341 / Jonathan.Monteith@ams-consultancy.com

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About National Highways

National Highways is the wholly government-owned company responsible for modernising, maintaining and operating England’s motorways and major A roads.

View our press releases online at https://nationalhighways.co.uk/press/

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Horse Racing in Ancient Civilizations: What Archaeology Reveals

Have you ever wondered when horse racing actually started? We’re not talking about the modern horse racing world, but the moment when two humans decided that they could race their horses to see who was fastest.

It turns out that horse racing is way older than most people think. In fact, many people consider horse racing to be thousands of years old, and ancient civilizations also loved this sport.

How do we know this? Well, because of archaeology, we uncovered ruins of tracks, carvings, and ancient texts pointing to an exciting horse race. If we put all the small cues together, the story becomes crystal clear.

So, how old is horse racing? Let’s find out.

It Didn’t Start as “Sport”

If we’re trying to find horse racing events like the Kentucky Derby in the past, we’re looking at it with distorted lenses. Ancient racing wasn’t really about entertainment. At least not in the beginning.

In early civilizations like Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, horses were primarily used for war, transport, and status. Yes, speed was important, but not because they would be draped in flowers or win an award, but because the horse’s speed can make a real difference in battles.

So, what does this mean? Well, early “races” were often tied to training or demonstrations. In early civilizations like the ones mentioned, we cannot find structured racing. Yes, horses were bred and trained, but nobody gathered around a racetrack to watch a race and place a bet on the horse they thought would win the race.

Modern horse racing is all about entertainment and betting. Just take a look at the Triple Crown races, including the Kentucky Derby, Preakness Stakes, and Belmont Stakes. People cannot wait for big races to place some Preakness bets. It is how the sport is structured, and honestly, it works perfectly for the modern world.

But during times of war, food scarcity, and lack of transportation, horses were used for other things.

In ancient civilizations, they tested the horse’s speed just because warriors needed only the fastest and most controllable horses.

Chariot Racing Was the First Real “Spectacle”

So, when can we see the first traces of organized horse racing? Well, that would probably be the time when chariot racing became a thing. We’re talking about a time when Ancient Greece and later Ancient Rome were dominant.

This was the first time horses were used as a form of entertainment. Honestly, during these times, we can see the biggest rise in culture. We’re talking about art, philosophy, crafts, and leisure activities. In other words, they had better things to do than fight each other and conquer all the time.

During these times, entire stadiums were built around racetracks, crowds gathered in huge numbers (maybe even more than the Kentucky Derby), and people even supported specific teams or factions.

Yes, even betting was involved, but not like placing a bet on TwinSpires through a phone, but more like trading bets where people usually bet using livestock and later silver coins.

Archeologists have found large arenas like the Circus Maximus in Rome, which could hold over 100,000 spectators. This alone is enough to give you an idea about the importance of these races. Yes, there were gladiator fights too, but chariot races were also really popular.

On top of that, chariot races have never been like a side activity but usually the main event.

Organized Racing Started Earlier Than You’d Expect

For a long time, people assumed that structured horse racing was a relatively recent development.

But archaeological evidence suggests otherwise.

In Ancient Greece, horse racing was already part of the Olympic Games as early as 648 BCE. That means there were rules, events, and recognized competition formats thousands of years ago.

This is where things start to look a lot more like modern racing.

It wasn’t random anymore. It was organized.

Breeding and Training Were Already Advanced

Most people don’t know that ancient civilizations weren’t just racing horses, but they were actually breeding them. And not in a random order, but carefully, strategically, and planned. They really understood horse genetics and found out that through breeding, they can produce faster and more endurant horses.

There are archaeological records that show that certain regions were known for producing stronger or faster horses. Why? Well, it’s all thanks to selective breeding, and that has been around for thousands of years.

Over the years, there is proof that training methods have advanced, and horses were conditioned for endurance (mainly), but also speed, control, and all depending on their purpose.

Racing Was Also About Entertainment (Eventually)

Over time, the purpose of racing shifted.

What started as a functional test, speed, and control slowly became entertainment. And all of this happened naturally. People had more time to explore things, and since horses were around them, they started to experiment, and it worked.

By the time you reach Ancient Rome, racing is no longer just about performance.

It’s about spectacle.

Crowds gather, bets are placed informally, and rivalries form. Some charioteers became famous in their own right, almost like early sports celebrities. And this is where you start to see the foundation of modern horse racing culture.

These races became competitive, the audience loved them, and most importantly, they were exciting to watch. Everything we can say about today’s horse racing culture. So, horse racing is a sport that has been around for thousands of years, and we really have to appreciate that.

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Cover Photo, Above:  by Samir Smier

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How math AI helps date ancient fossils and remains

A fragment of bone. A crumbling tooth. A pressed leaf in stone. These small things carry enormous secrets — if you know how to ask the right questions. For centuries, scientists guessed ages based on rock layers and gut instinct. Today, artificial intelligence powered by advanced mathematics is changing everything about how we understand ancient fossils and remains.

The results are stunning. What once took years now takes days.

Why Dating Fossils Is So Hard

Fossils don’t come with labels. A skull pulled from a riverbank could be 10,000 years old or 2 million. Traditional methods like radiocarbon dating work well — but only up to about 50,000 years. Beyond that threshold, the math gets messy and the margins of error balloon.

Older remains require different tools entirely. Uranium-lead dating, potassium-argon analysis, thermoluminescence — each method has its own equations, assumptions, and blind spots. Getting it right demands extraordinary precision.

The Numbers Behind the Science

The scale of improvement is hard to ignore. A 2022 study published in Nature found that AI-assisted dating reduced age estimation errors by up to 40% compared to traditional methods alone. That’s not a minor tweak — that’s a fundamental leap.

Researchers at the Max Planck Institute have used neural networks to analyse ancient DNA degradation patterns, dating specimens with a margin of error as small as ±200 years on remains over 100,000 years old. Numbers like these were unthinkable a decade ago.

Isotope Ratios and Pattern Recognition

Here’s what makes AI genuinely remarkable in this context. Isotope ratios — the relative amounts of certain chemical elements preserved in bone — shift in predictable ways over time. But the patterns are subtle. Noise in the data hides them easily.

AI doesn’t get tired. It doesn’t overlook a faint signal buried in 10,000 data points. Convolutional neural networks trained on verified fossil datasets can now identify isotopic signatures with accuracy that exceeds even experienced laboratory technicians.

A Quick Word on Math Solvers

The underlying all of this is raw mathematical computation – differential equations, a statistical model, matrix algebra. A picture solver will be able to do these calculations. Some researchers have even found they can develop new dating equations by using a general-purpose math picture solver to speed up their development process, reducing the development time from months to days. Human productivity can be improved and errors can be minimized with the use of a maths solver.

When Math Meets Machine

Artificial intelligence stepped in about a decade ago. Shyly.

Now it runs the show. Modern machine learning gulps data—thousands of measurements from mass spectrometers, images of microscopic wear on teeth, chemical signatures from soil. It spots patterns no human would catch. Ever.

Consider a pile of ancient fossils from a cave in France. A neural network can sift through the radiocarbon dates, the stratigraphy, the snail shells and charcoal, and produce a timeline tighter than a drum. It does in hours what took a researcher a year. Blinks, really.

Stratigraphy Gets Smarter

Stratigraphy — the study of rock and soil layers — has always been foundational to fossil dating. Older layers sit deeper. Simple in theory. Complicated in practice, because geological events shift, fold, and flip those layers constantly.

AI systems trained on regional geological data can now reconstruct likely stratigraphic histories from fragmented evidence. They model how layers moved, eroded, and redeposited over millions of years — giving fossils found in disturbed sites a far more reliable chronological home.

Ancient Human Remains: A Special Case

Dating human remains carries particular weight. It rewrites family trees. It challenges accepted timelines of migration, evolution, and civilization. The stakes are high, and errors have real consequences.

AI has already revised several key dates. Remains found in Laos, initially estimated at around 45,000 years old, were re-examined using AI-assisted isotope modelling. The revised estimate: closer to 68,000 years. That single correction shifted scientific understanding of early human migration routes through Southeast Asia.

The Data Problem

AI is only as good as the data it learns from. Early fossil databases were inconsistent — different labs used different standards, different notation systems, different error reporting conventions. That created real problems for early machine learning models trained on those records.

Efforts like the Paleobiology Database and the NEOTOMA Paleoecology Database are working to standardise this. As data quality improves, AI dating accuracy climbs with it. The two advances are inseparable.

What Comes Next

Portable AI dating tools are already in development. Field researchers may soon carry handheld devices capable of running preliminary isotope analyses on-site — giving a rough age estimate before a fossil ever reaches a laboratory. That would revolutionise how excavations are planned and prioritised.

The combination of ancient fossils and remains with cutting-edge mathematics is no longer a novelty. It is rapidly becoming the standard.

Final Thought

So how does math AI help date ancient fossils and remains? Quietly. Fundamentally. It’s not flashy. No dinosaur roar. It’s the difference between a blur and a portrait. Between somewhere around then and exactly this winter, 41,200 years ago.

A bone in the hand becomes a voice. A tooth becomes a timestamp stamped in amber. The past gets its chronology back. And we, the curious, finally get to listen.

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Ice Age butcher’s tools are a sign of ancient humans’ creativity during hard times

Field Museum—In central China, scientists have spent over a decade excavating and studying an archaeological site where ancient humans butchered animals. Amidst bones, archaeologists found complex stone tools that would have required a level of intelligence and creativity to make. A new analysis*, based on the crystals growing inside one of the bones, showed scientists the site dated back to an ice age 146,00 years ago— challenging long-held ideas about early humanity at this site becoming creative thanks to warmer times of plenty.

“People often imagine creativity as something that flourishes in good times,” says Yuchao Zhao, the assistant curator of East Asian archaeology at the Field Museum in Chicago and the lead author of a paper describing the findings in the Journal of Human Evolution. “Finding out that these stone tools were made during a harsh ice age tells a different story. Hard times can force us to adapt.”

Zhao and his colleagues, led by senior author Zhangyang Li, a professor at Shandong University in China, have been examining stone tools found at the Lingjing archaeological site in central China. Lingjing was occupied by early humans called Homo juluensis. They were cousins of modern humans (Homo sapiens), and our ancestors may have interacted with them. Homo juluensis show a striking mosaic of features, including very large brain size and traits seen in both eastern Asian archaic humans and Neanderthals in Europe.

Until recently, archaeologists had thought that the ancient humans in East Asia during the late Middle Pleistocene (300,000-120,000 years ago) hadn’t made many significant technological advances, in comparison to the early humans living in Europe and Africa. But the stone tools found at Lingjing tell a different story.

The disc-shaped stone cores at Lingjing might not look especially fancy at first glance, but Zhao and his colleagues’ analysis of them revealed that they were part of a painstaking and carefully organized tool-making process. The Homo juluensis people crafted them by hitting small stones against larger stone cores.

Some of the cores were worked fairly evenly on both sides. Others were more carefully structured: one side served mainly as the surface to strike from, while the other side was shaped to produce sharp flakes. These asymmetrical cores are especially important because they show that ancient humans were not just knocking pieces off a stone at random. They were managing the core as a three-dimensional object, giving different surfaces different roles and maintaining the right angles to keep producing useful flakes.

“This was not casual flake production, but a technology that required planning, precision, and a deep understanding of stone properties and fracture mechanics,” says Zhao. “The underlying logic of this system— and the cognitive abilities it reflects— shows important similarities to Middle Paleolithic technologies often associated with Neanderthals in Europe and with human ancestors in Africa, suggesting that advanced technological thinking was not limited to western Eurasia.”

So, the stone artifacts left behind by the Homo juluensis at Lingjing suggest that the people there were capable of complex thought and creativity. But the story is further complicated by recent studies that have adjusted scientists’ estimates of how long ago these tools were made.

Lingjing was a site where Homo juluensis came to butcher animals like deer, and these animals’ bones are found alongside the stone tools. One of these bones, a rib from a deer-like animal, contained glittering calcite crystals. Calcite crystals contain trace amounts of uranium, which slowly degrades into another element called thorium. By measuring the ratio of uranium to thorium present in a calcite crystal, scientists can tell how old the crystal is.

“The calcite crystals inside the bone acted like a natural clock, allowing us to refine the age of the site,” says Zhao.

Previously, researchers thought that the tools found in Lingjing were about 126,000 years old at most, but based on the presence of the crystals, they’re about 20,000 years older— a small, but important difference.

“Even though these tools are just a little bit older than we’d previously thought, the entire story is changed,” says Zhao. “During the Pleistocene, Earth repeatedly shifted between colder ice-age periods and warmer intervals between them. We used to think these tools were made 126,000 years ago, during a warm interglacial period, but based on the new dates suggested by the crystals, some of these tools were actually produced 146,000 years ago, during a harsh, cold glacial period.”

The new age assigned to these stone artifacts calls into question the idea that creativity is a luxury for good times; instead, in this case, it seems to be an adaption for surviving hard times.  “Altogether, this research reveals a much richer story of innovation, intelligence, and human evolution in East Asia,” says Zhao.

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One of the 146,000-year-old stone cores used to make butcher’s tools, found in Lingjing, China. Photo by Yuchao Zhao.  Credit: Yuchao Zhao

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Crystals growing inside a bone found at the Lingjing archaeological site; these crystals were used to date the site, and the tools found there, to an ice age 146,000 years ago. Photo by Zhanyang Li.  Credit:  Zhanyang Li.

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Article Source: Field Museum news release.

*Earliest centripetal flaking system in eastern Eurasia reveals human behavioral complexity in late Middle Pleistocene China, Journal of Human Evolution, 7-May-2026.

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The Role of AI in Modern Archaeology: From Excavation to Analysis

Archaeology used to mean years of painstaking brushwork, sun-beaten fieldwork, and mountains of paper records. That image is changing — fast. Artificial intelligence has entered the discipline, and it is reshaping every stage of the process, from choosing where to dig to making sense of what comes out of the ground.

The numbers tell a striking story. A 2023 report from the Alan Turing Institute found that AI-assisted site detection reduced survey time by up to 60% compared to traditional ground surveys. That is not a minor improvement. That is a transformation.

Seeing What Human Eyes Miss

The availability of satellite images to archaeologists has not been new in the decades. It was never a question of interpretation, a trained analyst could only look at a limited number of images in a day. The equation is completely altered by AI.

Machine learning algorithms are now able to scan thousands of square kilometers of landscape data in hours and flag anomalies which may indicate buried structures. A team utilizing deep learning algorithms in 2022 discovered more than 300 previously unknown Nazca Lines in Peru in just a few months. Researchers had been searching for almost a hundred years to locate the ones that are already known. 

Ground-Penetrating Radar Meets Neural Networks

GPR Ground penetrating radar (GPR) is a long-standing non-invasive tool used to map the subsurface. In isolation, it generates complicated wave-form data which must be interpreted by an expert. Together with AI, it is transformed into something quite different.

The neural networks trained with GPR datasets are now able to recognize the likely locations of burials, walls, and voids with an accuracy of over 85% in controlled experiments. This is of utmost importance in places where excavation will result in irreversible damage. Preserve first. Dig when there is a necessity to dig.

The Excavation Site Goes Digital

Once digging begins, AI does not step back. It steps in. Photogrammetry software powered by computer vision can generate precise 3D models of an entire excavation trench in under an hour, capturing spatial relationships that once took weeks to document by hand.

These models are not just records. They are working tools. Researchers can revisit a virtual dig site years later, rotate it, slice through it, and re-examine stratigraphic layers that have long since been removed.

Talking Through Discoveries in Real Time

Archaeological fieldwork is often remote, isolated, and logistically complicated. Teams working in separate locations on the same project need fast, reliable ways to share findings and debate interpretations. Increasingly, researchers use anonymous group chats to discuss sensitive pre-publication discoveries without risking intellectual exposure. This matters more than it might seem. A premature leak about an important find can trigger looting. 

But there’s another reason to use video chat: familiarizing people with important facts. For example, if it’s been established that ancient tribes lived in a certain area, it’s quite easy to find people from that location. People are now actively using the CallMeChat platform, which connects people from different locations. This allows for consultations, explaining the importance of paying attention to antiquities, and for archaeologists themselves, identifying promising excavation sites in real time.

Artifact Classification at Scale

A single excavation season can produce tens of thousands of ceramic sherds, lithic fragments, and bone samples. Traditional classification is slow, inconsistent, and dependent on the expertise of whoever happens to be available. AI does not get tired.

Computer vision models trained on catalogued museum collections can now classify ceramic types, identify manufacturing techniques, and even suggest regional origin — all from a photograph. A 2021 study published in the Journal of Archaeological Science showed that a convolutional neural network matched expert human classification accuracy at 91% on a dataset of over 20,000 pottery fragments. One system. Consistent results. Every time.

Reading the Unreadable

Some of archaeology’s most tantalizing material is also its most inaccessible. Damaged manuscripts, corroded inscriptions, and fire-blackened tablets have resisted decipherment for generations. AI is beginning to crack them open.

The Vesuvius Challenge, launched in 2023, used machine learning to read carbonized papyrus scrolls from Herculaneum — scrolls so fragile they could not be physically unrolled without disintegrating. Within months, researchers had recovered hundreds of readable Greek words. A text buried since 79 AD. Recovered by an algorithm.

Bioarchaeology and the DNA Revolution

AI is not only working on objects. It is working on people — or rather, on what remains of them. Ancient DNA analysis has exploded in the past decade, but the datasets it generates are enormous and complex.

Machine learning tools now identify genetic markers, map migration patterns, and detect signs of disease across hundreds of skeletal samples simultaneously. Population movements that once took years to reconstruct from fragmentary burial evidence can now be modeled in weeks. Archaeology is becoming, in part, a data science.

The Ethical Weight of All This Power

Speed and capability bring complications. Who controls the AI models? Who owns the training data, often derived from collections held in Western institutions but originating in post-colonial contexts? These are not abstract questions.

Indigenous communities increasingly demand a voice in how AI is used to interpret their ancestral remains and cultural objects. Some researchers argue that the very efficiency of AI risks turning archaeology into an extraction industry — faster, yes, but potentially less careful about meaning, context, and community.

Predictive Modeling and the Future of Survey

Before a shovel touches earth, AI models can now estimate the probability of finding significant deposits in any given grid square. These predictive models pull from soil type data, historical land use records, topographic maps, and previous excavation results.

In the Netherlands, predictive archaeological modeling has been standard practice in urban development planning since the early 2000s. AI has made those models dramatically more accurate. Developers know where to dig carefully before a single foundation is poured.

What AI Cannot Replace

Let this be clear. AI does not understand context the way a seasoned archaeologist does. It does not feel the significance of finding a child’s toy beside a burial. It does not ask the questions that matter most: Why here? Why this? What did this mean to the people who made it?

Technology is a tool. An extraordinary one. But the intellectual and ethical work of archaeology — the interpretation, the humility, the conversation with the past — remains stubbornly, necessarily human.

A Discipline in Transition

Archaeology in 2025 looks nothing like archaeology in 2000. The pace of discovery has accelerated. The methods have multiplied. The data has exploded beyond what any individual researcher could process in a lifetime.

AI has not replaced the archaeologist. It has expanded what one person, one team, one generation can know. That is remarkable. And the best of this work is still ahead.

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