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Children participated in cave paintings because they were perceived as mediators between the physical and spiritual worlds

Tel-Aviv University—A team of Tel Aviv University researchers from the field of prehistoric archaeology has proposed an innovative hypothesis regarding an intriguing question: Why did ancient humans bring their young children to cave painting sites, deep underground — through dark, meandering, hazardous passages? The researchers explain: “Next to many cave paintings, there is clear evidence of the presence of children as young as two years old. So far, most hypotheses have focused on the educational aspect — learning the community’s traditions and customs. However, we believe that children also played a unique cultural role in these caves: Young children were credited with special qualities in the spiritual world, enabling them to communicate with entities from the beyond – which were believed to be accessible from the depths of the cave.”

The study was conducted by Dr. Ella Assaf, Dr. Yafit Kedar, and Prof. Ran Barkai from the Jacob M. Alkow Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures at Tel Aviv University. The paper was published in the journal Arts from MDPI.

Dr. Assaf explains: “Cave art created by early humans is a fascinating phenomenon that intrigues many researchers. To date, around 400 caves containing cave art have been discovered, mainly in France and Spain, with the artwork dated between 40,000 and 12,000 years ago. There is solid evidence of children’s participation in the art work — handprints and finger paintings made by children aged two to twelve. In addition, footprints and handprints of children have been found in some caves, alongside those of adults. This naturally raises the question: Why were the children there? Why were very young children taken on exhausting and hazardous journeys deep into the dark, meandering caves with low oxygen levels — crawling through crevices, descending shafts, and climbing rocks to reach their destination?

Dr. Kedar elaborates: “Despite extensive research on cave art, few studies have focused on the presence of children. The prevailing hypothesis is that their participation served an educational purpose — passing down knowledge, traditions, and customs to the next generation. In our study, we argue that children’s involvement had an additional meaning: In fact, they played an important, unique role of their own — direct communication with entities residing in the depths of the earth and otherworldly realms. This study follows our previous works, in which we presented cave art works as expressions of cosmological approaches, with emphasis on relationships between humans and various entities.”

Dr. Assaf adds: “Based on extensive studies about children in indigenous societies, along with new insights into rituals performed in caves with cave paintings, a new understanding is emerging regarding the role of children in the creation of cave art. By integrating data from these research fields, we were able, for the first time, to propose a novel and original explanation for the inclusion of children in creating cave paintings:  The world of childhood differs from that of adults, and children possess a range of unique mental and cognitive traits. For this reason, indigenous cultures worldwide, throughout history and prehistory, have viewed children as ‘active agents’ — mediators between this world and the entities inhabiting the natural world, the underworld, and the cosmos as a whole. In this way, children made a vital contribution to their communities – hunter-gatherers who lived in nature and sought to maintain continuous, respectful relationships with various entities: animals and plants that served as food sources, stones used for toolmaking, ancestral spirits, and more.”

Prof. Barkai: “Many of these societies regarded caves as gateways to the underworld – where, through shamanic rituals, they could communicate with cosmic entities and inhabitants of the underworld, to resolve existential problems. In this context, young children were perceived as liminal beings — belonging to both the realm they had left just recently (before birth) and the world they currently inhabit. Thus, small children were considered particularly suited to bridging the gap between the worlds and delivering messages to non-human entities. In this paper, we connect these insights and propose that children joined adults on journeys into the depths of caves and participated in painting and rituals as part of their role in the community—as ideal mediators with entities from the beyond.”

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Finger paintings made by children in Rouffignac Cave, 14,000 to 20,000 years ago. Dr. Van Gelder

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Finger paintings made by children in Rouffignac Cave, 14,000 to 20,000 years ago. Dr. Van Gelder

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Children’s footprints from Basura Cave, 14,000 years ago. Prof. Marco Romano – Romano et al. 2019

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article link:

https://www.mdpi.com/2076-0752/14/2/27

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Penn Museum and Egyptian Archaeologists Unearth a 3,600-Year-Old Tomb from the Lost Abydos Dynasty

PHILADELPHIA, March 27, 2025—Penn Museum and Egyptian archaeologists working at Abydos in cooperation with the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities, discovered the massive tomb of an unnamed pharaoh at the ancient necropolis of Anubis Mountain, shedding new light on a long-lost dynasty and a lesser-known period in Egyptian history.

Found nearly 23 feet underground in January 2025, the impressive 3,600-year-old limestone burial chamber featured a decorated entryway and a series of other rooms capped by 16-foot-high mudbrick vaults. This marks the second major discovery of an Egyptian king’s tomb announced in 2025.

One of Upper Egypt’s most ancient cities, Abydos is located about six miles from the Nile River. Believed to be the burial place of Osiris, god of the netherworld, as well as a gateway to the afterlife, the sacred city also served as a royal necropolis—the preferred resting place of the first pharaohs, holding great significance for early Ancient Egyptian power structures and political development.

Although the king once buried in this tomb has yet to be identified, he reigned during the Second Intermediate Period (1640-1540 BCE)—a time of economic and political instability that yielded important social and technological changes when Egypt was broken into rival, warring kingdoms. One of these was the Abydos Dynasty, a series of kings who ruled part of Upper Egypt, first confirmed in 2014 during excavations led by Dr. Josef Wegner, Penn Museum Curator of the Egyptian Section and University of Pennsylvania professor of Egyptian Archaeology. He is also the Chair of Penn’s Department of Middle Eastern Languages and Cultures. In that year, his team uncovered the tomb of King Seneb-Kay, another Abydos Dynasty ruler.

Similarity in decoration and architecture between the tombs excavated in 2014 and 2025 has led Penn Museum archaeologists to conclude that the unknown ruler may have been one of King Seneb-Kay’s predecessors. Despite their comparable design, the newly unearthed tomb is much larger than that of Seneb-Kay or any other known ruler from the same dynasty buried there.

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Penn Museum’s ongoing fieldwork at Abydos, Egypt has uncovered the tomb of an unknown king from a lost dynasty. Photo: Dr. Josef Wegner for the Penn Museum.

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Hieroglyphic texts in yellow bands once recorded the king’s identity.

“The king’s name was originally recorded in painted scenes on plastered brickwork that decorated the entrance to the limestone burial chamber,” Dr. Wegner says. These paintings depict Isis (the ancient Egyptian goddess of motherhood and healing) and her sister Nephthys (often depicted next to Isis in funerary rites). “However, ancient tomb robbers damaged the hieroglyphic texts, and not enough survives to read the king’s name. There are several possible owners for the new tomb, including two kings named Senaiib and Paentjeni who dedicated monuments at Abydos but whose tombs remain unknown.”

According to Dr. Wegner, the tomb confirms there are additional early kings buried in, and around, the tomb enclosure of pharaoh Neferhotep I, a 13th Dynasty king who ruled a century before the Abydos Dynasty.

Excavations will continue through 2025 across this new focus area at Anubis Mountain, measuring roughly 10,000 square-meters (more than 100,000 square-feet) of desert terrain, using state-of-the-art technology such as remote sensing, magnetometry(magnetic mapping), and photogrammetry (three-dimensional modeling of the tombs).

“Ongoing excavations also include protection, site management, and conservation of these structures. That is a part of our commitment to the site in cooperation with the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities,” Dr. Wegner says. “Together, we have now opened King Seneb-Kay’s and King Senwosret III’s tombs as visitable monuments, and we’re in the process of opening other ones in the very same area where this new tomb was found. This discovery is a new window to understanding the origins of the enigmatic Abydos Dynasty.”

Dr. Wegner will discuss his work at Abydos at an upcoming virtual lecture Archaeology in Action“Uncovering the Social and Political History of Ancient Egypt,” April 2, 2025 at 7:00 pm ET. Registration is open to the public.

With Dr. Jennifer Wegner, Dr. Josef Wegner is also co-curator of the highly anticipated Ancient Egypt and Nubia Galleries, the largest renovation in the Penn Museum’s 137-year-history.It is scheduled for completion in late 2026.

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The 3,600-year-old limestone tomb chamber of an unknown king found by Penn Museum and Egyptian archaeologists working in Abydos, Egypt. Image: Dr. Josef Wegner for the Penn Museum Image: Dr. Josef Wegner for the Penn Museum

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Found by Penn Museum and Egyptian archaeologists nearly 23 feet underground, the limestone burial chamber featured a decorated entryway. Image: Dr. Josef Wegner for the Penn Museum

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ABOUT THE ABYDOS ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT

The Penn Museum’s excavations at Abydos began in 1967 and continue today. Home to the tombs of Egypt’s first pharaohs (3000–2800 BCE), Abydos was one of the most important religious centers of ancient Egyptian civilization.

Some 3,000 artifacts from Abydos are included in the Egyptian Section’s overall collection of more than 50,000 artifacts. Since 1994, the Penn Museum’s Egyptian Section has been excavating at the mortuary complex of pharaoh Senwosret III at Abydos. This 800-foot-long underground tomb at the foot of the desert cliffs was the first hidden royal tomb, marking a transition from the earlier pyramids.

ABOUT THE PENN MUSEUM

The Penn Museum’s mission is to be a center for inquiry and the ongoing exploration of humanity for our University of Pennsylvania, regional, national, and global communities, following ethical standards and practices.

Through conducting research, stewarding collections, creating learning opportunities, sharing stories, and creating experiences that expand access to archaeology and anthropology, the Museum builds empathy and connections across diverse cultures.

The Penn Museum is open Tuesday–Sunday, 10:00 am–5:00 pm. On first Wednesdays of the month, it is open until 8:00 pm. The Café is open Tuesday–Thursday, 9:00 am–3:00 pm and Friday and Saturday, 10:00 am–2:00 pm. On Sundays, the Café is open 10:30 am–2:30 pm. For information, visit www.penn.museum, call 215.898.4000, or follow @PennMuseum on social media.

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Cuneiforms: new digital tool for researchers

University of Würzburg—The UNESCO World Heritage Site of Boğazköy-Hattuša is located in the north of Turkey. It was once the capital of the Hittite Empire, a great power in the late Bronze Age around 1650 to 1200 BC.

Exploring Florida’s Ancient Past: How Archaeological Discoveries Shape Our Modern Cities

Florida, known for its sun-kissed beaches and vibrant cities, has a fascinating history that stretches back thousands of years. Beneath the surface of modern skyscrapers, suburban homes, and bustling roads, the remnants of ancient civilizations lay hidden, waiting to be uncovered. Archaeological discoveries in Florida provide valuable insight into the lives of the indigenous peoples who once thrived in this region, but they also play a significant role in how our cities are built today. 

As new developments continue to take shape across the state, archaeologists, urban planners, and construction crews often work hand-in-hand to uncover and preserve the past while making way for the future. During such projects, reliable waste solutions for your cleanup become crucial in maintaining the integrity of these archaeological sites and ensuring that historical artifacts are safely preserved.

The Importance of Archaeology in Urban Development

In cities like Tampa, where urbanization is rapidly expanding, preserving the past while creating new spaces for modern living is a delicate balance. Archaeological discoveries provide a window into Florida’s ancient past, offering clues about the cultures once inhabited this land. From the Native American tribes that lived along Florida’s coast to the early Spanish settlers, each discovery adds another layer to the state’s complex history. As developers push forward with new construction projects, it’s not uncommon for excavations to reveal evidence of previous civilizations. This can include ancient pottery, tools, and even the remnants of long-abandoned dwellings. Such finds require careful handling and immediate attention to ensure they are documented, studied, and preserved.

The discovery of these artifacts often leads to delays in construction, as archaeologists work to uncover and assess the significance of what has been found. This process can involve everything from mapping out ancient burial sites to preserving delicate items that may have been buried for centuries. These sites are often found in the heart of urban development areas, meaning the discovery process can impact construction timelines. However, the partnership between archaeologists and urban developers ensures these critical finds are acknowledged and protected. Sometimes, a construction project may be altered to avoid disturbing a site of particular historical value.

Modern Waste Management’s Role in Archaeological Preservation

While archaeology focuses on uncovering and preserving history, modern waste management is equally essential in safeguarding these sites. Excavations can generate a significant amount of waste, from construction debris to discarded materials that have accumulated over the years. Managing this waste effectively is essential to maintaining the site’s integrity, and companies like Waste Removal USA in Tampa offer reliable waste solutions for your cleanup efforts. These waste management services are critical in helping to keep archaeological digs free from contamination and ensuring that the excavation process is as efficient as possible.

As archaeologists carefully sift through layers of dirt and soil, the surrounding area must be kept clean to avoid any potential destruction of essential findings. For instance, when large construction projects intersect with excavation sites, waste removal crews must ensure that the debris does not obscure artifacts or interfere with ongoing archaeological work. At the same time, waste removal companies help prevent environmental hazards that may arise from the accumulation of debris, providing a safe and clean environment for researchers and workers. Without reliable waste management, archaeological processes could be hindered, and important discoveries could be lost or damaged beyond repair.

Preserving Florida’s Heritage Amidst Urban Growth

Florida’s urban centers are multiplying, and with this growth comes the challenge of preserving the state’s rich historical and cultural heritage. Archaeological sites are often situated in areas of high demand, where new buildings and infrastructure projects are being developed. As the state continues to modernize, it’s vital to balance honoring the past and meeting the needs of a growing population. This can be achieved through careful planning and collaboration between archaeologists, urban developers, and waste management professionals.

Archaeologists’ role in these projects is not just to unearth artifacts but to ensure that these findings are documented and protected for future generations. Sometimes, entire neighborhoods or roads may be rerouted to avoid disturbing a critical site. This careful consideration ensures that Florida’s archaeological treasures are not lost to time as cities expand. With the proper waste management, excavation sites remain protected, and significant archaeological research can continue unhindered.

In addition to construction projects, preserving archaeological sites is essential for educational and cultural reasons. Florida’s ancient past is a rich tapestry that can teach us about the evolution of human civilization. Museums, parks, and historical landmarks serve as spaces where the public can learn about and connect with the past. Archaeological discoveries often play a key role in these educational efforts, offering tangible links to the state’s earliest inhabitants. As a result, preserving these sites for future generations is a matter of historical importance and cultural enrichment for communities across Florida.

Conclusion

Florida’s ancient past is an integral part of the state’s identity, and archaeological discoveries help shape the modern cities we live in today. As construction projects and urban development continue to reshape the landscape, the collaboration between archaeologists, developers, and waste management professionals becomes more essential. These partnerships help preserve Florida’s historical legacy while enabling progress and growth. From ancient artifacts to well-maintained excavation sites, preserving the past ensures that Florida’s story is told for generations. By carefully managing archaeological digs and effective waste removal practices, we can continue to honor the state’s heritage while building a brighter, more sustainable future.

Cover Image, Top Left: Credit Michelle Raponi, Pixabay

When did human language emerge?

Massachusetts Institute of Technology—It is a deep question, from deep in our history: When did human language as we know it emerge? A new survey of genomic evidence suggests our unique language capacity was present at least 135,000 years ago. Subsequently, language might have entered social use 100,000 years ago.

Genetic study reveals hidden chapter in human evolution

University of Cambridge—Modern humans descended from not one, but at least two ancestral populations that drifted apart and later reconnected, long before modern humans spread across the globe.

Using advanced analysis based on full genome sequences, researchers from the University of Cambridge have found evidence that modern humans are the result of a genetic mixing event between two ancient populations that diverged around 1.5 million years ago. About 300,000 years ago, these groups came back together, with one group contributing 80% of the genetic makeup of modern humans and the other contributing 20%.

For the last two decades, the prevailing view in human evolutionary genetics has been that Homo sapiens first appeared in Africa around 200,000 to 300,000 years ago, and descended from a single lineage. However, these latest results, reported in the journal Nature Genetics, suggest a more complex story.

“The question of where we come from is one that has fascinated humans for centuries,” said first author Dr Trevor Cousins from Cambridge’s Department of Genetics. “For a long time, it’s been assumed that we evolved from a single continuous ancestral lineage, but the exact details of our origins are uncertain.”

“Our research shows clear signs that our evolutionary origins are more complex, involving different groups that developed separately for more than a million years, then came back to form the modern human species,” said co-author Professor Richard Durbin, also from the Department of Genetics.

While earlier research has already shown that Neanderthals and Denisovans – two now-extinct human relatives – interbred with Homo sapiens around 50,000 years ago, this new research suggests that long before those interactions – around 300,000 years ago – a much more substantial genetic mixing took place. Unlike Neanderthal DNA, which makes up roughly 2% of the genome of non-African modern humans, this ancient mixing event contributed as much as 10 times that amount and is found in all modern humans.

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The team’s method relied on analyzing modern human DNA, rather than extracting genetic material from ancient bones, and enabled them to infer the presence of ancestral populations that may have otherwise left no physical trace. The data used in the study is from the 1000 Genomes Project, a global initiative that sequenced DNA from populations across Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas.

The team developed a computational algorithm called cobraa that models how ancient human populations split apart and later merged back together. They tested the algorithm using simulated data and applied it to real human genetic data from the 1000 Genomes Project.

While the researchers were able to identify these two ancestral populations, they also identified some striking changes that happened after the two populations initially broke apart.

“Immediately after the two ancestral populations split, we see a severe bottleneck in one of them—suggesting it shrank to a very small size before slowly growing over a period of one million years,” said co-author Professor Aylwyn Scally, also from the Department of Genetics. “This population would later contribute about 80% of the genetic material of modern humans, and also seems to have been the ancestral population from which Neanderthals and Denisovans diverged.”

“However, some of the genes from the population which contributed a minority of our genetic material, particularly those related to brain function and neural processing, may have played a crucial role in human evolution,” said Cousins.

The study* also found that genes inherited from the second population were often located away from regions of the genome linked to gene functions, suggesting that they may have been less compatible with the majority genetic background. This hints at a process known as purifying selection, where natural selection removes harmful mutations over time.

Beyond human ancestry, the researchers say their method could help to transform how scientists study the evolution of other species. In addition to their analysis of human evolutionary history, they applied the cobraa model to genetic data from bats, dolphins, chimpanzees, and gorillas, finding evidence of ancestral population structure in some but not all of these.

“What’s becoming clear is that the idea of species evolving in clean, distinct lineages is too simplistic,” said Cousins. “Interbreeding and genetic exchange have likely played a major role in the emergence of new species repeatedly across the animal kingdom.”

So who were our mysterious human ancestors? Fossil evidence suggests that species such as Homo erectus and Homo heidelbergensis lived both in Africa and other regions during this period, making them potential candidates for these ancestral populations, although more research (and perhaps more evidence) will be needed to identify which genetic ancestors corresponded to which fossil group.

Looking ahead, the team hopes to refine their model to account for more gradual genetic exchanges between populations, rather than sharp splits and reunions. They also plan to explore how their findings relate to other discoveries in anthropology, such as fossil evidence from Africa that suggests early humans may have been far more diverse than previously thought.

“The fact that we can reconstruct events from hundreds of thousands or millions of years ago just by looking at DNA today is astonishing,” said Scally. “And it tells us that our history is far richer and more complex than we imagined.”

The research was supported by Wellcome. Aylwyn Scally is a Fellow of Darwin College, Cambridge. Trevor Cousins is a member of Darwin College, Cambridge.

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Article Source: University of Cambridge news release.

The “frontiers” of Southeast Iberian Bronze Age communities identified

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona—Researchers from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology have identified the economic and political borders separating El Argar, considered to be the first state-society in the Iberian Peninsula, from its La Mancha and Valencia Bronze Age neighbors some 4,000 years ago. These communities, with less centralised social structures, maintained complex relations with the Argaric culture. The study*, based on an innovative analysis of pottery production and circulation, opens the door to identifying similar border dynamics in other European societies contemporary to El Argar, and understand how the first states were formed in prehistory.

The research is based on the analysis of the production and circulation of pottery vessels in the northern part of present-day Murcia, a borderland region between El Argar and the Valencian and La Mancha Bronze Age groups (2200–1550 BCE), in order to reconstruct the interaction dynamics between these groups. This has made it possible to delineate the frontier regions and social relations among these groups. The study was published in the Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory.

It represents a pioneering study on prehistoric frontiers. “Any effort to understand the consolidation of the first states in recent prehistory must take into account how political boundaries were created and maintained. Nevertheless, in archaeology, borders have received relatively little attention, even though one of their key structuring concepts, ‘archaeological cultures’, implies spatial limits between social, economic and political entities”, explains Roberto Risch, lecturer of the Department of Prehistory at the UAB and coordinator of the study.

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The analysis has allowed identifying clear interaction patterns between the core area of El Argar and its neighbours which demonstrate the existence of socioeconomic and political boundaries. “We have been able to observe active zones of exchange and negotiation, in which power relations and social differences could be traced through the circulation of pottery vessels,” explains Adrià Moreno Gil, researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology and the Saxony-Anhalt State Heritage Office, Germany, and first author of the study.

The borderlands identified are marked by significant differences in the clay and pottery techniques used in different regions of the Segura river basin. In all the settlements of the southern half, there is predominance of typical Argaric ceramics made with clay found more than 100 kilometers further south, in the coastal mountains of Murcia and Almeria. This implies the existence of a distribution network of Argaric ceramics on a regional scale, controlled by the villages of the Argaric core area. Conversely, in the northern part of the study area there is a multiplicity of small pottery productions that used local clay.

Such a marked contrast, researchers point out, must have resulted from significantly different economic systems. While El Argar was able to manufacture large quantities of pottery in the vicinity of very specific clay deposits and circulate them over great distances, the peripheral communities continued with a basically domestic and local-scale production. “All this led to the consolidation of asymmetrical relations between the groups of southeast Iberia, marked by the pre-eminence of El Argar, not only in the control of strategic resources, such as metals, but also of everyday objects such as pottery. The imposition of borders ultimately served to establish these unequal relations, which developed into a true core-periphery system”, concludes Adrià Moreno Gil.

First state structures of El Argar

The study now published reinforces the interpretation of the Argaric society as a highly integrated and uniform political and economic organization, with circulation networks of raw materials and products much more developed than previously thought. “These results clearly support the hypothesis that the first state structures developed around 1800 BCE in Western Europe”, says Roberto Risch.

Before the study, it was known that the Argaric culture was an expansive society which, from a relatively small original core area of approximately 5,000 square kilometers, came to control a large region of the southeastern peninsula (about 35,000 square kilometers). However, the specific dynamics of the political, economic and social relations between El Argar and neighboring groups and how these relations were materialized in a border area had not been the subject of study until now. Although the importance of borders for the functioning of states such as El Argar had been recognised, there was no research dedicated to the study of specific borderland spaces.

New methodology for the study of prehistoric civilisations

The researchers applied an innovative methodology based on extensive field survey, the analysis of ceramic materials, including a petrographic study, and spatial modeling using geographic information systems (GIS). This methodological combination has allowed for the mapping of ceramic production and circulation areas with a level of detail unprecedented in the Iberian Peninsula.

“From a methodological standpoint, our study demonstrates that the analysis of ceramics is a key tool for understanding economic exchanges, social relations and the configuration of border spaces between political and economic entities, especially in contexts of complex and unequal dynamics such as this one,” says Carla Garrido García, predoctoral researcher at the UAB and co-author of the study.

This methodology could be applied to the study of other cultures contemporary to El Argar, such as the Únětice in Central Europe and the Minoan civilisation in Crete, to better understand how they structured and maintained their borders with neighboring groups. These societies, like El Argar, developed complex economic and political systems, the dynamics of which have not yet been fully explored.

The study was funded by the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology (Halle Saale, Germany), the Catalan Institution for Research and Advanced Studies (ICREA) of the Government of Catalonia, and the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation.

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El Argar core area (in purple) and maximum expansion area ca. 1750 BCE (in red), middle and upper Segura valley, and main Argaric settlements. © UAB

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Map of the research area and all settlements surveyed. © UAB

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Pottery chalice, emblematic of the expansion phase of El Argar. (©J.A. Soldevilla; ASOME-UAB)

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Pottery from the El Argar peripheral communities, found in the Cerro de la Campana (Yecla). (@ASOME-UAB)

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Article Source: Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona news release.

*Bronze Age Frontiers and Pottery Circulation: Political and Economic Relations at the Northern Fringes of El Argar, Southeast Iberia, ca. 2200–1550 BCE, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 10.1007/s10816-025-09702-y 

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Humanity’s First Global Ancestor

Editor’s Note: The following updates a previously published article, presenting information based on new fossil research.

For most people, the Turkana Basin in northwestern Kenya is a fiercely inhospitable place. It is hot and dry — an arid, desert-like scrubland. At its center lies Lake Turkana, an enormous, expansive, alkaline body of water that has gained the apt description as the world’s largest permanent desert lake. There are no major resorts along its shores. Though rich as a source of fishing for the local economy, it’s flats team with Nile crocodiles and its shores are abundant with scorpions and carpet vipers. But this lake lies front-and-center within a region the geology of which has yielded one of the world’s great treasure-house landscapes of exposed beds teaming with fossils extending as far back as the Cretaceous period. The unforgiving environment was thus no barrier to the teams of paleontologists, geologists and paleoanthropologists that found their way here over the decades to explore and survey the landscape. And it was along the dried up Nariokotome river bed not far from the lake when, in 1984, eagle-eyed goat herder and fossil hunter, Kamoya Kimeu, spied a peculiar skull fragment. Kamoya honed his skills and reputation over the years in the employ of the renowned fossil hunting paleoanthropologist team of Mary and Richard Leakey. Kimeu knew what he was doing.

In time, through survey and careful excavation, the skull fragment turned out to be just one of 107 other bones, all members of the skeletal remains of a single individual animal….

A hominin.

Turkana Boy

The remains represented an almost complete skeleton. Once pieced together, it revealed what for its time was a startling new hominin discovery. The cranium was small, indicating a brain that was only two thirds the capacity of modern humans. The interior of the cranium featured asymmetry of a longer left brain over the right, suggesting the possible beginnings of the physiological capacity for speech.

Full Turkana Boy skeleton, as exhibited at the American Museum of Natural History, New York. Mike Peel , CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

The post-cranial skeletal features featured shoulders, arms, torso with a barrel-shaped chest, a tucked-in pelvis, and legs that more closely resembled those of modern humans, as opposed to modern apes, though the feet were missing. Assembled and stretched lengthwise, the body frame and skull measured about 5’3”, with a breadth that suggested about 103 pounds at the time the individual was alive. Analysis of the bones indicated that this was a male youth around 8 or 9 years old. Perhaps most significant about the boy was that he likely moved with an erect gate — he was fully bipedal. The body structure and full bipedality contrasted sharply with most hominin fossil discoveries previously discovered, such as the famous ‘Lucy’ australopithecine fossil skeleton unearthed at Hadar, Ethiopia by Donald Johnson 10 years earlier in 1974. The discovery team named him, for ease of popular reference, Nariokotome Boy, after the location of the discovery. Alternatively, he was nicknamed Turkana Boy, and this has been the name most used by the popular media.

The Significance of the Discovery

All in all, it was a remarkable discovery. Now scientists had unearthed an almost complete individual (the most complete early human skeleton ever found) that was clearly not like the more ape-like front-page-making australopithecine discoveries recovered previously from various sites in East Africa and South Africa. This was, according to the discoverers, a member of the genus Homo, and more specifically, a Homo erectus — a hominin species generally thought to exhibit characteristics more closely resembling those of, and suggesting a functionality more like, Homo sapiens.

Perhaps most significant was the date of the find. At 1.5 millions ago, it was among the oldest Homo erectus discoveries. Moreover, this was important in developing paradigms for human evolution because Lucy, as a partially complete specimen discovered at Hadar, Ethiopia and dated to 3.2 million years ago, was an australopithecine ( a different and more ancient genus) that exhibited a starkly different morphology. Though much smaller than Turkana Boy, she sported longer (relative to the body) arms, curved fingers, suggesting the adaptation to climbing trees like other primates, and a funnel-shaped chest much like a chimpanzee’s. However, her feet, knees, hips, and the position of her head upon her neck were, like Turkana Boy, adapted for at least some bipedal movement. In contrast to Turkana Boy, her brain case was only one-third the size of the modern human brain.

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Turkana Boy skull. BAHN, Paul G, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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View of Lake Turkana. wfeiden, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons. The landscape around Lake Turkana at the time of Turkana Boy was much wetter than it is today. A larger ancient paleolake existed instead of the current lake, surrounded by a savannah-like landscape of grasslands and scattered trees. Many scientists suggest that it was the transition from an environment thick with vegetation to that of a savannah that presented new challenges and impacted, in part, the course of human evolution, from the more ape-like ancestral predecessors to the bipedal, tool-making-and-using hominins that adopted a more varied diet of meat-eating, selective plant foraging, and more sophisticated scavenging and hunting strategies.

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Other Finds

Astonishing as the Turkana Boy discovery was, it was certainly not the only Homo erectus fossil find emerging from East Africa. Most notable historically among the discoveries were three specimens; one, a nearly complete cranium designated with catalogue number KNM ER 3733; another, a partially complete cranium, designated KNM ER 3883, and the third, KNM ER 42700, also a partial cranium.  KNM ER 3733 was discovered in 1975 at Koobi Fora, just east of Lake Turkana by Richard Leakey and his field worker Bernard Ngeneo. This cranium, dated to 1.78–1.48 million years ago, was determined to be an adult female based on the comparatively less robustness, the extensive teeth-wear, the presence of third molars, and fused cranial sutures — all tell-tale signs of adulthood. The KNM ER 3733 cranium is considered among the oldest Homo erectus fossils ever found. KNM ER 3883, discovered in 1976 also by Richard Leakey at Koobi Fora, has been dated to 1.6 million years ago. Larger and more robust than KNMR 3773, it is thought to represent an adult male. Notably, it shows a cranial capacity greater than 804 ml, suggesting a brain comparatively larger than most Homo erectus finds. Finally, KNM ER 42700, a cranium of a young adult individual, was discovered in northern Kenya, notably not far from where fossils of late-dated Homo habilis were found. Dated to about 1.55 million years ago, this fossil find has shifted thinking about hominins among scientists, suggesting that individuals or groups of Homo erectus and Homo habilis coexisted or overlapped in the same region at the same time.

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KNM-ER 3733 discovered by Bernard Ngeneo in 1975. CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Homo erectus KNM-ER 3883 (replica, Senckenberg Museum, Frankfurt am Main, Germany). Gerbil, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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KNM-ER 42700. Cast exhibited at the David H. Koch Hall of Human Origins at the Smithsonian Natural History Museum. Ryan Somma, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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East Africa has long been thought to be the exclusive African domain for the earliest emergence of Homo erectus. But a remarkable discovery made in 2016 suggested otherwise….

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DNH 134

Piece by piece, they carefully and meticulously secured the fragments from their surrounding breccia sediment, where they had rested for millennia. These were clearly bone fossils — likely, they thought, to be the remains of an ancient baboon. Fossil baboon bones were long known to be plentiful in this cave.

The excavators were members of a field school under a joint project of La Trobe University in Australia and Washington University in St. Louis in the United States. They were excavating at the Drimolen Main Quarry site, a paleocave site located within what is today called the Cradle of Humankind, an area north of Johannesburg, South Africa in the rolling grasslands of the Gauteng Province. The Cradle of Humankind is famous for the iconic fossils and countless artifact discoveries that have historically produced some of the earliest evidence of our human ancestry. But of all the ancient animal and plant remains that are recovered by archaeologists and other scientists in this region, actually finding fossils and artifacts that evidence the presence of humans or hominins in deep time is actually relatively rare. So it was very exciting when over the course of at least two field seasons, most notably from 2015 through 2016, the Drimolen team had recovered fragments that added to an eventual total of 150 individual fragments defining the skullcap portion of a primate cranium.

Another baboon?

Or could it be a hominin?

The first confirmation was made by Stephanie Baker, a researcher at the Palaeo-Research Institute and director of excavations and research at Drimolen. She had been working at the site since 2011, but this moment of discovery was one of the most exciting events of her life. It came one evening while she was sitting with a group of field school students while piecing together the cranium fragments during a lecture by one of her colleagues.

“I sat in back,” she explained, “not listening but rather focusing on the fossil fragments. By this stage I had reconstructed two large portions but couldn’t yet articulate them. I was looking through the fragments that had been excavated earlier that day and found one very small piece that was that ‘missing link’ between the frontal [forehead bone] and the occipital [lower back of the skull bone]. As soon as the two large portions fit together I gasped, louder than I had planned.”

The primate represented by this cranium was not what the initial observers had previously presumed it to be. She knew this for several reasons. First, the cranial fragments were relatively thin, a typical characteristic of cranial specimens identified in the fossil record as Homo — direct human ancestors. Secondly, the cranium featured an expanded occipital region, also typical of hominins. Thirdly, the foramen magnum (the hole in the bottom of the cranium that connects the head to the spinal cord) was anteriorly positioned (anatomically placed more forward toward the front of the skull as compared to other primates, such as gorillas and chimpanzees). Finally, the cranium was generally teardrop-shaped when viewed from above — also typical of a hominin.

This was not a baboon.

It was a hominin.

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The savannah area that includes the Drimolen cave site. Therese van Wyk, University of Johannesburg.

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The Drimolen cave site as viewed from above. Therese van Wyk, University of Johannesburg.

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Excavating at Drimolen required careful, systematic, tedious digging. Therese van Wyk, University of Johannesburg.

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A South African First

Notwithstanding the thrill of having found a hominin fossil, Baker proceeded to do what any self-respecting paleoanthropologist would do — find out what kind of hominin she had.

For three million years, South Africa has been host to two genera and at least several different species of hominins. At Drimolen back in 1994, South African paleontologist Andre Keyser discovered the most complete skull ever found of Paranthropus robustus, a species of the australopithecine genus. Although Paranthropus robustus is a hominin, it does not fall within the Homo, or human, evolutionary tree. Paranthropus fossil crania fragments are typically very thick (a morphology that would have accommodated large teeth, adapted for heavy chewing), and the skull features a distinctive sagittal crest (see image, below). Baker knew the fossil fragments she was examining now were not those of another Paranthropus. For one thing, they were much too thin. She assigned the delicate and detailed task of further cranium reconstruction and identification to Jesse Martin, an a talented student at the field school. Martin, who showed early promise at reconstructing fossils in the field, enthusiastically took her up on the task.

“When I was a kid I loved putting jigsaws together, and reconstructing fossils is rather like completing a jigsaw puzzle without knowing what the end product is supposed to look like and with half of the pieces missing,” said Martin. But this assignment meant Martin had to leave Drimolen and go to a different location.

“The field is not the ideal place to undertake very fragile reconstructions, so we shelved further work on the cranium until after the excavations had been completed,” continued Martin. “After the excavations, my colleague Angeline Leece and I worked on the cranium over a two week period both at the University of Johannesburg and the University of the Witwatersrand where we had access to clean lab areas, materials, and comparative fossils. Once we had completed the final stages of the reconstruction in 2015, we began to compare the DNH 134 cranium [the designation assigned by researchers to the specimen] to other fossils housed at the University of the Witwatersrand to ascertain to which species it belonged.”

Key features of the cranium cap provided clear-cut clues.  “There are a suite of derived neurocranial features that align the DNH 134 cranium with Homo erectus to the exclusion of other Homo species,” Martin elaborated. “Perhaps most striking, the long and low ‘teardrop’ shape of the neurocranium is a very distinctive Homo erectus trait. The cranial capacity of the DNH 134 cranium, remembering that it was only about two years old when it died and so still would have had some growing to do, is already pushing into the range for adult Homo erectus specimens.”

Martin and Leece thus already suspected that the specimen was Homo erectus, but they conducted an exhaustive comparative analysis. Then they arrived at their true eureka moment.

“When Angeline and I placed the completed reconstructions side by side with a cast of the KNM-ER 42700 Homo erectus cranium from eastern Africa, and started to sum the morphological traits that aligned DNH 134 with Homo erectus, it dawned on us that we had indeed found a very important early member of that species,” said Martin. “[We] spent a good couple of days convincing ourselves that our preliminary assignment to Homo erectus was warranted before we called our colleagues to share the news. As is often said in science, extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence, and we wanted to be sure that the DNH 134 cranium provided the requisite evidence to partially rewrite the story of human evolution before we made that claim!”

After making the call to break the news, the reaction from Baker and her team colleagues was predictable. Homo erectus fossils were not known to exist anywhere in South Africa, and the earliest specimens of the species belonged to East Africa, where conventional scholarship assigned its birthplace.

“Initially we laughed, but after we went through his arguments, we were floored, then elated.,” said Baker.

Homo erectus walked South Africa. 

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The Paranthropus robustus skull discovered at Drimolen is the most complete skull of this species ever discovered. Dr Herries, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and Below: Detailed views of the DNH 134 Drimolen Homo erectus cranium. Dr. Matthew Caruana

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View of the DNH 134 cranium skull cap from above. Therese van Wyk, University of Johannesburg.

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The DNH 134 Homo erectus cranium from Drimolen, South Africa produced from an Artec Space Spider 3D scanner. Image shows cranium skullcap in relation to estimated configuration of the rest of the skull. Andypithecus, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, Wikimedia Commons

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For scale: Stephanie Baker with the DNH 134. Dr. Matthew Caruana

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How Old?

The new finding was significant because Homo erectus, in contrast to the other hominins that traversed the South African landscape before the emergence of modern humans, was much more like us — they were among the first identifiable members of the genus Homo, the genus to which modern humans belong. They exhibited more human-like body proportions with shorter arms and longer legs, a more human-like gait, a larger brain, flatter face, and a more prominent nose. As makers of the Acheulean stone tool industry (which included the large, bifaced stone axes usually associated with Homo erectus from the archaeological record), they were perhaps also the first hominin to use fire and to journey out of Africa across the Old World with these technical capabilities, with a fossil presence from the Iberian peninsula in the west to Java in the Far East.

It was no wonder, then, that Baker and her colleagues hailed this as a spectacular find. The Homo erectus geographic range just got bigger.

Equally critical, however, was the question of age. To determine this, project researchers employed several different, state-of-the-art techniques. First, Dr Robyn Pickering of the University of Cape Town, South Africa, was called upon to direct the application of Uranium-Series (U-Pb) dating on samples taken from flowstone layers within the cave. The flowstone layers (sheet-like deposits of calcite or other carbonate minerals, formed where water flows down the walls or along the floors of a cave over time) acted as natural beginning and ending brackets for the key fossil-bearing sediments sandwiched between them. By measuring the trace amounts of uranium to lead (uranium decays at a known rate through time into lead) within the flowstone samples, the researchers were able to measure the age of the overlying and underlying flowstone layers. Second, Dr Renaud Joannes-Boyau of Southern Cross University, Australia, directly dated other fauna fossil teeth found in the same layers associated with the Homo erectus cranium by using Uranium-series Electron Spin Resonance (ESR). After being deposited in sediment, the teeth absorbed cosmic radiation, causing electrons in the teeth to reconfigure. Measuring this trapped energy within the teeth indicated how long the teeth had been in the ground. Finally, Prof Andy Herries of La Trobe University, Australia, oversaw the application of Palaeomagnetism to measure the global magnetic polarity of the grains of sediment samples. When sediments were deposited into the Drimolen cave anciently, they contained the effects of magnetic polarity (changes in the earth’s magnetic field) of the earth at the time they were deposited. A polarity log was created and correlated with an established polarity scale that is related to geologic time frames.

Combining all three methodologies effectively produced one of the most accurate and reliable dating episodes in paleoanthropological research. “Each of these techniques was used in combination to complement one another to provide as narrow a time range as possible,” explained Baker.

The results of this effort?

The Homo erectus cranium cap, and the other fossils found with it, were 1.95 to 2.04 million years old. This was older than most previous Homo erectus fossils in the fossil record. Now they knew that some of the earliest members of Homo erectus existed 150,000 to 200,000 years earlier than the age of many of the oldest known Homo erectus fossils to date, found in East Africa. The Homo erectus represented by the Drimolen fossil, however, lived in South Africa.

Hominin Diversity

For Baker and her colleagues, the DNH-134 finding is not the end of the story at Drimolen.

“The Drimolen Main Quarry still has many aspects to be explored,” Baker explained. “While the site is a relatively simple geological infill, the bulk of the excavation that has taken place prior to 2017 was focused on the central excavation area. This area is mostly decalcified, but also disturbed, by lime miners at the turn of the century.” Baker’s team has shifted to the western parts of the targeted excavation area where she says they will likely be working with better preserved specimens and better spatial data for analysis. Moreover, Baker’s research will extend beyond individual fossil finds. The fossils and dating revealed that Paranthropus robustus and Homo erectus lived in the Drimolen area simultaneously. Based on the paleoenvironmental research, at 2 million years BP both hominins were eking out a living in a changing environment, where a wetter, warmer climate was transitioning to a dryer, cooler climate with a more open, grassland landscape. But in this transition, Homo is thought to have had a better adaptive advantage. “Paranthropus and Australopithecus [the other hominin genus that shared the same South African landscape at the same time] evolved in warm and humid climates and were used to that,” said Baker in a news report from the University of Johannesburg.* “But then the weather began to shift from warm and humid, to cool and dry.” Baker hopes to continue research revolving around the dynamics of how this diversified population of hominins thrived and interrelated.

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Homo erectus across time and space

As scientists have known for decades, however, that Homo erectus did not confine itself to the African continent. Incredible discoveries outside of Africa have shed light on the astonishing geographic diversity of the species. The first geographic clue, though unrecognized by scientists and scholars at the time, came with the historic discovery made by Eugène Dubois in Indonesia (Trinil in East Java) in 1891 with the finding of the skullcap and femur, which he initially assigned to a new species, Pithecanthropus (later changed to Homo erectus). Following this were the famous “Peking Man” (Homo erectus pekinensis) fossil discoveries at the Zhoukoudian cave site in northern China. Since the very first fossil tooth find unearthed there in 1921, the Zhoukoudian cave became the world’s most prolific Homo erectus site. About 13 years later, in 1934, scientists began uncovering numerous hominin fossils, including those of Homo erectus, at the site of Sangiran in Java in Indonesia, including the famous Sangiran 2 Homo erectus upper cranium dated to between .7 and 1.6 million years ago.  

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The Peking Man skullcap. Gunnar Creutz, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Sangiran 2. collection Koenigswald, Senckenberg-Museum, Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Gerbil, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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But perhaps equally spectacular was the stand-out discovery more recently made in a country of the Caucasus, bordering southeastern Europe….

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The Revelation of Dmanisi 

While excavating among Medieval period ruins in 1983 near the town of Dmanisi in the Republic of Georgia, archaeologists encountered a jaw-dropping find. They had uncovered a partial set of fossilized teeth belonging to a rhinoceros — an ancient type that made its home thousands of miles away in places like present-day Tanzania, Kenya and South Africa. 

The scientists were scratching their heads.

It just didn’t fit.

More fossils followed — mammoth, giraffe, saber-toothed cat. Clearly they had opened a door to a time long before anything they had come to expect from their excavations at Dmanisi. They were suddenly digging into a slice of the Early Pleistocene, between 1 million and 2 million years ago—when Europe’s environment was like that seen today in east and southern Africa.

But the excavators’ surprising encounters didn’t stop with animal fossils. Next came stones. Thousands of them. They were clearly shaped with intent, and not by nature. These bits of stone resembled in remarkable detail the kinds of simple stone tools first uncovered by Louis and Mary Leakey during the 1930’s at Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania. This was the very first human tool industry, known as the Oldowan, the advent of which is now generally accepted by scientists to have occurred about 2.6 million years ago.

So, here was the smoking gun. There must have been some form of human here contemporaneous with these ancient animals.

Shaking Up the Old Guard

It wasn’t until 1991 that workers at Dmanisi discovered the first direct evidence of a human presence within the Pleistocene layers. It was a fossilized mandible (the lower jaw), and it appeared to be human—but quite different from a modern human mandible. It was more like what scientists had been finding for decades in East and South Africafossils of what paleoanthropologists know to be some of the earliest members of our kind—genus Homo—human ancestors that lived between 1 million and 2 million years ago. Geographically, this fossil appeared to be several thousands of miles off course. 

Even more remarkable finds were uncovered in 1999 — two similar skulls emerged. Two years later, a third. Then a fourth. One of the skulls had no teeth, only gums. Further examination showed that the individual had suffered an illness and had been toothless for about two years prior to death. How could such an individual survive in the comparatively harsher life conditions that must have existed almost 2 million years ago? Was this person cared for in sickness, as we do our fellow humans today?

These new finds were turning some widely accepted theories of human evolution on their heads. 

“The prevailing view was that humans did not leave Africa until about 1 million years ago,” said David Lordkipanidze, paleoanthropologist and Director of the Georgian National Museum.* He had directed the excavations at Dmanisi for decades. He and his colleagues dated the new Homo fossils to about 1.8 million years ago using the latest dating technologies. Moreover, the morphology of the Dmanisi fossils seemed to be clearly ancestral to the later Homo erectus human species that had long been thought the first global colonizers. The Dmanisi specimens exhibited affinities to the earlier Homo habilis and Homo ergaster finds uncovered at African locations. And the stone tools were Oldowan — the simplest industry — not the more sophisticated Acheulean handaxe technology that at least some scientists contended was required to enable early humans to exit their African environment and survive as a global species. 

In the time-honored fashion, Lordkipanidze’s discoveries were immediately met with controversy. “One group of scientists accepted [our interpretation], but mostly people were skeptical,” he said.* 

With time, however, his discoveries at Dmanisi have joined the “who’s who” of fossil humans, and the research he and his team are doing today stands at the cutting edge of work in human evolution. Dmanisi is widely regarded as one of the world’s earliest early Homo sites outside of Africa.

But, Lordkipanidze and his colleagues were not through shaking things up in the world of human evolution.

Skull 5

While excavating at Dmanisi in 2005, Lordkipanidze and his team uncovered yet another remarkably well-preserved early Homo fossil. Designated as specimen ‘D4500′, it turned out to be the matching cranium to another fossil find uncovered 5 years earlier — a complete mandible they designated ‘D2600’. These two fossils were discovered alongside the remains of the four other early Homo fossil skulls, animal fossils, and simple stone tools. Designated Skull 5, the new cranium together with its mandible display a relatively small braincase with a long face and large teeth. Other similar early Homo fossils, all found in African contexts, are either incomplete, or adolescent or younger individuals. According to Lordkipanidze and his associates, this new find constituted “the most complete adult skull known from Early Pleistocene Homo.** Moreover, like some of the other finds, it was associated with other parts of the body that exhibited characteristics akin to Homo erectus body engineering, which closely approximates that of modern human morphology. In other words, this species had a very human-like body.

Skull 5 was another first. But the biggest revelation came not with the latest fossil, but with what the fossils collectively had to say about human evolution.

Now, with fossil finds that represented five distinct individuals, it was the first time that such an assembly of Early Homo fossils were found together within the same time and space context. No other site, in Africa or elsewhere, could boast of such a collection. The Dmanisi discoveries meant that scientists could study a range of variation in human species within the context of one place and time range, a relative mother lode of information that could potentially clarify, and perhaps even revolutionize, how we see these earliest of Homo human ancestors. 

The researchers set to work. And the result of their study was startling. Lordkipanidze and his colleagues summarize it well in the following words in their recent report published in Science

Geometric morphometric analysis and re-sampling statistics show that craniomandibular shape variation among the Dmanisi hominids is congruent with patterns and ranges of variation in chimpanzee and bonobo demes [a population of one species](Pan troglodytes troglodytes, P. t. verus, P. t. schweinfurthii, and P. paniscus) and in a global sample of H. sapiens. Within all groups, variation in cranial shape is mainly due to interindividual differences in size and orientation of the face relative to the braincase. The Dmanisi sample, including skull 5, thus represents normal within-deme variation, ranging from small-faced relatively orthognathic (typically female and/or subadult) individuals to large-faced relatively prognathic (typically male) individuals.**

In other words, after examining the remains, the research team concluded that the differences among these fossils vary no more than the differences between five modern humans or five chimpanzees. 

“Thanks to the relatively large Dmanisi sample, we see a lot of variation,” said Christoph Zollikofer from the Anthropological Institute and Museum in Zurich, Switzerland—a co-author of the Science report. “Had the braincase and the face of Skull 5 been found as separate fossils at different sites in Africa, they might have been attributed to different species.”

Historically, variations among Homo fossil finds in Africa and Asia have also been found, but these differences have never been found within the same spatial and time period context, and thus scientists have classified the various finds as belonging to separate species. But now, according to Lordkipanidze and his colleagues, what has previously been thought to be separate ancient human species — Homo erectusHomo habilisHomo rudolfensis, and Homo ergaster, for example — may actually be variations or sub-species of one and the same species.

The upshot: Researchers need to re-adjust their thinking when determining how early Homo fossils are classified. 

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The Dmanisi early Homo cranium (D4500) in situ. Courtesy Georgian National Museum

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The Dmanisi D4500 early Homo cranium and a large rodent tooth in situ. Associated fauna, such as the tooth from a rodent species that lived 1.8 million years ago, helped to date the find. Courtesy Georgian National Museum

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The complete Skull 5. Courtesy Guram Bumbiashvili, Georgian National Museum

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The Erectus Ascendancy

The findings at Dmanisi compelled the researchers to propose a major overhaul of how these early Homo fossils fit into the larger scheme of human evolution, including the emergence of human ancestors from their African homelands. As Lordkipanidze et al. report:

When seen from the Dmanisi perspective, morphological diversity in the African fossil Homo record around 1.8 Ma probably reflects variation between demes of a single evolving lineage [emphasis added], which is appropriately named H. erectus……Specimens previously attributed to H. ergaster are thus sensibly classified as a chronosubspecies, H. erectus ergaster. The Dmanisi population probably originated from an Early Pleistocene expansion of the H. erectus lineage from Africa, so it is sensibly placed within H. e. ergaster and formally designated as H. e. e. georgicus to denote the geographic location of this deme.**

By this thinking, what Louis and Mary Leakey first uncovered at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania in 1960 would not be Homo habilis, but Homo erectus habilis, what Kamoya Kimeu and Alan Walker discovered at Lake Turkana, Kenya in 1984 would not simply be Homo ergaster (the famous “Turkana Boy”), but Homo erectus ergaster, and what Bernard Ngeneo found at Koobi Fora on the east side of Lake Turkana in 1972 was not Homo rudolfensis, it was Homo erectus rudolfensis 

Most significantly, the evidence at Dmanisi, given its location and place in time, also implies something that challenges a long-standing paradigm in a big way: It was not the bigger-brained, bigger-bodied Homo erectus, with the more sophisticated Acheulean stone tools, that first ventured out of their native African comfort zone — it was the smaller-brained, smaller-bodied ones with the simple tools. And the exit out of Africa happened significantly earlier than previously thought. Scientists, these researchers suggest, will need to reconsider the elements required for early humans to become a global species.    

Paleoanthropology, however, like many other scientific fields, has proven to be a science where theories come and go. Lordkipanidze and his research colleagues would likely be among the first to admit that their conclusions from Dmanisi are wide open to debate and further testing through future finds and research, at Dmanisi and elsewhere. 

“Every year we are finding more and more,” says Lordkipanidze, “and we have excavated only 7 percent of the site.”*

That statement was made years ago. The percentage has gone up since then.

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Dmanisi skulls 1-5 (left to right), showing the individual variations, and a Dmanisi landscape. Courtesy M. Ponce de León and Ch. Zollikofer, University of Zurich, Switzerland

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Article Supplement

Homo erectus and the Anatomical Elements of Success

Homo erectus persisted over 6 times the currently known duration of Homo sapiens on the planet, with a global presence extending from South Africa to Indonesia. What accounts for the incredible success of this now extinct hominin species?

Arguably, some clues can be found in their morphology. The fossil evidence has shown that they were generally taller, sported longer arms, larger brains, a more humanlike bipedal gate, and more humanlike hands than other earlier hominins:

Larger, Smarter Brains

No characteristic has figured more prominently among scientists than the size of the human brain as an indicator for cognitive ability and thus the ability to survive and thrive as a species that otherwise would have been more vulnerable than other predatory mammals in their environment.

In general, hominin fossil evidence has revealed that, as the post-cranial part of the body (all anatomical elements below the head or skull) has increased in size, so too has the associated brain size. Data accumulated thus far shows that the smallest Homo erectus fossil examples indicated brain sizes only slightly larger than the earlier hominins, such as the australopithecines, whereas other examples, such as Turkana Boy, had brain volumes more than 50% larger than that of australopithecines. That translates to about 60% of the average modern human brain size. Most significant, however, is the proportional increase, or encephalization. The record shows that the cranial capacities of most later varieties of Homo erectus exhibited a volume of more than 1000 cm3, well within the lower recorded capacities of modern humans. This, even as the overall body sizes of the later varieties have not differed much from the earlier, more ancient specimens. 

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Endocast of an adult Homo erectus, on display in the Hall of Human Origins in the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C. An endocast is produced when the inside of the cranium is filled with a substance that creates a mold of the cranium interior. The brain and its blood vessels leave imprints on the inside of the skull. Because more advanced brains have smaller veins and many more folds and lobes, an endocast is very useful in determing how intelligent a human ancestor might have been, and what portions of its brain were more developed. Tim Evanson, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Walking Like Us

The structural interpretation and analysis of Homo erectus fossil remains have led scientists to suggest very conclusively that this species was bipedal, a characteristic essential to higher energy efficiency for traveling across the landscape, enabling a greater ability to explore and inhabit spaces across the surface at greater distances.  Earlier hominins, such as Lucy the australopithecine, however, have also been determined to be bipedal, although with a less modern human-like gait and a more prevalent tree-climbing lifestyle. An operative consideration, therefore, may revolve equally around the gait of movement as much as being erect and moving on two limbs. The discoveries at the site of Ilert on the northeastern shore of Lake Turkana in Kenya have a story to tell about this. 

Ileret

It was in 2012 and 2013 when a scientific team discovered hominin fossils representing three individuals. The finds included two partial skeletons and one mandible. The mandible and one of the partial skeletons was dated to 2.02 to 2.03 million years ago and one partial skeleton was dated to approximately 1.82 to 1.86 million years ago. The partial skeletons have been classified as belonging to Homo erectus, and the mandible was assigned to Homo habilis, suggesting that Homo habilis and Homo erectus occupied or traversed the region at the same time.

Ileret is perhaps most significant in the popular literature, however, for the rare discovery of two trails of fossilized footprints, thought by scientists to have been made by a striding group of Homo erectus individuals about 1.5 million years ago. The footprints have provided a rare glimpse of Homo erectus foot anatomy and stride, providing more detailed information about how this species traveled and confirming the long-held suggestion that they walked much like modern humans, more so than any other earlier hominin species.

With this, Homo erectus was well-equipped to more efficiently travel the globe.

Hands Like Us

It was again within the scrubland environment of Lake Turkana where a team of scientists spied what appeared to be a fossil hand bone eroding out of the surface in 2011. After excavation, the team sent a cast of the fossil to Carol Ward, professor of pathology and anatomical sciences at the University of Missouri, for detailed analysis. She concluded that the fossil hand appeared to be almost as developed as that of a modern human. She based this at least in part on the fact that the styloid process feature of the hand, otherwise described as a projection of bone at the base of the third metacarpal, was anatomically key to making it possible for much greater strength of the gripping and articulation of the thumb and fingers of the hand necessary for the creation of complex tools. This feature and function was lacking in other early hominins and most certainly other primates.

The age of the fossil?

It was dated to 1.42 million years ago. Time and context of the find suggested it belonged to a Homo erectus individual. 

“With this discovery, we are closing the gap on the evolutionary history of the human hand,” said Ward, as published in the subject University of Missouri news release in 2014.  And “toolmaking was critical to the survival of these animals”.***

Homo erectus is known for creating the Acheulean stone tool industry. These tools were found in association with or in the context of sediments in which Homo erectus fossils were discovered. This industry is more complex and sophisticated than the earlier stone tool industry known as Oldowan, which has been identified with early hominins such as Homo habilis. Acheulean is typically characterized by lithic flakes larger than 10 cm (3.9 in), and bifacial hand axes, including other bifacial tools such as picks, knives, and cleavers. The handaxes are thought to be multi-purpose tools that were used for such activities as cutting meat, wood, and plants.

For Homo erectus, cutting meat was crucial, as their diet was likely dominated, based on archaeological evidence, on the consumption of large animals. Scientists have suggested that the high-protein consumption resulting from meat-eating was a key to human brain development.

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Acheulean Handaxe. José-Manuel Benito Álvarez, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

 

Manipulating the Environment

All of these morphological factors are postulated by scientists as playing a salient role in the superior ability of Homo erectus, as compared to their hominin predecessors, to manipulate their environment to enhance their ability to survive and thrive. The production and use of Acheulean stone tools as well as the controlled use of fire (as evidenced by the findings at Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa, for example) are considered milestones in the evolutionary progression and definition of this species’ existence.

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Return to Ngandong

Sites like those of the Turkana Basin, Dmanisi, and Trinil have stood for years among the earliest sites evidencing a Homo erectus presence. Eventually, more sites across Central and East Java have also emerged with fossils (200 in all) and artifacts testifying to a long chronology for the hominid’s existence on the island, from Sangiran, where the oldest fossil specimens have been found, dating to at least 1.5 million years ago, to Ngandong, where the last known presence of the species has been documented. The dating at Ngandong, however, has been a subject of scholarly debate for decades.

Enter paleoanthropologist Russell Ciochon from the University of Iowa in Iowa City, who for years has been conducting fieldwork on Java to explore evidence for the initial migration of early human ancestors into the region.  “I conducted fieldwork at Sangiran, the oldest known Homo erectus site on Java, from 1998 to 2006,” wrote Cionchon to Popular Archaeology. “After studying the arrival of Homo erectus on Java, we decided that it would be interesting to examine the extinction of Homo erectus. During our 2006 field season, we took a trip to Ngandong to determine the potential for re-excavation. We were able to successfully obtain funding for new excavations at Ngandong.”

With that, Ciochon co-led an international team from the University of Iowa, Macquarie University, and the Institute of Technology Bandung, Indonesia, to the banks of Java’s Solo river, beginning in 2008. The team was tasked to re-excavate and investigate Ngandong’s original bone bed, where in the early 1930’s German-Dutch paleontologist and geologist Gustav Heinrich Ralph von Koenigswald excavated 25,000 fossils, 14 of which belonged to the hominid species identified as Homo erectus.

The team’s mission was clear. “There were very few methods to date a site in the 1930s,” explained Ciochon. “At that time, sites were dated based on relative dating methods such as comparing fauna to other sites on Java and across Asia. From the relative dating, they were able to determine that Ngandong was the youngest site, but not how much younger.” The re-investigation, which included fieldwork at the site in both 2008 and 2010, would afford the opportunity to employ the latest state-of-the-art techniques to find answers. “Previous attempts had always focused on the fossils themselves, and that was always problematic,” said Kira Westaway, associate professor at Macquarie University and a member of the team and joint-lead author on the project study paper published in Nature. “So we tried a different approach. We looked at trying to date the sediments that the fossils were actually buried in. These sediments are river sediments and they deposited within a river terrace, which is a former level of the flood plane surface. Our attempt was to date how these fossils sit within the bigger puzzle of the landscape system.”

The initial challenge required the excavators to first re-locate the original bone bed layer that contained the 14 Homo erectus fossils. Beginning with a 1934 site map created by the original excavators, the site researchers explored the site using landmarks, the application of geological horizons, excavation pits, and applying a total data station (TDS) to accurately record the precise locations of all fossil finds throughout the excavation process. They were able to locate the bone bed in two different locations, taking samples of the strata for later dating. Using surface height measurements, they also created a topographic reconstruction of the site, generating a 3D model for analysis.  In addition, the researchers studied the broader landscape context of the site, determining the course of the Solo river relative to the site through time and developing the geologic river terrace sequence.

Once the excavations were completed, the team submitted the soil samples from the bone bed to labs for dating using uranium-series, luminescence (OSL), argon, and uranium series electron-spin-resonance (US-ESR) testing. By combining the results from the different methods using Bayesian modeling, the team was able to finally produce a more reliable date range for the bone bed.

The results became worldwide news.The Homo erectus fossils were dated to between 108,000 and 117,000 years ago. These fossils were even younger than previously thought, and younger than any Homo erectus fossils found anywhere in the world. 

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Above and below: Excavations underway at Ngandong in 2010. Russell L. Ciochon, University of Iowa

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Exposed bonebed from 2010 excavations at Ngandong. Russell L. Ciochon, University of Iowa

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Above and below: Homo erectus fossil replica from Ngandong. “None of the skull caps from Ngandong are fully intact, but several of them are complete enough to provide estimates of cranial capacity which is used as a proxy for brain size,” explains Ciochon. “The Ngandong Homo erectus fossils have the largest cranial capacity of any Homo erectus fossils. But without additional evidence for behavior, we are unable to say that they were smarter than other Homo erectus groups. The cranial capacity of Homo erectus at Sangiran, Java (the oldest, or earliest, site on Java) is 840 to 1050 cubic centimeters, and the Ngandong range is 1,035 to 1,255 cubic centimeters. The cranial capacity of Ngandong Homo erectus overlaps with the lower end of the modern human range. There are [also] some changes in the shape of the Homo erectus skull caps that make them distinct from other earlier Homo erectus fossils including a higher forehead. Due to the large brain size, Ngandong Homo erectus is referred to as the most derived, advanced, Homo erectus. Image credit: Kiran Patel, University of Iowa

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The Last Stand?

One could argue that, on the island of Java, our Homo erectus ancestors made their last stand — that they were the last of the Homo erectus species. But while it is true that, to date, there is no evidence anywhere in the world of a Homo erectus presence any later than Ngandong, Ciochon and his colleagues caution against the conclusion that Ngandong marks the time just before the species extinction.

“Our work provides the age of the last known appearance of Homo erectus, but this does not mean that it is the age of extinction,” said Ciochon. “Small groups of Homo erectus may have lived longer [at other locations] without leaving fossil evidence.”

But even if the Ngandong fossils represent some of the last Homo erectus to persist on the planet, assuming that no similar fossils of the species of equivalent or later dates are found on Java, what caused their decline and extinction on the island?  Ciochon and his colleagues point to major environmental changes that were in the works at the time.

“Humidity and moisture levels on Java vary between glacial and interglacial periods,” explained Ciochon. “When the area became wetter, the rainforest expanded east across Java replacing the open woodland environment associated with Homo erectus. The demise of Homo erectus on Java coincides with this rainforest expansion, and the changing environment likely contributed to the demise of Homo erectus.”

But, here again, Ciochon qualifies his statements. “We can only speculate on why Homo erectus was unable to adapt to a rainforest environment. They might not have been able to find food sources they normally ate, or they might have been more vulnerable to the predators in the rainforest.” Or there could have been possible causes that have never been fully considered or studied: Such as ecosystem changes that can introduce new flora and fauna, which in turn could introduce new micro-organisms causing diseases that could decimate or wipe out entire groups or populations of animals, including Home erectus.

In any case, the Ngandong finds have served to buttress two major implications. First, Ciochon asserts, “we have ended a long controversy over the age of this important site in human evolution”; and second, “Homo erectus was an incredibly long-lived species with a massive geographic distribution which makes it one of the most successful hominins that ever lived.”

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Palaeoanthropological site of Trinil, Java, Indonesia, where Eugène Dubois first discovered Pithecanthropus (now Homo) erectus in the 1890s. Selenka and Blanckenhorn 1911: Tafel III, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Homo erectus in Spain?

More than any other site, the name ‘Atapuerca’ has become synonymous with the discovery of the oldest known ancestral humans in Western Europe. Located near the town of Burgos in Northern Spain, it has yielded unarguably the richest trove of hominin fossils bearing on the early presence of humans on the subcontinent. The iconic discoveries here have revolved around the unearthing of fossils belonging to individuals of several different species, including Homo antecessor and Homo heidelbergensis, spanning a range extending back hundreds of thousands of years. Of special note is the discovery of several hominin fossils in one of the Atapuerca cave system sites, Sima del Elefante, that has yielded fragmentary fossil specimens that have been dated between 1 million and 1.4 million years ago.

Now, a team of scientists led by IPHES-CERCA, a transdisciplinary research institution in Tarragona, Spain, has assigned one of those finds—an ancestral human (hominin) midface fossil fragment, to a new hominin species designated as Homo affinis erectus. Dated to between 1.4 million and 1.1 million years ago, the fossil (ATE7-1) was initially discovered in 2022. According to the research study**** authors, “this fossil (ATE7-1) represents the earliest human face of Western Europe identified thus far”. 

The first Homo erectus in Western Europe as far back as 1.4 million years ago? The certainty is not ironclad. But the new finding adds to the growing story that Homo erectus was indeed our first globe-trotting ancestor.

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Original fossil (ATE7-1) of the midface of a hominin assigned to Homo aff. erectus recovered at level TE7 of the Sima del Elefante (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.

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Original fossil (ATE7-1) alongside the mirrored right side by means of virtual 3D imaging techniques of the face of a hominin assigned to Homo aff. erectus found in level the TE7 of Sima del Elefante site. Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA / Elena Santos / CENIEH. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA / Elena Santos / CENIEH.

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Archaeological excavation work at level TE7 of the Sima del Elefante (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.

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General view of the archaeological excavation work at the Sima del Elefante site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.

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* Lordkipanidze, David, “The First Humans Out of Africa”. Posted March 2012. TEDvideo, 15:27. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dC0gdpVS4uM 

** David Lordkipanidze, et al., A Complete Skull from Dmanisi, Georgia, and the Evolutionary Biology of Early Homo, Science 342:326-331, 2013.

***Hominid bone indicates that human hand evolution mostly complete by 1.42 million years ago, University of Missouri, January 23, 2014, Volume 35, No. 16. https://mizzouweekly.missouri.edu/archive/2014/35-16/bone/index.php.html

****Huguet, R., Rodríguez-Álvarez, X.P., Martinón-Torres, M. et al. The earliest human face of Western Europe. Nature (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-025-08681-0

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This article combines content from three previously published premium articles with new, additional content.

Cover Image, Top Left: Facial reconstruction of Homo erectus. Werner Ustorf, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Scientists discover the earliest ancestral human face of Western Europe

A team of scientists led by IPHES-CERCA, a transdisciplinary research institution in Tarragona, Spain, has assigned an ancestral human (hominin) midface fossil fragment discovered at the Sima del Elefante site in the Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain, to a new hominin species designated as Homo aff. erectus. Dated to between 1.4 million and 1.1 million years ago, the fossil (ATE7-1) was initially discovered in 2022. According to the research study* authors, “this fossil (ATE7-1) represents the earliest human face of Western Europe identified thus far”. The species, according to the study authors, is more primitive than the famous Homo antecessor fossil found at the neighboring Gran Dolina site, also in the Sierra de Atapuerca, which has been dated to between 900,000 and 800,000 years ago. 

The Sima del Elefante is an ancient Cretaceous limestone sinkhole in the Atapuerca mountain range. Hominin fossils have been discovered in the sinkhole dating back to more than 1.22 million years. The stratigraphy of the sinkhole was exposed in the 19th century as a result of the construction of a railway line. 

Excavation of the site began in 1992, becoming systematic in 1996. In addition to the hominin remains, herbivore fossils that showed modification by stone tools, as well as a hundred Oldowan tools, considered among the earliest hominin stone tool industries, were found.

In 2007, excavations at level TE9c yielded a tooth and a hominin mandible with seven teeth still in place. Excavations in 2008 then yielded a hominin phalanx a proximal phalanx of the left little finger of an individual determined to be about 16 years old. And finally, in 2022, excavations at level TE-7 of the site led to the discovery of the subject partial mid-face, or upper jaw, dated to 1.4 million years ago.

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Original fossil (ATE7-1) of the midface of a hominin assigned to Homo aff. erectus recovered at level TE7 of the Sima del Elefante (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.

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Original fossil (ATE7-1) alongside the mirrored right side by means of virtual 3D imaging techniques of the face of a hominin assigned to Homo aff. erectus found in level the TE7 of Sima del Elefante site. Credit: Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA / Elena Santos / CENIEH. Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA / Elena Santos / CENIEH.

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Archaeological excavation work at level TE7 of the Sima del Elefante (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.

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General view of the archaeological excavation work at the Sima del Elefante site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos). Maria D. Guillén / IPHES-CERCA.
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*Huguet, R., Rodríguez-Álvarez, X.P., Martinón-Torres, M. et al. The earliest human face of Western Europe. Nature (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-025-08681-0

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What Was It Like for Our Sapiens Ancestors to Meet and Mix With Cousin Species?

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

Until now, at least 14 different species have been assigned to the genus Homo since it emerged in Ethiopia some 2.8 million years ago revealing branching evolutionary stories of survival, intermixing, and extinctions. Archaeology is increasingly allowing us to glimpse into one of those epochs, from 50,000 to 35,000 years ago—the period of transition between the Middle and the Upper Paleolithic eras when modern humans emerged as the last representative of our genus on the planet.

In 2017, new finds from the Jebel Irhoud site in Morocco were published, indicating that our species—H. sapiens—appeared on the scene as early as 300,000 years ago. Spreading into Eurasia l00,000 years later, these early anatomically modern humans rubbed shoulders with Neandertals and Denisovans, and may also have had encounters with five other distinct hominin populations that have only very recently been identified, including H. floresiensis, H. luzonensis, H. longi, and H. juluensis in Asia and Nesher Ramla Homo in the Levant.

Given what we know from historical events that chronicle human population exchanges through time, many archeologists question whether the “disappearances” of these other human lineages might have had anything to do with their coming into contact with modern humans.

Taking an example of human interactions that took place more than half a millennium ago helps us to understand how these interactions can deeply impact the human condition on multiple levels, many of which would be incomprehensible in the prehistoric archeological record without written documents.

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The people of Western Europe living in hierarchized social configurations had reached a stage of technological readiness that led them to innovate ways to sustain life over extended periods of seafaring. As a result, they came into contact with the great civilizations established in the precolonial Americas over hundreds of generations. Before this encounter, the millions of people who lived in the Americas were oblivious to the existence of Europeans who would build powerful empires on the ruins of their treasured territorial and cultural heritage.

The consequences of the ensuing exchanges were both cataclysmic and transformative. Notwithstanding their immeasurable human impact, this contact altered the course of animal demography and deeply affected the global distribution of countless species of plants and trees that the colonizing populations freely displaced and exploited to enrich their own countries. Against the backdrop of this extraordinary scenario was the unprecedented spread of bacterial, viral, and fungal assemblages that indelibly modified evolutionary systems established over millennia—decimating an estimated 90 percent of Indigenous populations in their wake soon after the consolidation of colonization.

While it is difficult for us to conceive the magnitude of global turbulence generated after this event, we know that it led to a new world order that used human slavery to build systems of unidirectional wealth distribution whose ramifications still resound today.

Written records provide information about this period of global turmoil that help us to build our understanding of complex events that occurred in the past. Thirty thousand years from now, how will the multilevel repercussions of this period of human history be reflected in the archeological record?

Unlike the chaotic shifts that rocked the world at the cusp of the European Renaissance, archeologists studying the remote past cannot rely on written accounts of how ancient population interactions played out. In retrospect, it should be pointed out that the decimation of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas involved exchanges among a single human species, whereas the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic involved human forms with distinct or even mosaic genetic, anatomic and sociocultural traits, with only one species remaining by around 35,000 years ago.

In conformity with the doctrines of their time, Europeans justified their actions by evoking cultural and racial differences that they believed made them superior to the populations they subjugated, while uneven levels of technological hegemony allowed them to consolidate domination.

Scientific results emanating from ancient genomics are shedding light on these paleo-interactions and painting a new picture of how humanity evolved, migrated, adapted, and reproduced during this key period of prehistory. Each individual’s genetic code is transcribed in the sequence of the base pairs composing the double-stranded helix of the DNA molecule carrying biological information passed on by reproduction. Discrete sections of a DNA strand are composed of the genes that define phenotypic (observable) and genotypic (hidden) traits defining a population. Throughout the world today, the human genetic code differs between individuals by only around 0.1 percent.

Under the right conditions, genetic data retrieved from ancient human fossils can be a powerful tool to study similarities and differences separating human lineages and is complementary to classical paleontological methods like Linnaean taxonomy and morphometric determination. Recent reconstructions of the genomic histories of fossil H. sapiens, Neandertals, and the Denisovans confirm not only that interspecific breeding took place but also that it produced fertile offspring, suggesting biological mixing played a role in the outcome of the modern human condition.

Having successfully occupied a huge territorial range stretching from the Levant to Western Europe and northward into Siberia for thousands of generations, our cousin species H. neanderthalensis is at the center of the enigma. The paleo-genetic data obtained from Neandertal fossils indicates a complex scenario with physical encounters taking place with modern humans between 65,000 and 47,000 years ago. Meanwhile, a Neandertal genetic inheritance of between 1 and 4 percent has been documented in present-day non-African populations, and gene flow from early modern humans to some Neandertals also took place as early as 100,000 years ago.

Analyzing genetic records from early modern humans living in Siberia and Central Europe 45,000-35,000 years ago revealed comparatively higher and relatively recent admixtures of Neandertal DNA, with these individuals believed to have contributed little to the gene pool of later European populations. In some cases, fossil human remains and their genomic signatures have even been found to display a mosaic of archaic and derived features, leading some paleoanthropologists to consider the possibility that Neandertals did not “disappear,” but rather, they were assimilated into a modern human clade developing in Eurasia at the time.

This raises the possibility of an ancestral population of anatomically modern humans that migrated out of Africa and subsequently underwent speciation as they spread into the ecologically diverse regions of Eurasia, where they evolved locally into diverse groups that occasionally interbred with one another, producing fertile offspring. From the Darwinian viewpoint, the decrease in Neandertal DNA genetic sequences shows that they were not selected in the natural evolutionary process that gave way to modern humans.

To explore this puzzling scenario, some archeologists turn to the cultural record left behind by these ancient human groups. Specific methods applied to study human-made artifacts are used to link them to predefined stages of techno-social evolution traditionally equated with distinct cultural complexes. Since the early 20th century, prehistorians have ascribed these cultural entities to different types of humans. But the apparent inter-specific mixing evidenced by the genetic data and the emergence of H. sapiens far earlier than previously thought have contributed to changing this traditional human-culture equation.

Once conveyed as brutish and primitive, Neandertals were alleged to have been incapable of matching the relatively “advanced” esthetic and technological capacities of their modern human counterparts. But this premise has also changed with new data demonstrating that Neandertals lived in socially advanced groups, that they appear to have practiced some form of art and body ornamentation, and that they intentionally buried their dead, suggesting powerful symbolic and even ritual practices.

So what do the artifacts tell us about the transitional period that saw the replacement of H. neanderthalensis by H. sapiensA number of archeological sites preserve a record of this transitional phase, with Middle Paleolithic layers yielding the so-called Mousterian artifacts made from prepared stone cores attributed to Neandertals, overlain by strata containing Upper Paleolithic stone blades or bladelets attributed to H. sapiens. The blade industries attributed to modern humans are also associated with finely crafted bone, ivory, and antler artifacts, shell beads, ochre, and diverse forms of figurative art.

Using detailed technological and typological criteria, archeologists further subdivide these cultural complexes, refining the cultural groupings to reconstruct a chrono-cultural framework reflecting human population turnover in time and space. Because only one species of Homo lived during the Upper Paleolithic (after around 35,000 years ago), changes observed in the tool kits are thought to reflect different traditions, rather than different hominins. These shifts are attributed to multiple factors, including cultural transmission through inter-populational contact. However, since multiple species of Homo were present during the Middle Paleolithic, cultural change is often thought to signal the disappearance of one lineage and its replacement by another.

This begs the question: Do we observe a gradual or an abrupt transition from one phase to the next?

If modern humans and Neandertals were interbreeding, then we might assume that they could also have exchanged cultural and technological know-how. This means that we might anticipate finding some blending of cultural evidence, just as we might expect to find hominin fossils with intermediate anatomical traits.

Still, in most cases, the different cultural complexes defined for the Upper Paleolithic—generally beginning with the Early or Proto-Aurignacian cultures—appear sequentially above the Middle Paleolithic deposits, without intermixing of technological, typological, or stylistic features. Paradoxically, what we now know to have been a long period of contact between Neandertals and modern humans is not clearly reflected in the cultural materials found in the archeological record.

But there are some intriguing exceptions. In Western and Central Europe, the Near East, and Siberia, where these intra-specific exchanges are being validated by paleo-genomics and comparative anatomy in several archeological sites, the “intermediary” cultural scenarios are also becoming clearer. In some cases, transitional assemblages with elements inherited from the Middle Paleolithic combine with tools conveying innovative features commonly attributed to the Upper Paleolithic.

For now, there is little consensus about which hominin was responsible for making these “transitional” took kits in the timeframe that witnessed the disappearance or assimilation of the Neandertals and resulted in the ultimate domination of H. sapiens. Further research is needed to clarify humanity’s complex evolutionary history that—in the 3 million years since the emergence of Homo—has only been condensed into a single representative species since around 35,000 years ago.

When we compare this prehistoric chronicle to a transformative historical event for which we have a rich body of written information, we can see how huge revolutions can take place swiftly, almost imperceptibly, on the geological time scale. As archeologists discover more about the transitions in time that led us to where we are today, the subtleties of the complex biocultural mixing nascent to the contemporary globalization of our species are being revealed.

Cover Image, Top Left: ArtSpark, Pixabay

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

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First burials: Neanderthal and Homo sapiens interactions in the Mid-Middle Palaeolithic Levant

The Hebrew University of JerusalemA new discovery at Tinshemet Cave in central Israel is reshaping our understanding of human interactions during the Middle Palaeolithic (MP) period in the Near East. The cave, remarkable for its wealth of archaeological and anthropological findings, has revealed several human burials—the first mid-MP burials unearthed in over fifty years.

This research*, published in Nature Human Behaviour, marks the first publication on Tinshemet Cave and presents compelling evidence that Neanderthals and Homo sapiens in the region not only coexisted but also shared aspects of daily life, technology, and burial customs.These findings underscore the complexity of their interactions and hint at a more intertwined relationship than previously assumed.

The excavation of Tinshemet Cave, led by Prof. Yossi Zaidner of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Prof. Israel Hershkovitz of Tel Aviv University, and Dr. Marion Prévost of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, has been ongoing since 2017. A primary goal of the research team is to determine the nature of Homo sapiens–Neanderthal relationships in the mid-Middle Palaeolithic Levant. Were they rivals competing for resources, peaceful neighbors, or even collaborators?

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By integrating data from four key fields—stone tool production, hunting strategies, symbolic behavior, and social complexity—the study argues that different human groups, including Neanderthals, pre-Neanderthals, and Homo sapiens, engaged in meaningful interactions. These exchanges facilitated knowledge transmission and led to the gradual cultural homogenization of populations. The research suggests that these interactions spurred social complexity and behavioral innovations. For instance, formal burial customs began to appear around 110,000 years ago in Israel for the first time worldwide, likely as a result of intensified social interactions. A striking discovery at Tinshemet Cave is the extensive use of mineral pigments, particularly ochre, which may have been used for body decoration. This practice could have served to define social identities and distinctions among groups.

The clustering of human burials at Tinshemet Cave raises intriguing questions about its role in MP society. Could the site have functioned as a dedicated burial ground or even a cemetery? If so, this would suggest the presence of shared rituals and strong communal bonds. The placement of significant artifacts—such as stone tools, animal bones, and ochre chunks—within the burial pits may further indicate early beliefs in the afterlife.

Prof. Zaidner describes Israel as a “melting pot” where different human groups met, interacted, and evolved together. “Our data show that human connections and population interactions have been fundamental in driving cultural and technological innovations throughout history,” he explains.

Dr. Prévost highlights the unique geographic position of the region at the crossroads of human dispersals. “During the mid-MP, climatic improvements increased the region’s carrying capacity, leading to demographic expansion and intensified contact between different Homo taxa.”

Prof. Hershkovitz adds that the interconnectedness of lifestyles among various human groups in the Levant suggests deep relationships and shared adaptation strategies. “These findings paint a picture of dynamic interactions shaped by both cooperation and competition.”

The discoveries at Tinshemet Cave offer a fascinating glimpse into the social structures, symbolic behaviors, and daily lives of early human groups. They reveal a period of profound demographic and cultural transformations, shedding new light on the complex web of interactions that shaped our ancestors’ world. As excavations continue, Tinshemet Cave promises to provide even deeper insights into the origins of human society.

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Above and below: Tinshemet cave during the excavations. Yossi Zaidner

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Yossi Zaidner excavating human 110 thousand years old human skull and associated artifacts. Boaz Langford

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Lithic artefact from Tinshemet Cave made using technology shared by Homo sapiens and Neanderthals. Marion Prévost

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Ochre. Tinshemet Cave provides evidence for the extensive use of ochre (mineral pigments), which may have been used for body decoration. Yossi Zaidner

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Article Source: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem news release.

Advanced radiocarbon dating pins down the chronology of the Lapedo Child

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Using advanced radiocarbon dating techniques, researchers have arrived at a new date for the life of the Lapedo Child, one of the most famous prehistoric human remains, and one who displays a mixture of modern human and Neanderthal features. The experiments provide one of the most accurate estimates yet of the child’s chronology, indicating that he or she lived from around 27,780 to 28,850 years ago. “The direct date for the Lapedo Child demonstrates that this compound-specific radiocarbon dating method can also be applied to poorly preserved samples that would otherwise fail routine pretreatment methods,” Bethan Linscott and colleagues write*. The Lapedo Child was discovered by chance in 1998 when several students stumbled upon a rock shelter at the base of a cliff in the Lapedo Valley in central Portugal. Salvage work revealed a nearly intact skeleton of a four-to-five-year-old child. However, scientists still hadn’t calculated a reliable radiocarbon date for the skeleton, despite four previous attempts. Here, Linscott et al. turned to a new method called hydroxyproline dating, which targets specific amino acids and can remove more contaminants than standard dating methods. They applied this technique to a sample of the Lapedo Child’s right radius and arrived at a new estimate of 27,780 to 28,850 years ago. The team also dated other bone samples from the burial environment, including some red deer bones, rabbit remains, and a horse mandible. Linscott et al. speculate that the technique could prove useful at other culturally important Paleolithic human remain sites, including the Mladeč Caves in the Czech Republic and Saint-Césaire in France.

How Mesopotamia’s Urban and Industrial Revolution Started Politics as We Know It Today

Michael Hudson is an American economist, a professor of economics at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and a researcher at the Levy Economics Institute at Bard College. He is a former Wall Street analyst, political consultant, commentator, and journalist. You can read more of Hudson’s economic history on the Observatory.

Archaeologist and scholar Giorgio Buccellati’s book At the Origins of Politics describes how Mesopotamia’s urban revolution in the late fourth millennium BC shaped a new mentality. The segmentation and specialization of industrial production required written recordkeeping, standardization of weights and measures, and surveying and allocation of land planning. This inherent logic of handicraft production and its related organization of trade and market exchange, especially with the palace and temple institutions, led to new forms of social interaction, with the state and its laws and religion consolidating the new managerial hierarchies.

I met Buccellati in 1994 at the first of what would become a decade-long series of Harvard-based colloquia to compile an economic history of the Bronze Age Near Eastern origins of money and interest, land tenure, and its public obligations. Since these innovations were shaped largely by relations with the temples and palaces, our group started by focusing on just what it meant to be public or private.

It was fairly clear what “privatization” meant, but calling the palace or temples “public” was problematic. Royal price schedules for grain, silver, and other key commodities applied only to transactions with these large institutions, which were corporately distinct from the rest of the economy where prices were free to vary. Hammurabi’s laws focused on the relations between the palatial sector and the family-based economy on the land, which followed its own common law tradition for wergild-like personal offenses and other legal problems not involving the palace. How far beyond the palace did the state extend?

Buccellati’s paper focused on a broader philosophical idea of “public” as referring to the overall system of social and economic organization: “The dichotomy between public and private is coterminous with the origin of the city.”1 As he points out in At the Origins of Politics: “The increased size of the settlements created a critical mass, whereby face-to-face association no longer was possible among each member of the social group.” The relationship was political. “On the etymological level, the terms ‘urbanism’ and ‘politics’ are equivalent, given that they both derive from the word for ‘city’ in Latin and Greek respectively.” His term “state-city” emphasizes the overall political and administrative context.

He views industrialization as the economic dimension of the urban revolution that occurred in the late fourth millennium BC. The scale and social complexity of mining (or trading for metal) and metallurgy, beer-making, and weaving involved increasingly impersonal relationships as industrial organizations created products beyond the ability of individuals to make by themselves. The evolution was from direct personal contact to being part of a long, specialized chain.

Describing this takeoff as the first Axial Age, Buccellati explains how economic and social relations had been transformed over the 50,000-year evolution from small Paleolithic groups to urban industrial production, trade, and property relations. The technology and administration of production transformed the character of labor and what Buccellati calls para-perceptual thought. The moral principles of mutual aid, group solidarity, protection of the needy, and basic rights to means of self-support were retained from pre-urban practice but were administered on the state level.

“The state was never able to eliminate or even ignore the people… political ideology became a way for the leadership to justify itself in front of the base,” bolstered by religious attitudes to popularize an “Ideology of Control… the ideology of command, of leadership not necessarily based on coercive means.” Even in the face of “ever-increasing gaps in prestige and economic ability,” the rhetoric of kingship promoted “a sense of solidarity that transcends the limit of reciprocal face-to-face recognition.”

For the king, the aim was to make “submission not just tolerable but actually desirable.” That enabled Mesopotamian rule to be personal and indeed dynastic. “The king was not just the most powerful private individual; he embodied a distinct organism.” Kings were described as serving heaven, as reflected in Hammurapi’s stele depicting him presenting his laws to the god of justice, Shamash (or in some interpretations, receiving them from Shamash).

“The private model was thus superimposed from scratch on the public one,” merging the state and religion as every new king pointed to his ancestors as if this meant continuity of the law. The principle of kings being hereditary was accepted “without ever being formulated in theoretical terms.”

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From Living in a State of Nature to a Stratified Managerial Order

Buccellati describes production as evolving from interpersonal and small scale to institutional and large scale. He describes how Paleolithic hunters and gatherers met their needs by using what they found in nature. They napped flints to make spear points and cutting tools, and wove plant fibers to make clothing, baskets, and other artifacts, but these materials were as they found them. And personal wealth took the form of shells or other objects found in nature. However, the increasing complexity of industrial organization transformed the character of producers in that they ceased to have face-to-face relations with the users of the objects they made. Products evolved increasingly beyond objects found in nature, and also beyond the ability of single individuals to make them as they required chains of transformation via metallurgy and manufacturing.

Although Buccellati does not focus on land tenure, money, and credit in this volume, his analytic schema of the transition from “nature” to man-made institutional structures suggests how land and credit relations evolved along similar lines, from informal and spontaneous to formal and standardized. If there was an archaic relationship with the land, it was for an Indigenous tribe to claim territory as belonging to itself for hunting and gathering and for ceremonial or religious functions.

Most exchange was domestic, taking the form of reciprocal gifts, often of the same food types simply as a means of binding groups together in the spirit of mutual aid. But artifacts were traded among Indigenous communities already in the Ice Age, from one tribal group to another, sometimes passed along over long distances.

Gathering places for such exchange existed already in the Ice Age, often at river crossings or natural meeting points. These would have been seasonal sites, with chieftains responsible for keeping the lunisolar calendar to time when to travel to such spots. If anything, such gathering places were the opposite of the later city that Buccellati describes. The idea was to prevent any one group from dominating others or restricting territorial control. The result was akin to the amphictyonic centers of classical antiquity, neutral zones set aside from political cities and rivalries, with careful equality of participants as a condition for amicable relations.

Deities often were trees, woods, or natural rock formations such as those that survived in Germanic religion into the first millennium of our era, and Japan’s Shinto religion. Lunar and solar deities were part of an astronomical cosmology reflecting the rhythms of nature. By the Bronze Age, gods took on the role of patrons of social authority and justice as urbanization transformed the natural environment.

Technology enabled the production of new shapes and “artifacts that have no analogy in nature.” Mud bricks became standardized to build walls. “Stone is no longer seen as an adaptation of pre-existing forms” but was shaped to produce new building structures. Fire played an important role in controlling the environment, not only to cook food but also to bake mud bricks and harden ceramics, and to refine metal from ores and make alloys such as bronze to produce tools, weapons, and other implements. The potter’s wheel and spindles for weaving were developed, and a managerial class came into being as manufacturing such products required increasingly complex organization, from producers and traders to armies.

The Neolithic agricultural revolution saw the standardization of land, allotted to community members in lots sufficient to support their families, with proportional obligations attached—obliging their holders to serve in the army and provide seasonal corvée labor on communal building projects.

These obligations were what defined land tenure rights. That created a strict relationship with the emerging urban centers that transformed “the village as it existed in prehistory… in the sense of autonomous villages that found an end in themselves. … Agricultural or manufactured production did not have as its end point the village, but rather and especially the urban markets.” Rural villages became part of the city, and local conflicts were settled by traveling urban judges.

Monetization of Exchange Between the Rural and Urban Centers

Money evolved as part of the valuation dimension of exchange. Anthropologists studying surviving Indigenous communities have found that artifacts typically are valued for their rarity or lineage of ownership. In archaic times such objects were often buried with their wearers, having become part of their personal identity. In time, they took a proto-monetary signification of esteem. But it was in southern Mesopotamia that money became formalized as a measure of valuation, simultaneously for domestic agrarian and industrial exchange—mainly for grain and wool—and for foreign trade. In both cases, the palace and temples played a key role. A standardized measure of value was needed for the economy’s own industrial and institutional functioning, not merely for personal decoration and status.

Foreign trade was necessary to obtain raw materials not found in the region’s river-deposited soil. Copper and tin were the key metals that were needed, the alloy of which gave its name to the Bronze Age (3500-1200 BC), but silver was adopted as the main measure of value for palace transactions and those of entrepreneurs, presumably because of its role in religious symbolism. Silver and other commodities were obtained by a mercantile class of entrepreneurs, whose major customers were the palace and temples, which also supplied most of the textiles being exported.

The largest categories of debts and fiscal obligations were inter-sectoral, owed by citizens on the land and mercantile entrepreneurs to the palace sector and its temples. The seasonal character of agriculture made credit necessary to bridge the gap between planting and harvesting, to be paid on the threshing floor when the crop was in. Grain served as the main domestic agrarian measure of value and the medium for paying agrarian debts.

The palace and temples integrated their economic accounts by setting the silver mina and shekel that denominated the value of commodities obtained in foreign trade (and consignments of what was exchanged for them) as equal to corresponding measures of grain, while dividing the relevant measures into 60ths to facilitate the allocation of food and raw materials based on the 30-day administrative month used by the large institutions.

The resulting monetary system of account-keeping for credit and fiscal collection was part of a broader economic context in which standardized weights and measures were used to quantify and calculate the various magnitudes of the inputs required by the large institutions for producing commodities in their workshops, along with the amounts of the charges, fees, and rents payable to the institutions and fiscal collectors.

The surplus grain rent paid to the large institutions supported dependent labor in the weaving and handicraft workshops. Commodities no longer were made by individual craftpersons known to the users, but by many, whose identities were institutional and hence collective and impersonal as far as the buyers or users were concerned. The workforce consisted largely of war widows and orphans, and also slaves captured from the mountains surrounding Mesopotamia. (A typical word for slave was “mountain girl.”)

The textiles woven by this labor were consigned to merchants to act as intermediaries between the large institutions or the growing class of private estate holders and foreign purchasers. Interest charges (usually equal to the original loan value for consignments of five years) served as a means for consigners and backers to obtain their share of the gain that merchants were expected to make on their trade.

Bucellati shows how the urban revolution’s “evolutionary process in motion” to transform society and with it “the very nature of human existence.” The development of writing, for instance, had a deep effect in transforming thought processes, much as the creation of languages had served to “externalize thought.” It enabled the communication of ideas to others without having to rely on memory.

Originally used by the eighth millennium BC to oversee and quantify trade and exchange transactions, it came to be used for accounting and credit, and increasingly to preserve, arrange and order thoughts, public announcements, treaties, poetry, and laws. The written word became a new medium for thought. Buccellati describes this “reification of thought” as part of the “removal from nature.” That was part of the evolving uniformity that spread from the production of commodities to shape the overall social order.

Debt Strains Lead Rulers to Protect Their Economies From Polarizing

Industry and entrepreneurial foreign trade concentrated control and wealth in the hands of managers and “big men.” Their economic gains caused a wealthy class to emerge, initially within the large institutions, with credit being used to pry labor away from palace control. Creditor claims on indebted cultivators accumulated, largely at the institutional level of landholders, merchant-creditors, and also ale-women, whose customers ran up tabs for their beer, to be settled at “payday” on the threshing floor when crops were harvested.

It was inevitable that strains would develop as a result of the rising role of credit and debt relations, especially in times of flooding or crop failure. As rent and other payment arrears and interest charges mounted up, private lending (often by royal or temple officials acting on their own account) became the major initial way to obtain the labor of debtors, by requiring them to work off their debts. That prevented cultivators from performing the stipulated corvée and military service that they owed in exchange for their land tenure rights.

The result was a threefold conflict: first, creditors against debtors; second, creditors against the palace over the appropriation of labor via debt bondage; and third, the assertion of creditor power against traditional communal moral ideas of equity and mutual aid. Archaic communities traditionally sought to minimize economic inequality, perceiving much personal wealth as being achieved by exploiting others, above all by indebting them. By the third millennium, indebted cultivators faced the threat of being disenfranchised, losing their personal freedom and self-support land through foreclosure.

As Buccellati observed in our 1994 colloquium royal protection of homesteaders, canceling the overgrowth of personal debt resulted “more from a concern for the public domain than as a phenomenon of privatization.” Rulers from the third millennium BC onward protected palace claims on the labor of their citizens from being disrupted by debt strains of the type to which subsequent Western civilization has succumbed. Sumerian rulers made sure that these strains would not be permanent because that would have been at the expense of the palace’s own requirements for corvée and military service from agrarian debtors.

Buccellati pertinently notes that three main considerations shaped Near Eastern public laws: “the concept of rules, the sense of justice, [and] the decisive moments in resolving conflict.” Hammurapi’s “code” was simply a collection of judgments, but his andurarum proclamations were enforced by the courts to cancel personal debts (but not mercantile debts), liberate bondservants (but not slaves), and redistribute self-support land (but not townhouses) that had been forfeited to creditors or sold under economic duress. These Clean Slates were the most basic royal administrative acts of Mesopotamian rulers from Sumerian times onward. They were the moral pillar of the state.

The Mesopotamian State Solved the Debt Problem That Western Civilization Has Not

Buccellati sees the transformation of production, economic control, and ways of perceiving and thinking about one’s place in society as progressing toward a geopolitical peak with the Assyrian Empire. What enabled and made this sustained achievement so successful were royal laws to regularly restore economic balance on a system-wide level. Clean Slate proclamations prevented a creditor oligarchy from emerging to rival palace claims on the labor and crop surpluses of citizens on the land. In this respect, the distinction between financial and industrial gain-seeking—and the socially destructive character of usury and creditor self-interest—was recognized already in the third millennium BC in the Hymn to Shamash, the Akkadian god of justice (lines 103-106):

What happens to the loan shark who invests his resources at the (highest) interest rate?

He will lose his purse just as he tries to get the most out of it.

But he who invests in the long term will convert one measure of silver into three.

He pleases Shamash and will enrich his life.2

Buccellati rightly states that “We are the heirs of Mesopotamian perception and political experience.” Modern civilization, however, has retrogressed from the Bronze Age Mesopotamian achievement of avoiding deepening financial and economic imbalance. He notes that modern society defines property as being alienable, but in the West securing property rights always has entailed the “right” to forfeit it to creditors or sell under duress—irreversibly. That has been the case ever since Near Eastern commercial and credit practices were brought to the Aegean and Mediterranean lands in the first millennium BC.

The West has adopted the basic economic practices invented in the fourth and third millennia BC, but not the economically protective measures that rulers took to annul the buildup of creditor claims to reverse the increase in debt bondage and loss of land by debtors. That decontextualization is what in my view makes the West “Western.”

Bronze Age Near Eastern practice was so different from the Western worldview that most modern historians resist recognizing and appreciating the relevance of the region’s takeoff in the fourth and third millennia BC. Indeed, today’s anti-state economic ideology denies that money and industrial enterprise could have been innovated by what Buccellati calls the state, that is, the palatial authority.

This ideology obscures a great question posed for the West: How is it that Near Eastern “divine kingship” achieved what Western democracy has failed to do: check the emergence of a creditor rent-seeking oligarchy, which in classical antiquity would strip the Greek, Italian, and other populations of their means of self-support that had formed the basis of economic liberty for the first 3,000 years of the Mesopotamian takeoff that this book so comprehensively describes.

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1. Buccellati, Giorgio, “The Role of Socio-Political Factors in the Emergence of ‘Public’ and ‘Private’ Domains in Early Mesopotamia,” in Hudson, Michael and Levine, Baruch (eds.), Privatization in the Ancient Near East and Classical Antiquity (Cambridge, Mass: Peabody Museum [Harvard], 1996):131.

2. In Giorgio Buccellati, “When on High the Heavens…”: Mesopotamian Religion and Spirituality with Reference to the Biblical World (London, 2024):194, citing Reiner, Erica, Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut: Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria (Ann Arbor, 1985): 68-84, and W.G. Lambert, W.G., Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford, 1960): 122-138.

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This text is adapted from Michael Hudson’s foreword to At the Origins of Politics by Giorgio Buccellati, and this excerpt was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top Left: Markuk and Mesopotamia. MythologyArt, Pixabay

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EXPLORE THE ANCIENT ETRUSCANS IN PERSON!
Experience a unique, up-close-and-personal hike among ancient hilltop towns in central Italy. You will walk the sensational countryside of the regions of Umbria and Tuscany, soaking in important sites attesting to the advanced Etruscan civilization, forerunners of the ancient Romans; imposing architectural and cultural remains of Medieval Italy; local food and drink; and perhaps best of all — spectacular scenic views! Join us in this collaborative event for the trip of a lifetime!

The standardized production of bone tools by our ancestors pushed back one million years

CNRS—Twenty-seven standardized bone tools dating back more than 1.5 million years were recently discovered in the Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania by a team of scientists from the CNRS and l’Université de Bordeaux1, in collaboration with international and Tanzanian researchers. This discovery challenges our understanding of early hominin technological evolution, as the oldest previously known standardized bone tools date back approximately 500,000 years.2

During these excavations, the researchers identified tools shaped on-site from hippopotamus bones within the same geological layer. More surprisingly, they also found elephant bones that had been transported to the site as either tools or raw materials for tool-making. This behavior suggests an early ability for planning and the transmission of know-how among these ancient populations.

These results were obtained via an approach combining archaeological excavations and experimental archaeology.3 The study* will be published on 5 March in the journal Nature.

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Tool shaped out of an elephant’s humerus. It was discovered at site T69 in the Olduvai Gorge. Top: © d’Errico-Doyon, Bottom: © Laboratorio de Arqueología del Pleistoceno-CSIC

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Article Source: CNRS Press news release

*Systematic bone tool production at 1.5 million years ago. Ignacio de la Torre, Luc Doyon, Alfonso Benito-Calvo, Rafael Mora, Ipyana Mwakyoma Jackson K. Njau, Renata F. Peters, Angeliki Theodoropoulou & Francesco d’Errico, Nature, March 05, 2025.

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1 – Working at the From Prehistory to the Present: Culture, Environment, and Anthropology laboratory (CNRS/Ministère de la Culture/Université de Bordeaux). The project received support from the European Research Council (ERC).

2 – The study shows indisputable traces of the intentional cutting, shaping, and modification of bone edges, thereby giving them an elongated shape.

3 – Experimental archaeology involves reproducing the techniques and gestures of ancient societies to better understand the production and use of their tools, their habitats, and their everyday objects.

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EXPLORE THE ANCIENT ETRUSCANS IN PERSON!
Experience a unique, up-close-and-personal hike among ancient hilltop towns in central Italy. You will walk the sensational countryside of the regions of Umbria and Tuscany, soaking in important sites attesting to the advanced Etruscan civilization, forerunners of the ancient Romans; imposing architectural and cultural remains of Medieval Italy; local food and drink; and perhaps best of all — spectacular scenic views! Join us in this collaborative event for the trip of a lifetime!

The first Bronze Age settlement in the Maghreb

University of Barcelona—Most Bronze Age settlements have been documented in European territory. Despite its geographical proximity, the Maghreb has always been absent from these historical narratives, erroneously characterized as an ‘empty land’ until the arrival of the Phoenicians around 800 BC. Now, a research study led by Hamza Benattia Melgarejo ( University of Barcelona) has uncovered the first Bronze Age settlement in this geographical area, predating the Phoenician period. This discovery is of great significance for the history of Africa and the Mediterranean. 

According to the results published in Antiquity, excavations at Kach Kouch, located in northwest Morocco, reveal a human occupation datable to between 2200 and 600 BC. This would show that it would be the earliest site of this chronology in Mediterranean Africa, except for Egypt. 

The international research team, led by Hamza Benattia Melgarejo, PhD student at the UB’s Faculty of Geography and History and member of the UB’s Classical and Protohistoric Archaeology Research Group, has been working on the prehistoric settlement of Kach Kouch, which extends over an area of approximately one hectare near the Lau River. It is located ten kilometers from the present-day coast, near the Strait of Gibraltar, and thirty kilometers southeast of Tétouan. 

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Excavations have revealed different phases of occupation. The first, from 2200-2000 BC, is poorly represented but significant. The evidence suggests an initial contemporary occupation in the transition from the Bronze Age to neighboring Iberia. 

The second phase, 1300-900 BC, is a vibrant period in the history of the settlement. A stable agricultural community was established at Kach Kouch and is the first definitive evidence of sedentary life before the Phoenician presence in the Maghreb. Wooden mud-brick buildings, rock-cut silos and grinding stones reveal a thriving agricultural economy based on crops such as barley and wheat, supplemented by sheep, goats and cattle. 

A third phase, extending from 800 to 600 BC, demonstrates the flexibility and adaptability of the inhabitants of Kach Kouch. During this period, several cultural innovations from the eastern Mediterranean were introduced, such as wheel-thrown pottery, iron tools and new architectural traditions using stone. This mix of local and foreign practices illustrates how the community actively participated in Mediterranean exchange networks.

“Kach Kouch is one of the first well-documented examples of continuous settlement in the Maghreb and tells a very different story from the one that has existed for a long time: it shows the history of dynamic local communities that were far from isolated”, says Benattia. “The excavations at this site are another step towards correcting these historical biases and reveal that the Maghreb was an active participant in the social, cultural and economic networks of the Mediterranean”, says the UB researcher. 

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Kach Kouch is located ten kilometres from the present-day coast, near the Strait of Gibraltar, and thirty kilometres southeast of Tétouan. Hamza Benattia Melgarejo ( University of Barcelona)

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Excavations have revealed different phases of occupation. Hamza Benattia Melgarejo ( University of Barcelona)

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Article Source: University of Barcelona news release

*Rethinking late prehistoric Mediterranean Africa: architecture, farming and materiality at Kach Kouch, Morocco, Antiquity, 17-Feb-2025. 10.15184/aqy.2025.10 

Vesuvian ash cloud turned brain to glass

Springer—A unique dark-colored organic glass, found inside the skull of an individual who died in Herculaneum during the 79 CE Mount Vesuvius eruption, likely formed when they were killed by a very hot but short-lived ash cloud. The conclusion, from research published in Scientific Reports*, is based on an analysis of the physical properties of the glass, thought to comprise the fossilized brain of the individual.

Glass rarely occurs naturally due to the specific conditions required for formation. For a substance to become glass, its liquid form must cool fast enough to not crystallize when becoming solid — requiring a large temperature difference between the substance and its surroundings — and the substance must become solid at a temperature well above that of its surroundings. As a result, it is extremely difficult for an organic glass to form, as ambient temperatures are rarely low enough for water — a key component of organic matter — to solidify. The only suspected natural organic glass was identified in 2020 in Herculaneum, Italy, but it was not clear how this glass formed.

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Guido Giordano and colleagues analyzed fragments of glass sampled from inside the skull and spinal cord of a deceased individual from Herculaneum, found lying in their bed in the Collegium Augustalium. The results of the analysis — which included imaging using X-rays and electron microscopy — indicated that, for the brain to become glass, it must have been heated above at least 510 degrees Celsius before cooling rapidly.

The authors note that this could not have occurred if the individual was heated solely by the pyroclastic flows which buried Herculaneum, as the temperatures of these flows did not reach higher than 465 degrees Celsius and would have cooled slowly. The authors therefore conclude, based on modern volcanic eruption observations, that a super-heated ash cloud which dissipated quickly was the first deadly event during Vesuvius’s eruption. They theorise that such an event would have raised the individual’s temperature above 510 degrees Celsius, before it rapidly cooled to ambient temperatures as the cloud dissipated. The bones of the individual’s skull and spine likely protected the brain from complete thermal breakdown, allowing fragments to form this unique organic glass.

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Skeletal remains at Herculaneum. Andrea Schaffer, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: Remains of Herculaneum, destroyed during the famous eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 AD.

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Earliest evidence for humans in rainforests

Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology—Rainforests are a major world biome which humans are not thought to have inhabited until relatively recently. New evidence now shows that humans lived in rainforests by at least 150 thousand years ago in Africa, the home of our species.

Our species originated in Africa around 300 thousand years ago, but the ecological and environmental contexts of our evolution are still little understood. In the search for answers, rainforests have often been overlooked, generally thought of as natural barriers to human habitation. 

Now, in a new study* published in Nature, an international team of researchers challenge this view with the discovery that humans were living in rainforests within the present-day Côte d’Ivoire much earlier than previously thought. The article reveals that human groups were living in rainforests by 150 thousand years ago and argues that human evolution occurred across a variety of regions and habitats. 

The story of this discovery begins in the 1980s, when the site was first investigated by co-author Professor Yodé Guédé of l’Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny on a joint Ivorian-Soviet mission. Results from this initial study revealed a deeply stratified site containing stone tools in an area of present-day rainforest. But the age of the tools – and the ecology of the site when they were deposited there – could not be determined.

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“Several recent climate models suggested the area could have been a rainforest refuge in the past as well, even during dry periods of forest fragmentation,” explains Professor Eleanor Scerri, leader of the Human Palaeosystems research group at the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology and senior author of the study. “We knew the site presented the best possible chance for us to find out how far back into the past rainforest habitation extended.”

The Human Palaeosystems team therefore mounted a mission to re-investigate the site. “With Professor Guédé’s help, we relocated the original trench and were able to re-investigate it using state of the art methods that were not available thirty to forty years ago,” says Dr. James Blinkhorn, researcher at the University of Liverpool and the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology. The renewed study took place just in time, as the site has since been destroyed by mining activity.

“Before our study, the oldest secure evidence for habitation in African rainforests was around 18 thousand years ago and the oldest evidence of rainforest habitation anywhere came from southeast Asia at about 70 thousand years ago,” explains Dr. Eslem Ben Arous, researcher at the National Centre for Human Evolution Research (CENIEH), the Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology and lead author of the study. “This pushes back the oldest known evidence of humans in rainforests by more than double the previously known estimate.”

The researchers used several dating techniques, including Optically Stimulated Luminescence and Electron-Spin Resonance, to arrive at a date roughly 150 thousand years ago. 

At the same time, sediment samples were separately investigated for pollen, silicified plant remains called phytoliths, and leaf wax isotopes. Analyses indicated the region was heavily wooded, with pollen and leaf waxes typical for humid West African rainforests.  Low levels of grass pollen showed that the site wasn’t in a narrow strip of forest, but in a dense woodland. 

“This exciting discovery is the first of a long list as there are other Ivorian sites waiting to be investigated to study the human presence associated with rainforest,” says Professor Guédé joyfully. 

“Convergent evidence shows beyond doubt that ecological diversity sits at the heart of our species,” says Professor Scerri. “This reflects a complex history of population subdivision, in which different populations lived in different regions and habitat types. We now need to ask how these early human niche expansions impacted the plants and animals that shared the same niche-space with humans. In other words, how far back does human alteration of pristine natural habitats go?”

The research was funded by the Max Planck Society and the Leakey Foundation. 

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Stone tools like this one, excavated at the Anyama site, reveal that humans were present at the rainforested site roughly 150,000 years ago. Jimbob Blinkhorn, MPG

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The trench initially excavated by Professor Guédé’s team was overgrown when researchers returned for the current study. Jimbob Blinkhorn, MPG

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology news release.

*Humans in Africa’s wet tropical forests 150 thousand years ago, Nature, 26-Feb-2025. 10.1038/s41586-025-08613-y 

Exploring Ancient Understandings of Meteorites in Archaic Societies

Andrew Califf is a journalist, archaeologist, and anthropologist interested in how people interact with the natural world. He has covered environmental conservation and Indigenous rights stories and conducted archaeological topographic analysis research in remote regions.

Five times a day, approximately one-fourth of the world’s population turns toward Mecca to bow their heads in prayer. The Kaaba at the center of this global genuflection has a cornerstone that some speculate is a meteor.

Meteoritic artifacts appear as early as the dawn of Egypt’s Early Dynastic Period, approximately 4,500 years ago. Archaeological teams in the 1920s reported that beads from the Gerzeh cemetery in northern Egypt had very high concentrations of nickel, typical of meteoritic iron. These are the earliest analyzed artifacts, and modern metal testing technologies mean that chemists can now identify and catalog the presence of meteoritic iron in archaeological collections across Eurasia. Since 2013, this has led to many discoveries reframing the prominence of extraterrestrial resources in the archaeological record, including identifying that King Tutankhamun’s dagger was crafted from a meteor.

Experts believe this opulent weapon was a gift to the boy king’s grandfather Amenhotep III around 1300 BCE, from the king of the Mitanni region, based on the Amarna tablets. This high-status gift is one of the many ways meteoritic iron was revered by ancient civilizations. One of the earliest Egyptian hieroglyphics for iron seems to be derived from a longer phrase translating to: “iron from the sky.”

This word has cosmological connotations associated with the Egyptian belief that the sky was an iron pot or tub filled with water, and bits of it fell to the Earth in the form of meteorites.

“We have evidence for the idea that the sky was a dome made of iron in a few different civilizations,” explains Victoria Almansa-Villatoro, the Egyptologist who analyzed the hieroglyphic for iron (and sky), during an interview. “If all of these civilizations had this idea and they are so spread apart, it is possible that the idea goes way back in time, maybe before writing was invented.”

Almansa-Villatoro emphasizes tracing any common meanings or beliefs linking such cultures is purely speculation. Contemporaneously to the Mitanni, it is believed the Hittites used meteoritic iron by 3,000 to 2,000 BCE as one iron dagger excavated in Alaca Höyük in modern-day Turkey was made from a meteor and dated to 2,500 BCE. Iron pendants from Umm el-Marra in Syria and an iron axe from Ugarit in Lebanon are other key examples of hammered meteoritic iron.

The process of working with meteoritic iron is much simpler than having to reduce the impurities out of terrestrial iron ore (because meteoritic iron is already a metal). All that needs to be done is hammering the material. This key difference is why meteoritic iron appears well before terrestrial iron and even before the beginning of the Bronze Age, which varies by region but is approximately from 3,000 to 1,200 BCE.

The Gerzeh beads and King Tutankhamun’s dagger were hammered cold or hot, similar to early gold and copper processing. Smelting out impurities from terrestrial iron demarcates the start of the Iron Age because Bronze Age furnaces were not hot enough for such a complex process. The dawn of this development is between 1,200 and 600 BCE depending on the region. How early metallurgists started working with iron ore is still being actively explored by experts. Even though the melting of copper is much simpler than iron production, it may have played a role in the development of iron reduction.

“Copper slags have a lot of iron oxide, and if your furnace reduces too much you will get a small amount of iron in your slag,” explains geochemist and metallurgist Albert Jambon, Sorbonne University, during an interview. “Maybe the first people were working with slags, but to go from slag to an ore, I just don’t know.”

Slag is the waste from metal processing, and it is a good and readily available source of data in the archaeological record. Jambon devised a chemical strategy for identifying meteoritic iron by studying the ratios of nickel to iron and copper in artifacts. It seems that all the iron artifacts from the Bronze Age came from outer space, but research published in 2025 identified that three of 26 iron artifacts were meteoritic. These artifacts were found in an early Iron Age cemetery of the Lusatian culture in modern-day Poland. Oddly, these artifacts were not found with any wealthy implements in what seemed like graves of “commoners,” a stark contrast to how meteoritic iron was valued during earlier historic periods.

Even though approximately 17,000 meteors weighing more than 50 grams hit Earth each year, most are made of stone. Only about 4 percent are composed of iron alloys with abnormal nickel content that people can use. These materials became a rare commodity for ancient people, who began valuing this easy-made iron above gold. Cuneiform tablets found at the Old Assyrian Colonial site of Kültepe-Kanesh in Turkey from approximately 4,000 years ago refer to a “sky metal” that cost as much as 40 times the price of silver. Silver was the most valuable common precious metal in the region at the time.

Assur, the capital of the Old Assyrian city-state, felt that the meteoritic iron needed to be taxed, which makes Jan Gerrit Dercksen of Leiden University think that it was common enough to be included in the system of trade tariffs. In Anatolia, not every merchant could afford to trade meteoritic iron, and it seems that groups of merchants combined their funds to buy this sky metal in bulk according to Dercksen.

There was a smaller source of meteoritic iron coming from the East into Assur, but it is difficult to identify where the trade originated. Jambon has struggled to identify more meteoritic iron artifacts farther East, but it has been difficult to obtain and test artifacts from Turkey. As for Iran, there are very few iron artifacts and they don’t appear well into the Iron Age.

This as well as the context in which most Bronze Age meteoritic iron was found suggests that its rarity in part made it a highly valued commodity. This changed with the Iron Age, while meteoritic iron remained rare, terrestrial iron became more common and the early Iron Age cemetery site in Poland is the only identified site where meteoritic iron was found alongside terrestrial iron. It is unclear how much meteoritic iron was used as the number of iron artifacts exploded in the archaeological record.

“There are two possibilities: either there was so little meteoritic iron [artifacts] that it looks like there was no meteoritic iron or the second possibility [is], the price of iron sank so much cheaper than copper,” explains Jambon. “People didn’t care anymore about meteoritic iron because iron was so common it was no longer fashionable.”

The Sky is Falling

There is evidence globally that meteors have carried importance across millennia, including the Western Hemisphere. Archaeologists in Arizona found the Winona meteorite inset in what was assumed to be a ritual cyst in a pre-Columbian settlementThe Clackamas tribe in Oregon have a rich oral tradition and a range of ceremonies surrounding the Willamette meteor, the largest meteor found in North America. Just like the ancient Egyptians, the Hopewell tribe made beads out of meteoritic iron brought from more than 400 miles away as well as adzes and earspools.

In the 1500s, Indigenous guides brought Spanish soldiers to a field of at least 26 impact craters 500 miles north of Buenos Aires that they called Piguem Nonraltá. The Spanish translated this to Campo del Cielo—“field of the sky.” The Spanish soldiers claimed they saw a huge slab of iron but couldn’t believe the local stories that it had fallen from the sky.

The meteor shower occurred approximately 4,500 years ago and was recorded by the local cultures as a great catastrophe. Spanish records indicate that the Indigenous tribes made weapons from the iron, but none have been preserved or identified. This field is home to some of the world’s largest meteorite fragments including the 30-ton Gancedo fragment found in 2016.

A meteorite currently in the Academy of Sciences of Munich struck Zanzibar in the middle of the 19th century only to be revered by the Wanika tribe until a Maasai cattle raid made them lose respect for it. They promptly sold it to German missionaries.

Prehistoric stone tools also developed a type of lore as good luck charms in different periods and regions due to different cultic traditions largely associated with cosmological concepts.

Tuvan reindeer herders in northern Mongolia continue to collect prehistoric stone tools for good luck and call them “sky stones.” Obsidian and flint tools of the Neolithic and Paleolithic in both classical Greek and Roman periods were called “lightning stones” because they looked like weapons and were associated with the lightning bolt weapons of Zeus. It was recorded as late as the 20th century in Italy that Neolithic flints were treated as amulets to protect against lightning and natural disasters.

It is speculated that people didn’t associate these tools or lightning stones as man-made from an earlier period. Scholar Christopher A. Faraone writes that there is “no evidence that the Greeks or Romans realized that these axe-heads were manufactured by previous stone-age cultures and indeed the inclusion of them in [natural history and geology books] confirms… that they were believed to be ‘natural’ stones which, like amber, jet or coral, had special protective powers.”

The historical depth and meaningful associations people have historically placed on meteoritic iron are more fully illustrated by the tale of a 1,000-year-old Buddha statue, made by the Bon culture in Tibet. A Nazi expedition looted the statue weighing just more than 10 kilograms between 1938 and 1939 not knowing that it was made out of meteoritic iron.

Indiana Jones wasn’t there to rescue the statue, and it disappeared for decades. The statue reappeared in the hands of a private collector, who collaborated with researchers and determined its extraterrestrial composition and landing spot on Earth. They determined it came from the Chinga meteor which landed 10,000 to 20,000 years ago in southern Siberia, likely traveling thousands of kilometers in its journey to Tibet. While the space-born Buddha is one of the most unique and intricate objects crafted from a meteor, the oldest meteoritic artifacts found east of the Levant are weapons from China’s Shang Dynasty, dating to 1,400 BCE. A knife and a pole-mounted dagger-axe called ge from 900-800 BCE were also made from meteoritic iron.

Baetyls

Meteors are part of many myths and stories around the globe, but one of the most interesting correlations between meteors and sacred sites is found in southwest Eurasia and the Mediterranean region. Baetyls are an ancient tradition of using sacred stones thought to be meteorites or based on meteorites. The etymological origin of the word translates to “house of god.”

Thought to originally refer to open-air sites of worship from the original Semitic term, depictions across cultures and civilizations, however, all show hewn stones at the center of god’s house that some speculate are meteorites. The word baetyl itself is now used to refer to these revered stones.

In Agia Eirini, Cyprus, more than 2,000 terracotta figurines were found surrounding and facing a cultic stone on an altar. This miniature terracotta army was surrounding a round-shaped small boulder that appears contextually to have been treated as a sacred baetyl.

Baetyls were known to be in the Phoenician cities of Byblos and Tyre and were adopted by Greek tradition in Delphi at the Temple of Apollo and the Needle of Aphrodite in Paphos. The origin of the baetyl at Tyre may be related to accounts from the Phoenician writer, Sanchuniathon, that the goddess Astarte found a stone fallen from the sky, which she took to Tyre to worship in a shrine.

It is even speculated that the cultic practices around meteors played a role in the founding of Rome. Rome had a sacred black stone and shrine like a baetyl called the Lapis Niger, which was believed to have been derived from preexisting cultic worship practices. According to the Roman Grammarian and teacher Marcus Verrius Flaccus, the Lapis Niger marks a spot of ill omen and was intended to be the mythical founder Romulus’s burial spot but was, in fact, not used as such.

Excavations under Giacomo Boni at the Roman Forum in 1899 uncovered what was dubbed the Lapis Niger and the tomb of Romulus. This was something of a misnomer because it is unclear whether he actually found this site or if the accounts were accurate in the first place.

The archaeological journal volume about his excavations from 1903 suggested that the polished black stone on the Lapis Niger that Flaccus saw could have been a meteorite, but the excavations from 1899 only seemed to have uncovered copies influenced by the Lapis Niger. Etruscan grave markers from a major necropolis in Cerveteri have similar black stones to that of the Lapis Niger.

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There are several textual references to sacred stones from the sky in Greco-Roman sources that experts believe are meteor fragments. The religious historian Mircea Eliade even asserted that important holy sites, including the Palladion of Troy, the Artemis of Ephesus, and the Cone of Elagabalus in Emesa, were actually based on meteorites.

There is no physical evidence supporting the origin stories of these shrines and the historical speculations surrounding them—no excavated or identified baetyl was a meteor. Other descriptions of baetyls are regularly just rock or even simply mounds of earth. The same stands true for the Egyptian Benben stone—a black pyramidal stone thought to either be on top of a pyramid or influence the pyramids in ancient Egypt.

Benben has become a generic term for the top cornerstone of a pyramid or obelisk, but it is derived from a revered one mentioned repeatedly in Egyptian texts. The original was venerated at the “Mansion of the Phoenix” within the Great Sun Temple of Heliopolis but likely predates the sun cult of Ra. It is linked to the creation story of Atum, one of the oldest Egyptian deities. The Benben is either the hill he rises out of the waters from or what he falls out of the sky on (remember the Egyptian sky being an iron tub of water). But Atum is credited with and linked to many cosmological symbols.

Just like the Black Stone of the Kaaba in Mecca, it is still not scientifically conclusive whether or not any revered stones recorded in historical documents are meteors. It is speculated there are cultic, pre-Abrahamic items of worship inside the Kaaba Similarly, any potential meteor worship in the Greco-Roman pantheons could have been derived from earlier traditions, like how Atum’s Benben predated the Sun God Ra.

Although the Black Stone, or al-Hajar al-Aswad in Arabic, makes appearances during the lifetime of Abraham and Muhammad, it supposedly fell to Earth when Adam and Eve were expelled from Eden. It landed where they were to build the first temple, and it was placed into the Kaaba by the Prophet Muhammad in 605 CE. According to tradition, the Black Stone was originally white but turned black as it absorbed the sin of the hajis who touched it at Mecca. Islamic tradition is the only source of information on the origin of al-Hajar al-Aswad.

In the oldest known epic poem from Mesopotamia, the titular protagonist Gilgamesh dreams of a meteor landing outside the ancient city of Uruk that he is unable to move. This dream has prophetic meaning for the rest of the epic, putting meteors front and center in one of the oldest pieces of literature.

Philosophers of the Greco-Roman period were some of the first known to record rocks falling from the sky. Aristotle, Plutarch, and Pliny the Elder, to name a few, were the first to record a meteor fall in Turkey around either 467 or 466 BC. Meanwhile, the community of European scientists debated the existence of meteors until the early 19th century; a meteor shower in France in 1803 ended the debate.

The uncertainty of textual references can hopefully be proved by the archaeological record. Jambon first started using his chemical analysis looking for meteoritic iron in 2010 after purchasing an XRF instrument. Despite the many obstacles in obtaining old artifacts from around Eurasia, he continues to shine a light on ancient metallurgical technologies.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Image, Top Left: Tutankhamun’s dagger made from meteorite. Replica. Juhele_CZ, CC 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Ancient genomes illuminate Huns’ origin

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—Researchers report genetic evidence clarifying the origin of the European Huns. The origin of the Huns, who arrived in Europe in the 370s, had previously been linked to the Xiongnu nomadic group of the Mongolian steppe. However, little historical and archaeological evidence exists to bridge the 300-year gap between the fall of the Xiongnu empire and the appearance of the Huns. Guido Alberto Gnecchi-Ruscone and colleagues analyzed archaeological evidence alongside genomic data for 370 people*. The genomic data came from people in the 2nd century BCE to the 1st century CE Xiongnu period in the Mongolian steppe; the 5th–6th century CE Hun period in the Carpathian Basin, including some rare burials exhibiting cultural connections to the steppe; and the intervening 2nd–5th century CE period across central Asia. The authors found high genetic diversity among people across the Eurasian steppe. The findings suggest a mixed origin of the Hun-period population, with no evidence of a large steppe descent community living in the Carpathian Basin during this period. However, some of the Hun- and post-Hun-period individuals carried genetic lineages linking them to elites of the Xiongnu empire. Although the Xiongnu are likely not the principal ancestors of the Hun-period population, some Huns were likely descended from Xiongnu, according to the authors.

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Article Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences news release.

*“Ancient genomes reveal trans-Eurasian connections between the European Huns and the Xiongnu Empire,” by Guido Alberto Gnecchi-Ruscone et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 24-Feb-2025. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2418485122

Image, Top Left: Roman villa in Gaul sacked by the hordes of Attila the Hun. GRochegrosse, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain

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Viking skulls reveal severe morbidity

University of Gothenburg—Sweden’s Viking Age population appears to have suffered from severe oral and maxillofacial disease, sinus and ear infections, osteoarthritis, and much more. This is shown in a study from the University of Gothenburg in which Viking skulls were examined using modern X-ray techniques.

About a year ago saw the publication of research based on the examination of a large number of teeth from the Viking Age population of Varnhem in the Swedish province of Västergötland. Varnhem is known for its thousands of ancient graves and excavations of well-preserved skeletons.

Now, odontologists at the University of Gothenburg have taken this research further, looking at not only teeth but also entire skulls, by using modern computed tomography, also known as CT scans.

Detailed image analysis

The results presented in British Dental Journal Open* suggest that the fifteen individuals whose skulls were examined suffered from a broad range of diseases. The CT scans show pathological bone growths in the cranium and jawbone, revealing infections and other conditions.

Several individuals showed signs of having suffered from sinus or ear infections that left traces in the adjacent bone structures. Signs of osteoarthritis and various dental diseases were also found. All the skulls came from adults who died between 20 and 60 years of age.

The study lead, Carolina Bertilsson, is an assistant researcher at the University of Gothenburg and a dentist within Sweden’s Public Dental Service. The study was performed with specialists in dental radiology at the University of Gothenburg and an archaeologist from Västergötlands museum.

Together, they conducted the examinations and analyzed the images. CT scans provide three-dimensional images that enable researchers to study in detail the various types of skeletal damage, layer by layer, in the different parts of the skull.

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Greater understanding

“There was much to look at. We found many signs of disease in these individuals. Exactly why we don’t know. While we can’t study the damage in the soft tissue because it’s no longer there, we can see the traces left in the skeletal structures,” says Carolina Bertilsson, and continues:

“The results of the study provide greater understanding of these people’s health and wellbeing. Everyone knows what it’s like to have pain somewhere, you can get quite desperate for help. But back then, they didn’t have the medical and dental care we do, or the kind of pain relief – and antibiotics – we now have. If you developed an infection, it could stick around for a long time.”

The study is described as a pilot study. One important aspect was to test CT as a method for future and more extensive studies.”Very many of today’s archaeological methods are invasive, with the need to remove bone or other tissue for analysis. This way, we can keep the remains completely intact yet still extract a great deal of information,” says Carolina Bertilsson.

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The skulls of Viking-era individuals were examined with modern computed tomography, in the search for infections, inflammations and other diseases. Photo by Carolina Bertilsson

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Computed tomography provide 3D photos and the possibility of advanced image analysis where layer by layer of bones, jaw bones and teeth are studied in detail. Photo by Carolina Bertilsson

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