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Researchers reveal new clues about H. erectus evolution while advancing paleoproteomics

Chinese Academy of Sciences Headquarters—Scientists from the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences have uncovered new information suggesting a potential connection between Homo erectus and modern humans, while also developing new, less invasive paleoproteomics methods of fossil research.

Homo erectus, or H. erectuswas the first species within the genus Homo to leave Africa, occupying a key position in human evolutionary history. However, due to the lack of molecular evidence from H. erectus, their genetic characteristics, population diversity, and especially their potential connections to modern humans remain unresolved. As a result, the role of H. erectus represents a major mystery and a focal point of debate in human evolution.

Molecular research on H. erectus remains has been limited because ancient human fossils are irreplaceable and a precious cultural heritage. For this reason, traditional destructive sampling methods are unacceptable and have long constrained the progress of relevant molecular research.

Now, however, the research team, led by FU Qiaomei from IVPP in collaboration with multiple institutions, has overcome this bottleneck by employing a micro-destructive sampling approach based on acid etching to recover molecular information from six Homo erectus teeth without damaging their morphology.

The team’s findings were published online in Nature on May 13*.

The article was also accompanied by a concurrent commentary in Nature, which highlighted the role of enamel proteins from these six H. erectus teeth from China in providing “new insights into how ancient genetic material was eventually introduced into modern human populations.” 

The researchers identified two mutations from the fossil teeth, dating back to at least 400,000 years ago, from three different sites—Zhoukoudian (Peking Man), Hexian, and Sunjiadong. The mutations suggest genetic links between East Asian H. erectus and Denisovans, which themselves are linked to modern humans.

The first is the previously unknown AMBN-A253G mutation, which was identified as a potential molecular marker associated with these H. erectus populations. It provides the first evidence that H. erectus specimens from these three sites belonged to the same evolutionary population.

The second is the AMBN-M273V variant, previously thought to be specific to Denisovans. However, this study reveals that this variant is not unique to Denisovans but is shared by these H. erectus populations.

According to the researchers, the second variant may have entered the Denisovan lineage through admixture and was subsequently passed to some modern human populations (in Southeast Asia and Oceania) via Denisovan introgression. This provides the first insights into a possible connection between East Asian H. erectus (such as those from Zhoukoudian) and Denisovans, as well as the potential deep genetic links to some present-day modern humans.

Additionally, the study establishes a suite of new experimental and computational methodologies, including a sex determination method for ancient hominins based on the male-specific enamel protein AMELY, a cross-validation approach using tandem mass spectrometry and multiple data analysis pipelines, and DNA analysis methods linked to specific amino acid variants. Together, these tools provide a new framework for systematic paleoproteomics research.

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A cartoon illustration of the AMBN enamel protein.  Credit: Image by IVPP

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Article Source: Chinese Academy of Sciences Headquarters headquarters.

*Enamel proteins from six Homo erectus specimens across China, Nature, 13-May-2026. 10.1038/s41586-026-10478-8 

Ancient burial site and remains of Anglo-Saxon houses unearthed during archaeological digs near A46 Newark Bypass scheme

The remains of seven ancient people, a Roman well and two probable Anglo-Saxon houses are some of the amazing finds that have been discovered by archaeologists during early, pre-construction investigations around National Highways’ A46 Newark Bypass scheme.

The scheme, which was confirmed in the Government’s third Road Investment Strategy (RIS) in March, aims to improve congestion at key junctions along the A46 by widening sections of the carriageway, creating a flyover and building a bridge over the A1.

A team of 30 archaeologists carefully excavated five fields in Newark last year, covering over 23 acres ( 9.63 hectares) over 22 weeks to reveal the fascinating finds that potentially date back to 6000 BC.

A burial site, encompassing the remains of seven individuals, was discovered in one field close to the A46. These burials are provisionally dated to the Iron Age, Roman or Anglo-Saxon periods. Ongoing scientific post-excavation analysis of these items is expected to refine and more precisely determine their chronology.

The remnants of an Anglo-Saxon house, known as a grubenhaus, were also found within the same area. A grubenhaus, German for ‘sunken-floored building’, was typical of Anglo-Saxon settlements but is a rare find in Nottinghamshire.

In a field south-west of Kelham village, various features were discovered dating from the Mesolithic period to post-Medieval. Items included a rectangular Roman enclosure, foundations of a farmhouse and a Roman well.

Naziya Sheikh, National Highways project manager for the A46 Newark scheme, said:

“The experts have done an amazing job to uncover these important pieces of history that have unknowingly remained buried under Newark until now. We’re excited to finally be able to share the details with residents in the town and beyond as part of our early pre-construction work on the A46 scheme.

“We take great care to record and safeguard the country’s heritage that can be uncovered by our projects. Archaeology belongs to the communities we serve, and by working alongside a team of archaeologists, we are delighted to be able to conserve and protect these incredible finds for future generations.”

Other items discovered during the digs included 163 pieces of ceramic pottery, many of which were glazed and show clear decorations dating from Roman and Iron Age periods. Several prehistoric finds such as flint arrowheads and a saddle quern used to grind flour to make bread in the Neolithic period and items dating to the English Civil War in 1642 were also uncovered.

Sean Tiffin from Archaeological Management Solutions (AMS), which carried out the dig on behalf of National Highways, said:

“Our excavations uncovered fascinating insights into life in this corner of Nottinghamshire during the prehistoric, Roman and Anglo-Saxon periods, and even up to the present day.

“The results will greatly help increase our understanding of the rich history of the area, shedding light and new insights on previously unknown settlements.”

Details of the findings have all now been published online with photos and videos of the dig and items uncovered. It is hoped some of the artifacts and findings will go on public display in Newark but details of this will be confirmed at a later date.  

The A46 Newark Bypass scheme, which will improve a key trans-Midlands trade corridor linking to the Humber ports, will be a major project to ease congestion at crucial junctions. Work will include:

• Widening four miles of a single carriageway in both directions between the Farndon and Winthorpe roundabouts near Newark-on-Trent.
• Creating a flyover for the A46 at the Cattle Market roundabout.
• Building a new bridge over the A1.
• Enlarging the Winthorpe roundabout to connect the new link road.

The Government confirmed its commitment to this scheme in its third Road Investment Strategy (RIS3) published in March and National Highways plans to set out more information on its delivery of the scheme in the summer.

Further information on the scheme can be found here or read more on National Highways’ approach to conserving archaeological finds.

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Mid-excavation of burials. Credit National Highways & AMS

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Several pieces of well-preserved Roman pottery were also discovered. Credit National Highways/AMS

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It is hoped some of the finds could be displayed in Newark in future. Credit National Highways/AMS

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A prehistoric flint arrowhead was among several discovered during the dig. Credit National Highways/AMS

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About Archaeological Management Solutions (AMS)

AMS was founded in 2011 by Ed Danaher and has grown to become one of Ireland’s leading cultural heritage and archaeological consultancies. AMS specializes in providing archaeological services for the delivery of infrastructure services including water, energy and roads. Core services include cultural heritage consultancy and planning; archaeological excavation and post excavation; geophysics and remote sensing; and coastal marine and inland waterways.

The company first entered the UK market in 2016, establishing an office in York, and has since built a growing client base. AMS is continuing its expansion in the UK with a new office set to open in Newark, Nottinghamshire, in the coming weeks.

The company employs more than 150 people across the UK and Ireland.

For enquiries, contact Jonathan Monteith – 07534116341 / Jonathan.Monteith@ams-consultancy.com

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About National Highways

National Highways is the wholly government-owned company responsible for modernising, maintaining and operating England’s motorways and major A roads.

View our press releases online at https://nationalhighways.co.uk/press/

Real-time traffic information for England’s motorways and major A roads is available via its website (https://trafficengland.com), local and national radio travel bulletins, electronic road signs and mobile apps. Local Twitter services are also available at https://nationalhighways.co.uk/about-us/social-media-use/.

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Horse Racing in Ancient Civilizations: What Archaeology Reveals

Have you ever wondered when horse racing actually started? We’re not talking about the modern horse racing world, but the moment when two humans decided that they could race their horses to see who was fastest.

It turns out that horse racing is way older than most people think. In fact, many people consider horse racing to be thousands of years old, and ancient civilizations also loved this sport.

How do we know this? Well, because of archaeology, we uncovered ruins of tracks, carvings, and ancient texts pointing to an exciting horse race. If we put all the small cues together, the story becomes crystal clear.

So, how old is horse racing? Let’s find out.

It Didn’t Start as “Sport”

If we’re trying to find horse racing events like the Kentucky Derby in the past, we’re looking at it with distorted lenses. Ancient racing wasn’t really about entertainment. At least not in the beginning.

In early civilizations like Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, horses were primarily used for war, transport, and status. Yes, speed was important, but not because they would be draped in flowers or win an award, but because the horse’s speed can make a real difference in battles.

So, what does this mean? Well, early “races” were often tied to training or demonstrations. In early civilizations like the ones mentioned, we cannot find structured racing. Yes, horses were bred and trained, but nobody gathered around a racetrack to watch a race and place a bet on the horse they thought would win the race.

Modern horse racing is all about entertainment and betting. Just take a look at the Triple Crown races, including the Kentucky Derby, Preakness Stakes, and Belmont Stakes. People cannot wait for big races to place some Preakness bets. It is how the sport is structured, and honestly, it works perfectly for the modern world.

But during times of war, food scarcity, and lack of transportation, horses were used for other things.

In ancient civilizations, they tested the horse’s speed just because warriors needed only the fastest and most controllable horses.

Chariot Racing Was the First Real “Spectacle”

So, when can we see the first traces of organized horse racing? Well, that would probably be the time when chariot racing became a thing. We’re talking about a time when Ancient Greece and later Ancient Rome were dominant.

This was the first time horses were used as a form of entertainment. Honestly, during these times, we can see the biggest rise in culture. We’re talking about art, philosophy, crafts, and leisure activities. In other words, they had better things to do than fight each other and conquer all the time.

During these times, entire stadiums were built around racetracks, crowds gathered in huge numbers (maybe even more than the Kentucky Derby), and people even supported specific teams or factions.

Yes, even betting was involved, but not like placing a bet on TwinSpires through a phone, but more like trading bets where people usually bet using livestock and later silver coins.

Archeologists have found large arenas like the Circus Maximus in Rome, which could hold over 100,000 spectators. This alone is enough to give you an idea about the importance of these races. Yes, there were gladiator fights too, but chariot races were also really popular.

On top of that, chariot races have never been like a side activity but usually the main event.

Organized Racing Started Earlier Than You’d Expect

For a long time, people assumed that structured horse racing was a relatively recent development.

But archaeological evidence suggests otherwise.

In Ancient Greece, horse racing was already part of the Olympic Games as early as 648 BCE. That means there were rules, events, and recognized competition formats thousands of years ago.

This is where things start to look a lot more like modern racing.

It wasn’t random anymore. It was organized.

Breeding and Training Were Already Advanced

Most people don’t know that ancient civilizations weren’t just racing horses, but they were actually breeding them. And not in a random order, but carefully, strategically, and planned. They really understood horse genetics and found out that through breeding, they can produce faster and more endurant horses.

There are archaeological records that show that certain regions were known for producing stronger or faster horses. Why? Well, it’s all thanks to selective breeding, and that has been around for thousands of years.

Over the years, there is proof that training methods have advanced, and horses were conditioned for endurance (mainly), but also speed, control, and all depending on their purpose.

Racing Was Also About Entertainment (Eventually)

Over time, the purpose of racing shifted.

What started as a functional test, speed, and control slowly became entertainment. And all of this happened naturally. People had more time to explore things, and since horses were around them, they started to experiment, and it worked.

By the time you reach Ancient Rome, racing is no longer just about performance.

It’s about spectacle.

Crowds gather, bets are placed informally, and rivalries form. Some charioteers became famous in their own right, almost like early sports celebrities. And this is where you start to see the foundation of modern horse racing culture.

These races became competitive, the audience loved them, and most importantly, they were exciting to watch. Everything we can say about today’s horse racing culture. So, horse racing is a sport that has been around for thousands of years, and we really have to appreciate that.

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Cover Photo, Above:  by Samir Smier

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How math AI helps date ancient fossils and remains

A fragment of bone. A crumbling tooth. A pressed leaf in stone. These small things carry enormous secrets — if you know how to ask the right questions. For centuries, scientists guessed ages based on rock layers and gut instinct. Today, artificial intelligence powered by advanced mathematics is changing everything about how we understand ancient fossils and remains.

The results are stunning. What once took years now takes days.

Why Dating Fossils Is So Hard

Fossils don’t come with labels. A skull pulled from a riverbank could be 10,000 years old or 2 million. Traditional methods like radiocarbon dating work well — but only up to about 50,000 years. Beyond that threshold, the math gets messy and the margins of error balloon.

Older remains require different tools entirely. Uranium-lead dating, potassium-argon analysis, thermoluminescence — each method has its own equations, assumptions, and blind spots. Getting it right demands extraordinary precision.

The Numbers Behind the Science

The scale of improvement is hard to ignore. A 2022 study published in Nature found that AI-assisted dating reduced age estimation errors by up to 40% compared to traditional methods alone. That’s not a minor tweak — that’s a fundamental leap.

Researchers at the Max Planck Institute have used neural networks to analyse ancient DNA degradation patterns, dating specimens with a margin of error as small as ±200 years on remains over 100,000 years old. Numbers like these were unthinkable a decade ago.

Isotope Ratios and Pattern Recognition

Here’s what makes AI genuinely remarkable in this context. Isotope ratios — the relative amounts of certain chemical elements preserved in bone — shift in predictable ways over time. But the patterns are subtle. Noise in the data hides them easily.

AI doesn’t get tired. It doesn’t overlook a faint signal buried in 10,000 data points. Convolutional neural networks trained on verified fossil datasets can now identify isotopic signatures with accuracy that exceeds even experienced laboratory technicians.

A Quick Word on Math Solvers

The underlying all of this is raw mathematical computation – differential equations, a statistical model, matrix algebra. A picture solver will be able to do these calculations. Some researchers have even found they can develop new dating equations by using a general-purpose math picture solver to speed up their development process, reducing the development time from months to days. Human productivity can be improved and errors can be minimized with the use of a maths solver.

When Math Meets Machine

Artificial intelligence stepped in about a decade ago. Shyly.

Now it runs the show. Modern machine learning gulps data—thousands of measurements from mass spectrometers, images of microscopic wear on teeth, chemical signatures from soil. It spots patterns no human would catch. Ever.

Consider a pile of ancient fossils from a cave in France. A neural network can sift through the radiocarbon dates, the stratigraphy, the snail shells and charcoal, and produce a timeline tighter than a drum. It does in hours what took a researcher a year. Blinks, really.

Stratigraphy Gets Smarter

Stratigraphy — the study of rock and soil layers — has always been foundational to fossil dating. Older layers sit deeper. Simple in theory. Complicated in practice, because geological events shift, fold, and flip those layers constantly.

AI systems trained on regional geological data can now reconstruct likely stratigraphic histories from fragmented evidence. They model how layers moved, eroded, and redeposited over millions of years — giving fossils found in disturbed sites a far more reliable chronological home.

Ancient Human Remains: A Special Case

Dating human remains carries particular weight. It rewrites family trees. It challenges accepted timelines of migration, evolution, and civilization. The stakes are high, and errors have real consequences.

AI has already revised several key dates. Remains found in Laos, initially estimated at around 45,000 years old, were re-examined using AI-assisted isotope modelling. The revised estimate: closer to 68,000 years. That single correction shifted scientific understanding of early human migration routes through Southeast Asia.

The Data Problem

AI is only as good as the data it learns from. Early fossil databases were inconsistent — different labs used different standards, different notation systems, different error reporting conventions. That created real problems for early machine learning models trained on those records.

Efforts like the Paleobiology Database and the NEOTOMA Paleoecology Database are working to standardise this. As data quality improves, AI dating accuracy climbs with it. The two advances are inseparable.

What Comes Next

Portable AI dating tools are already in development. Field researchers may soon carry handheld devices capable of running preliminary isotope analyses on-site — giving a rough age estimate before a fossil ever reaches a laboratory. That would revolutionise how excavations are planned and prioritised.

The combination of ancient fossils and remains with cutting-edge mathematics is no longer a novelty. It is rapidly becoming the standard.

Final Thought

So how does math AI help date ancient fossils and remains? Quietly. Fundamentally. It’s not flashy. No dinosaur roar. It’s the difference between a blur and a portrait. Between somewhere around then and exactly this winter, 41,200 years ago.

A bone in the hand becomes a voice. A tooth becomes a timestamp stamped in amber. The past gets its chronology back. And we, the curious, finally get to listen.

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Ice Age butcher’s tools are a sign of ancient humans’ creativity during hard times

Field Museum—In central China, scientists have spent over a decade excavating and studying an archaeological site where ancient humans butchered animals. Amidst bones, archaeologists found complex stone tools that would have required a level of intelligence and creativity to make. A new analysis*, based on the crystals growing inside one of the bones, showed scientists the site dated back to an ice age 146,00 years ago— challenging long-held ideas about early humanity at this site becoming creative thanks to warmer times of plenty.

“People often imagine creativity as something that flourishes in good times,” says Yuchao Zhao, the assistant curator of East Asian archaeology at the Field Museum in Chicago and the lead author of a paper describing the findings in the Journal of Human Evolution. “Finding out that these stone tools were made during a harsh ice age tells a different story. Hard times can force us to adapt.”

Zhao and his colleagues, led by senior author Zhangyang Li, a professor at Shandong University in China, have been examining stone tools found at the Lingjing archaeological site in central China. Lingjing was occupied by early humans called Homo juluensis. They were cousins of modern humans (Homo sapiens), and our ancestors may have interacted with them. Homo juluensis show a striking mosaic of features, including very large brain size and traits seen in both eastern Asian archaic humans and Neanderthals in Europe.

Until recently, archaeologists had thought that the ancient humans in East Asia during the late Middle Pleistocene (300,000-120,000 years ago) hadn’t made many significant technological advances, in comparison to the early humans living in Europe and Africa. But the stone tools found at Lingjing tell a different story.

The disc-shaped stone cores at Lingjing might not look especially fancy at first glance, but Zhao and his colleagues’ analysis of them revealed that they were part of a painstaking and carefully organized tool-making process. The Homo juluensis people crafted them by hitting small stones against larger stone cores.

Some of the cores were worked fairly evenly on both sides. Others were more carefully structured: one side served mainly as the surface to strike from, while the other side was shaped to produce sharp flakes. These asymmetrical cores are especially important because they show that ancient humans were not just knocking pieces off a stone at random. They were managing the core as a three-dimensional object, giving different surfaces different roles and maintaining the right angles to keep producing useful flakes.

“This was not casual flake production, but a technology that required planning, precision, and a deep understanding of stone properties and fracture mechanics,” says Zhao. “The underlying logic of this system— and the cognitive abilities it reflects— shows important similarities to Middle Paleolithic technologies often associated with Neanderthals in Europe and with human ancestors in Africa, suggesting that advanced technological thinking was not limited to western Eurasia.”

So, the stone artifacts left behind by the Homo juluensis at Lingjing suggest that the people there were capable of complex thought and creativity. But the story is further complicated by recent studies that have adjusted scientists’ estimates of how long ago these tools were made.

Lingjing was a site where Homo juluensis came to butcher animals like deer, and these animals’ bones are found alongside the stone tools. One of these bones, a rib from a deer-like animal, contained glittering calcite crystals. Calcite crystals contain trace amounts of uranium, which slowly degrades into another element called thorium. By measuring the ratio of uranium to thorium present in a calcite crystal, scientists can tell how old the crystal is.

“The calcite crystals inside the bone acted like a natural clock, allowing us to refine the age of the site,” says Zhao.

Previously, researchers thought that the tools found in Lingjing were about 126,000 years old at most, but based on the presence of the crystals, they’re about 20,000 years older— a small, but important difference.

“Even though these tools are just a little bit older than we’d previously thought, the entire story is changed,” says Zhao. “During the Pleistocene, Earth repeatedly shifted between colder ice-age periods and warmer intervals between them. We used to think these tools were made 126,000 years ago, during a warm interglacial period, but based on the new dates suggested by the crystals, some of these tools were actually produced 146,000 years ago, during a harsh, cold glacial period.”

The new age assigned to these stone artifacts calls into question the idea that creativity is a luxury for good times; instead, in this case, it seems to be an adaption for surviving hard times.  “Altogether, this research reveals a much richer story of innovation, intelligence, and human evolution in East Asia,” says Zhao.

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One of the 146,000-year-old stone cores used to make butcher’s tools, found in Lingjing, China. Photo by Yuchao Zhao.  Credit: Yuchao Zhao

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Crystals growing inside a bone found at the Lingjing archaeological site; these crystals were used to date the site, and the tools found there, to an ice age 146,000 years ago. Photo by Zhanyang Li.  Credit:  Zhanyang Li.

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Article Source: Field Museum news release.

*Earliest centripetal flaking system in eastern Eurasia reveals human behavioral complexity in late Middle Pleistocene China, Journal of Human Evolution, 7-May-2026.

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The Role of AI in Modern Archaeology: From Excavation to Analysis

Archaeology used to mean years of painstaking brushwork, sun-beaten fieldwork, and mountains of paper records. That image is changing — fast. Artificial intelligence has entered the discipline, and it is reshaping every stage of the process, from choosing where to dig to making sense of what comes out of the ground.

The numbers tell a striking story. A 2023 report from the Alan Turing Institute found that AI-assisted site detection reduced survey time by up to 60% compared to traditional ground surveys. That is not a minor improvement. That is a transformation.

Seeing What Human Eyes Miss

The availability of satellite images to archaeologists has not been new in the decades. It was never a question of interpretation, a trained analyst could only look at a limited number of images in a day. The equation is completely altered by AI.

Machine learning algorithms are now able to scan thousands of square kilometers of landscape data in hours and flag anomalies which may indicate buried structures. A team utilizing deep learning algorithms in 2022 discovered more than 300 previously unknown Nazca Lines in Peru in just a few months. Researchers had been searching for almost a hundred years to locate the ones that are already known. 

Ground-Penetrating Radar Meets Neural Networks

GPR Ground penetrating radar (GPR) is a long-standing non-invasive tool used to map the subsurface. In isolation, it generates complicated wave-form data which must be interpreted by an expert. Together with AI, it is transformed into something quite different.

The neural networks trained with GPR datasets are now able to recognize the likely locations of burials, walls, and voids with an accuracy of over 85% in controlled experiments. This is of utmost importance in places where excavation will result in irreversible damage. Preserve first. Dig when there is a necessity to dig.

The Excavation Site Goes Digital

Once digging begins, AI does not step back. It steps in. Photogrammetry software powered by computer vision can generate precise 3D models of an entire excavation trench in under an hour, capturing spatial relationships that once took weeks to document by hand.

These models are not just records. They are working tools. Researchers can revisit a virtual dig site years later, rotate it, slice through it, and re-examine stratigraphic layers that have long since been removed.

Talking Through Discoveries in Real Time

Archaeological fieldwork is often remote, isolated, and logistically complicated. Teams working in separate locations on the same project need fast, reliable ways to share findings and debate interpretations. Increasingly, researchers use anonymous group chats to discuss sensitive pre-publication discoveries without risking intellectual exposure. This matters more than it might seem. A premature leak about an important find can trigger looting. 

But there’s another reason to use video chat: familiarizing people with important facts. For example, if it’s been established that ancient tribes lived in a certain area, it’s quite easy to find people from that location. People are now actively using the CallMeChat platform, which connects people from different locations. This allows for consultations, explaining the importance of paying attention to antiquities, and for archaeologists themselves, identifying promising excavation sites in real time.

Artifact Classification at Scale

A single excavation season can produce tens of thousands of ceramic sherds, lithic fragments, and bone samples. Traditional classification is slow, inconsistent, and dependent on the expertise of whoever happens to be available. AI does not get tired.

Computer vision models trained on catalogued museum collections can now classify ceramic types, identify manufacturing techniques, and even suggest regional origin — all from a photograph. A 2021 study published in the Journal of Archaeological Science showed that a convolutional neural network matched expert human classification accuracy at 91% on a dataset of over 20,000 pottery fragments. One system. Consistent results. Every time.

Reading the Unreadable

Some of archaeology’s most tantalizing material is also its most inaccessible. Damaged manuscripts, corroded inscriptions, and fire-blackened tablets have resisted decipherment for generations. AI is beginning to crack them open.

The Vesuvius Challenge, launched in 2023, used machine learning to read carbonized papyrus scrolls from Herculaneum — scrolls so fragile they could not be physically unrolled without disintegrating. Within months, researchers had recovered hundreds of readable Greek words. A text buried since 79 AD. Recovered by an algorithm.

Bioarchaeology and the DNA Revolution

AI is not only working on objects. It is working on people — or rather, on what remains of them. Ancient DNA analysis has exploded in the past decade, but the datasets it generates are enormous and complex.

Machine learning tools now identify genetic markers, map migration patterns, and detect signs of disease across hundreds of skeletal samples simultaneously. Population movements that once took years to reconstruct from fragmentary burial evidence can now be modeled in weeks. Archaeology is becoming, in part, a data science.

The Ethical Weight of All This Power

Speed and capability bring complications. Who controls the AI models? Who owns the training data, often derived from collections held in Western institutions but originating in post-colonial contexts? These are not abstract questions.

Indigenous communities increasingly demand a voice in how AI is used to interpret their ancestral remains and cultural objects. Some researchers argue that the very efficiency of AI risks turning archaeology into an extraction industry — faster, yes, but potentially less careful about meaning, context, and community.

Predictive Modeling and the Future of Survey

Before a shovel touches earth, AI models can now estimate the probability of finding significant deposits in any given grid square. These predictive models pull from soil type data, historical land use records, topographic maps, and previous excavation results.

In the Netherlands, predictive archaeological modeling has been standard practice in urban development planning since the early 2000s. AI has made those models dramatically more accurate. Developers know where to dig carefully before a single foundation is poured.

What AI Cannot Replace

Let this be clear. AI does not understand context the way a seasoned archaeologist does. It does not feel the significance of finding a child’s toy beside a burial. It does not ask the questions that matter most: Why here? Why this? What did this mean to the people who made it?

Technology is a tool. An extraordinary one. But the intellectual and ethical work of archaeology — the interpretation, the humility, the conversation with the past — remains stubbornly, necessarily human.

A Discipline in Transition

Archaeology in 2025 looks nothing like archaeology in 2000. The pace of discovery has accelerated. The methods have multiplied. The data has exploded beyond what any individual researcher could process in a lifetime.

AI has not replaced the archaeologist. It has expanded what one person, one team, one generation can know. That is remarkable. And the best of this work is still ahead.

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Above 2,000 meters: Cova 338 redefines Pyrenean prehistory

Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona—An international research team led by the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and the Institut Català de Paleoecologia Humana i Evolució Social (IPHES-CERCA) has documented the highest-altitude prehistoric cave with evidence of intense human occupation known to date in the Pyrenees. The site, known as Cova 338, is located at 2,235 meters above sea level in the Núria Valley (Queralbs, Ripollès – Girona) and currently represents the most significant high-mountain prehistoric site documented in the range.

The results show that the cave was repeatedly occupied between the 5th millennium BCE and the end of the 1st millennium BCE, providing new evidence on the exploitation of high-mountain resources in prehistoric times and challenging the traditional idea that these areas were used only sporadically or marginally. Dating indicates that these occupations occurred in several distinct phases, separated by periods of abandonment, suggesting a planned and recurrent use of this space.

This is the main conclusion of the article* published in Frontiers in Environmental Archaeology, led by Carlos Tornero, professor in the Department of Prehistory at the UAB and researcher at IPHES-CERCA, with the participation of researchers from IPHES-CERCA, the Universitat Rovira i Virgili, the University of Granada, the Pompeu Fabra University, and the University of the Balearic Islands, among other institutions.

Intense and organized occupation in a high-mountain environment

For decades, archaeological research has interpreted areas above 2,000 meters in altitude as marginal territories, occupied only occasionally. Cova 338 breaks with this model.

Extensive excavations carried out between 2021 and 2023 have revealed “an exceptional archaeological sequence, including numerous combustion structures, faunal remains, ceramic fragments, and a remarkable assemblage of green minerals, likely malachite, a copper-rich mineral”, explains Carlos Tornero. “For the first time in the Pyrenees, high-mountain prehistoric occupations of significant intensity have been documented, characterized by repeated activities and the direct exploitation of mineral resources within the cave.”

Among the recovered materials are also two pendants: one made from a marine shell (Glycimeris) and another from a brown bear tooth, evidencing personal ornamentation practices. The former has parallels in other Catalan sites, while the latter is much rarer and possibly linked to a specific symbolic meaning.

“Cova 338 forces us to rethink the role of high mountain environments in Pyrenean prehistoric societies”, highlights Carlos Tornero. “For a long time, these spaces were assumed to be marginal. What we document here is recurrent occupation, with complex activities and a clear exploitation of mineral resources.”

The evidence suggests that mineral fragments were brought into the cave and subsequently fragmented or processed inside, indicating systematic exploitation of copper-rich minerals in a high-mountain environment throughout the Late Neolithic and the Bronze Age. These data place Cova 338 among the earliest known examples of this type of activity in Western Europe.

Spatial analysis of the site shows a clear internal organization of activities, with differentiated structures and areas. Researchers interpret the cave as a logistical site integrated within well-structured seasonal mobility systems, where human groups returned recurrently to carry out specific tasks.

“The mountain was not a barrier, but an active place within the economic and territorial organization of prehistoric communities”, notes Eudald Carbonell, researcher at IPHES-CERCA and co-author of the study.

A research project under extreme conditions

The research is part of the ARRELS project, a program promoted by the Ministry for Culture of the Government of Catalonia and led by the UAB and IPHES-CERCA, focused on studying the prehistoric roots of human mobility and occupation in the Upper Ripollès region.

Excavations at Cova 338 have posed a major logistical challenge, as access to the cave is only possible on foot from the Núria Valley, with no motorized support allowed. This has required all materials and sediments generated during the digs to be transported manually.

“Conducting an archaeological excavation to current scientific standards under these conditions is extraordinarily demanding”, explains Tornero. The work incorporated high-resolution methodologies, including 3D recording of all materials, systematic sediment sampling, and techniques such as washing and flotation, which allow even the smallest remains to be recovered and provide highly detailed information on the activities carried out in the cave.

Given its scientific importance and excellent state of preservation, the site has been protected and access restricted to ensure the conservation of the deposits and facilitate future research.

The work has also been made possible thanks to the logistical and institutional support of the Queralbs Town Council and the Ter and Freser Headwaters Natural Park, which have facilitated fieldwork in this high-mountain environment.

A key reference for European prehistory

Researchers consider Cova 338 to be a key reference for understanding human occupation of the Pyrenean high mountains and the exploitation of their resources during recent prehistory.

“This site demonstrates that the Pyrenees were not a marginal territory for prehistoric communities, but a space fully integrated into their mobility strategies and territorial exploitation”, concludes Carlos Tornero.

The results open new lines of research into the role of alpine environments in prehistoric societies and the earliest forms of mineral resource exploitation in high-mountain contexts.

Funding source:This research is funded through the project led by Carlos Tornero and Eudald Carbonell Arrels prehistòriques de la transhumància a l’Alt Ripollès: projecte arqueològic 2022–2025 (code CLT009/22/00060; AGAUR-DGPC, Departament de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya) and has had the logistic and institutional support of the Queralbs Town Council and the Ter and Freser Headwaters Natural Park, which have facilitated the development of the excavations in this high mountain environment.

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Archaeological excavations in the interior of Cova 338. Authorship: IPHES-CERCA.  Credit: IPHES-CERCA.

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Article Source: Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona news release.

Foraging behavior in early humans

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—A study* explores foraging behavior in early humans. High-quality foods, particularly meat, were key to the cognitive and social development of early humans of the genus Homo. To explore food acquisition strategies among early humans, Frances Forrest and colleagues analyzed a 1.6-million-year-old fossil assemblage from the Koobi Fora Formation in Kenya. The assemblage, from the KBS geological layer, covers the period preceding the Okote geological layer and includes butchered animal remains associated with early Homo. Antelope remains were highly frequent in the assemblage. The remains in the assemblage were consistent with behaviors documented in the Okote layer. Such behaviors include hunting or aggressive scavenging, transporting carcass limbs to processing sites, and systematically extracting marrow. In the KBS assemblage, bones showed few carnivore tooth marks, suggesting that early Homo was able to obtain carcasses with limited carnivore competition. Transport of limbs revealed prioritization of high-reward, low-effort carcass sections. The geologic formation tied to the assemblage showed that the foraging behaviors occurred in a river-adjacent environment. The KBS assemblage also showed behavior consistent with 1.84-million-year-old sites in Tanzania and 2-million-year-old sites in Kenya. According to the authors, foraging behavior in early Homo was stable over time and may have contributed to the success and evolution of hominins.

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Hominin tooth from the Koobi Fora Formation in Kenya associated with the study assemblage. Credit Sharon Kuo.

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Fossil bone from Koobi Fora, showing cut marks linked to butchering by early Homo. Credit Sharon Kuo.

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

From the Trenches to the Thesis: Bridging the Gap Between Field Archaeology and Academic History

Archaeology and academic history often seem like neighboring disciplines that speak different dialects. One studies soil layers, postholes, ceramics, bones, and ruined walls. The other studies archives, manuscripts, political change, memory, and interpretation. Yet the strongest historical scholarship often appears when these two worlds meet.

For students, early-career researchers, and even seasoned scholars, the challenge is not only collecting evidence. The harder task is turning field discoveries into meaningful historical arguments. A trench can reveal a structure, a burial, or a pattern of trade. A thesis must explain why that evidence matters within a wider human story.

Why Field Archaeology and Academic History Need Each Other

Field archaeology produces direct material evidence. It brings researchers close to the physical traces of daily life, conflict, migration, ritual, and exchange. A fragment of pottery may reveal trade links. A coin deposit may suggest instability, wealth, or political control. Soil discoloration can point to forgotten buildings, fires, or repeated occupation.

Academic history adds another layer of value. It organizes evidence into chronology, social context, and interpretation. Historians ask how objects fit into broader systems such as empire, religion, labor, gender, law, and memory. Without that analytical framework, many finds remain isolated data points instead of historical insight.

What the Trench Can Reveal That Texts Cannot

Excavation often captures voices that written records ignore. Elites produced many of the documents historians inherit. Ordinary workers, women, enslaved communities, migrants, and rural populations often appear only faintly in texts. Material culture can correct that imbalance.

A cooking pot, spindle whorl, child’s toy, bead, or animal bone offers clues about everyday routines. These traces help researchers reconstruct diet, housing, craft production, domestic labor, and consumption habits. In that sense, archaeology broadens the historical record rather than simply illustrating it.

What Academic History Contributes to Excavated Evidence

Objects do not explain themselves. A wall is never just a wall. Its date, function, symbolism, and relation to power depend on careful interpretation. Historians bring methods that help connect physical remains to political structures, cultural change, and intellectual life.

That is why historiography matters so much. A student may identify a material pattern in the field, yet still struggle to position it within existing scholarship. Academic history teaches how to engage debates, test claims, and show where new evidence confirms, complicates, or challenges accepted narratives.

Balancing fieldwork responsibilities with academic deadlines can place significant pressure on students working at the intersection of archaeology and history. Long hours on excavation sites, combined with the need to produce well-structured written analysis, often leave little time for refining arguments or polishing complex ideas. In these situations, history assignment help can support the writing process by helping organize research into a clear and academically consistent format. With additional guidance, students are able to strengthen their reasoning, improve the flow of their writing, and present their findings with greater confidence. This allows them to stay focused on both practical discoveries and their interpretation without compromising the overall quality of their work.

Where the Gap Usually Appears

The gap between trench work and thesis writing often opens during interpretation. Field schools train students to record units, read stratigraphy, bag artifacts, and follow site protocols. University seminars train them to analyze sources, compare arguments, and build literature reviews. Both skill sets matter, but they are not always taught together.

The result is a familiar problem. A student may leave the field with rich notes and strong observational skills, then feel lost when asked to produce a research question. Another student may write elegant prose about the past, yet feel uncertain about excavation data, site reports, or artifact context. Bridging this divide requires deliberate practice.

Several barriers appear again and again in archaeology and history programs. They are practical, intellectual, and methodological at the same time.

  1. Students collect data before they define a strong research problem.
  2. Field notes remain descriptive instead of analytical.
  3. Site evidence is treated separately from textual or archival material.
  4. Terminology from archaeology and historiography is not always translated across disciplines.

These problems do not mean the student lacks talent. More often, they show how academic training is divided into separate boxes. Once those boxes are opened, interpretation becomes more confident, precise, and original.

Turning Excavation Into Argument

The move from fieldwork to thesis writing begins with a shift in mindset. In the trench, the priority is accuracy, context, and documentation. In academic writing, the priority is argument, relevance, and synthesis. The evidence stays important, but its role changes.

A useful thesis does not merely report what was found. It explains what the findings reveal about a settlement, period, institution, or community. That means every artifact category, context sheet, and spatial pattern must serve a larger claim. Students who understand this shift usually write stronger dissertations, articles, and seminar papers.

Questions That Create Better Historical Interpretation

A productive project usually begins with better questions rather than more material. Instead of asking only what was uncovered, students should ask what the finds allow them to investigate. This small change creates room for interpretation.

For example, a trench with imported ceramics might support questions about trade, status, or cultural contact. A cemetery may open questions about health, kinship, violence, or identity. Burn layers could point toward war, accident, climate stress, or urban redevelopment. The same evidence can support different arguments depending on context and method.

Before moving into a longer discussion, it helps to identify the kinds of questions that most often connect field archaeology with academic history.

  • local context shaped the meaning of every find;
  • dating methods mattered as much as description;
  • spatial relationships revealed patterns no single object could show;
  • comparison with written sources sharpened interpretation;
  • absence of evidence also required caution.

When students learn to ask these kinds of questions, their writing becomes more than a technical summary. It starts to sound like history rather than a storage inventory.

A Simple Comparison of Both Worlds

The relationship between archaeology and history becomes clearer when their strengths are placed side by side.

Area Field archaeology Academic history Best bridge
evidence artifacts, ecofacts, architecture, stratigraphy texts, archives, chronicles, theory combined source analysis
method excavation, survey, recording, dating interpretation, comparison, argumentation research design
main risk over-description over-generalization contextual synthesis
strongest outcome grounded evidence meaningful narrative persuasive historical explanation

This comparison shows why neither discipline should dominate the other. Good scholarship grows when material remains and historical reasoning works together.

Practical Skills That Help Students Bridge the Divide

Many students assume the bridge must be built at the final writing stage. In reality, it starts much earlier. The habits formed during fieldwork shape the quality of the later thesis. Careful observation is important, but reflective note-taking is equally valuable.

A strong researcher learns to move between recording and interpretation without confusing the two. That balance takes repetition, especially when handling large datasets, fragmented artifacts, or complicated site phases.

Several practical habits make that transition easier during both fieldwork and academic writing.

  • keep a parallel notebook for interpretive thoughts, not just technical records;
  • connect each context or feature to at least one historical theme;
  • review excavation notes while reading secondary scholarship;
  • build a glossary of key terms from both archaeology and historiography;
  • map how artifacts, texts, and chronology support the same research question.

These habits save time later. They also reduce the panic many students feel when they face a blank page after an intense field season. Instead of starting from scattered observations, they begin with patterns, questions, and possible arguments.

Building a Thesis That Honors the Evidence

A good thesis should respect uncertainty without becoming vague. Archaeological evidence is often incomplete, disturbed, or ambiguous. Historical writing must acknowledge those limits. At the same time, cautious writing should still make a clear claim.

That balance is where mature scholarship begins. A student does not need to force certainty onto every interpretation. It is often stronger to explain competing possibilities, weigh the evidence, and justify the most persuasive conclusion. Examiners usually value intellectual honesty more than exaggerated confidence.

From Site Report to Scholarly Contribution

Site reports are essential, but a thesis must go further. It should engage debates about social life, state formation, migration, religion, trade, memory, or conflict. In other words, the thesis must show why the excavation matters beyond the trench itself.

That is also where academic history sharpens archaeological writing. It helps students connect a specific case study to broader patterns across time and place. A small excavation can still support a powerful argument if the analysis is precise and well framed.

Why This Bridge Matters for the Future of Historical Research

The future of historical research depends on interdisciplinary thinking. Archaeology without historical interpretation can become overly technical. History without material evidence can become too abstract or too dependent on elite voices. Together, they offer a fuller picture of the past.

Students who learn to bridge this gap gain more than a better grade. They become better researchers, clearer writers, and more flexible thinkers. They learn how to move from dirt layers to debate, from field notes to historiography, and from recovered fragments to historical meaning.

In the end, the path from trench to thesis is not a leap. It is a process of translation. When field archaeology and academic history are brought into conversation, the past becomes richer, more complex, and far more human.

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When the Ground Goes Quiet: What Digital Archaeology Gains, and Risks Losing

Archaeology used to announce itself with dust, trenches, and the hard patience of hands in soil. Now, however, some of its biggest claims arrive through screens first.

For instance, a buried wall appears as a pulse in remote sensing data. Also, a lost road might emerge from pattern recognition. The shift matters because authority has started to migrate from the spade to the scan. That change, while useful, deserves more scrutiny than it usually gets.

This is not a complaint about technology. Digital archaeology has broadened the field and accelerated comparison. Also, it made fragile sites easier to study without tearing them apart too soon.

Still, the cleaner the image becomes, the easier it is to forget that interpretation remains messy. Although data can sharpen a question, it cannot rescue a weak one. Consequently, the discipline now faces a familiar old problem in a fresh outfit. Confidence can outrun evidence.

Convenience Is Not The Same As Clarity

Fieldwork today moves through laptops, cloud folders, and geospatial layers. Also, it moves through phones that double as notebooks, cameras, and backup terminals.

In that mobile ecosystem, even a VPN for phone might play a positive role by protecting field data on unstable public networks. This helps especially when teams move between rural sites and urban transit. Yet security and speed do not automatically create better history.

The real risk sits elsewhere. When archaeologists map a landscape before sunrise and model a structure before lunch, the workflow starts to reward smoothness. This is where friction disappears, and doubt looks inefficient.

However, archaeology has always required friction. This is because stubborn material forces better questions. Essentially, a stone alignment may be architecture, ritual space, erosion, or coincidence.

Therefore, every elegant visualization should invite restraint before it invites applause.

What the Strongest Digital Work Still Gets Right

The best projects do not confuse discovery with explanation. Instead, they stage a conversation between methods. Remote sensing identifies the possibility.

  • Excavation tests it.
  • Environmental sampling complicates it.
  • Artifact distribution either supports the pattern or wrecks it.

That sequence sounds obvious, but it often gets compressed in public storytelling. This is where the spectacular image steals the headline. Meanwhile, the slower verification work limps behind.

A healthier model looks more like this:

Method

What it does well

What it cannot do alone

LiDAR and remote sensing

Reveals hidden patterns across large landscapes

Cannot confirm function, date, or social meaning

Ground excavation

Tests deposits and context directly

Covers limited space and can damage fragile layers

Ancient DNA and residue analysis

Tracks kinship, mobility, diet, and biological links

Cannot explain culture by itself

Archival and historical comparison

Adds chronology, language, and political context

Often leaves major gaps and biases intact

The Pressure Points Nobody Should Ignore

At the outset, three distortions keep surfacing in digital archaeology. Also, they shape public understanding more than many experts admit:

1. Scale Bias

Bigger maps and larger site networks look more important, even when smaller contexts hold the sharper human story.

2. Tool Bias

A method with striking visuals mostly drives the narrative. Meanwhile, slower evidence gets pushed to the margins.

3. Present-day Bias

Modern ideas about infrastructure, state power, and efficiency might leak backward into ancient worlds too easily.

These are not minor issues. Rather, they affect funding, headlines, and preservation priorities. Eventually, they affect the stories that enter classrooms and museums.

Moreover, they might flatten past societies into systems diagrams. Although it feels modern and tidy, it often misses lived experience. Actually, people did not inhabit datasets. Rather, they inhabited weather, memory, ritual, fear, trade, hunger, and ambition.

To be honest, archaeology loses depth when it forgets that.

Why the Next Argument Is Really About Discipline

So the real divide is not between old archaeology and new archaeology. Rather, the deeper divide sits between archaeology that uses technology as a probe and archaeology that treats technology as a verdict.

That difference shows up in a few very concrete ways:

  • Testing claims slowly. It treats remote sensing, modeling, and digital reconstruction as leads to be challenged. It does not rely on polished answers to be displayed and defended.
  • Rewarding visual certainty. It might make a dataset look settled before excavation, stratigraphy, or contextual reading has done its proper work.
  • Accepting contradiction. It leaves room for mixed signals and failed hypotheses. Also, it considers the awkward truth that some sites refuse clean interpretation.
  • Performance. It risks turning archaeology into a sequence of reveal moments. This is where the image lands first, and the disciplined doubt arrives too late.
  • Serious interpretation still depends on method, not mood. It requires sequence, comparison, and restraint. Also, it requires the willingness to say that a striking pattern may still mean very little without context.

In contrast, strong archaeology stays investigative. It does not panic in the face of ambiguity. Also, it does not rush to convert technical capacity into historical certainty.

Archaeology Still Needs Dirt, Doubt, and Time

Digital tools have improved the field. Moreover, there is no sensible path back. Nevertheless, archaeology should resist the fantasy of frictionless knowing. Its power comes from disciplined uncertainty. Also, it comes from testing bright signals against stubborn ground. Moreover, it is also about remembering that human pasts rarely line up neatly.

The future of the discipline, then, depends not on more dazzling scans alone. Rather, it depends on keeping interpretation slower, tougher, and properly accountable.

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Roman shipwreck reveals fascinating history of repairs throughout the Adriatic 2,200 years ago

Frontiers—Ever since humans have embarked on sea voyages, they needed to ensure vessels were waterproof, resistant to salty seawater, and could withstand microorganisms or sea-dwellers like worms. Until the mid-20th century, however, the study of non-wood materials used to build ships was overlooked. Even today little work has been done on materials used for waterproofing.

Now, in a new Frontiers in Materials study*, researchers in France and Croatia have examined the protective coating of the Roman Republic shipwreck Ilovik–Paržine 1 that sank around 2,200 years ago off the coast of what is now Croatia.

“In archaeology little attention is paid to organic waterproofing materials. Yet they are essential for navigation at sea or on rivers and are true witnesses of past naval technologies,” said first author Dr Armelle Charrié, an archaeometrist at the Laboratory of Mass Spectrometry of Interactions and Systems in Strasbourg. “Studying the coatings, we found two different kinds on this vessel: one made of pine tar, also called pitch, and the other of a mixture of pine tar and beeswax. Analysis of pollen in the coating made it possible to identify the plant taxa present in the immediate environment during the construction or repairs of the ship.”

Resin and wax

The wreck was discovered in 2016 and since then the ship itself and its cargo has been examined multiple times. The current study, however, is the first to combine pollen and molecular analyses to characterize the ship’s coating and vegetation present during its production and application on the hull. The work is a collaboration between the Department for Underwater Archaeology of the Croatian Conservation Institute and the ‘ADRIBOATS’ program of the Centre Camille Jullian at Aix-Marseille University in France.

“Some regions throughout the Adriatic have particular characteristics that led local populations to develop a specific shipbuilding style,” said Charrié. “Only studies like ours offer an overview into these traditions which bear witness to genuine know-how and diverse traditions.”

To examine the coatings, researchers carried out structural, molecular, and pollen analyses using techniques that identify and quantify unknown components in an organic mixture such as mass spectrometry.

Using 10 coating samples, the team identified the biological origin of natural substances used for the ship’s coating by molecular analysis. This ‘molecular fingerprint’ analysis showed molecules characteristic of pine trees, indicating that the main component of all coating samples was heated coniferous resin or coniferous tar, also called pitch. One sample, however, showed that at least some of the coating was made from a different composition of materials, namely beeswax and tar. This mixture – known to Greek shipbuilders as zopissa – improves the adhesive’s flexibility and is easier to apply when hot.

Trapped in pitch

Pitch is adhesive by nature and can trap and preserve pollen from the surrounding landscapes. Analyzing these traces and their respective abundances allowed the researchers to narrow down possible regions where the pitch could have been produced and re-applied during refurbishments.

Pollen from coating samples from the Ilovik–Paržine 1 reflected a high diversity of environments. The identified landscapes included those characteristic of the Mediterranean and Adriatic coasts and valleys, with forests of holly oak and pine as well as matorral – a kind of Mediterranean shrubland – where olive and hazel trees grow. The presence of alder and ash points to vegetation growing close to river- and seashores, which can be found near the coast or in the nearby hinterland. Fir and beech were present in small proportions, too. This vegetation is found in mountainous regions and typical of the north-eastern coastal regions of the Adriatic Sea where the mountain ranges of Istria and Dalmatia are not far.

The team’s findings also indicated that the ship likely underwent four to five distinct batches of coatings. The ship’s stern and central part was covered by the same coating, whereas three batches at the bow were distinct from one another. This, too, could indicate that the ship was patched up successively using materials sourced from various locations throughout the Mediterranean.

Previous research using the ship’s ballast identified Brundisium – today Brindisi – on the south-eastern coast of Italy as the ship’s place of construction. Pollen analysis also suggests that some of the coatings were applied close to there. Other coating layers, however, could have been applied on the north-eastern Adriatic coast, where the shipwreck was discovered.

“While it seems obvious that ships sailing long distances need repairs, it’s simply not easy to demonstrate this,” concluded Charrié. “Pollen has been very useful in identifying different coatings where the molecular profiles were identical.”

Unraveling the genomic roots of Indigenous peoples

Spanish National Research Council (CSIC)—Research into human genomic diversity has a number of applications in biomedicine, evolution, and history. However, many populations have historically been underrepresented on the human genomic map. This is the case of Native American populations, whose history of adaptation and genetic diversity remains largely unknown.

For the first time, an international study led by the Institute of Evolutionary Biology (IBE), a joint center of the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC) and Pompeu Fabra University (UPF), together with the University of São Paulo, has deciphered the genome of Indigenous American populations. With 199 genomes from individuals from North America to Patagonia, 128 of which have never been published, the research has compiled the largest genomic database to date. Its results shed light on the history of these peoples and provide new insights into human health and evolution.

The largest genetic database of Indigenous American populations

The research, part of the Indigenous American Genomic Diversity Project (IAGDP), has sequenced 128 high-coverage whole genomes from eight Latin American countries—Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, and Peru—representing 45 populations and 28 linguistic families.

High-quality genomes from pre-existing databases were added to this data, taking the total to 199 contemporary indigenous individuals from 53 populations and 31 linguistic families. Ancient DNA data was also incorporated to enable a deeper look into certain aspects of their history and evolution.

“Until now, only two indigenous Amazonian populations had been genetically characterized, and due to the particular nature of their environment and their isolation, they were not very representative”, explains Marcos Araújo Castro e Silva, a postdoctoral researcher at the IBE and first author of the paper.

This study* brings together the largest genomic dataset of these populations, with an emphasis on their geographic and linguistic diversity.

Genetic diversity waiting to be explored: over a million new variants

The research identified over a million genetic variants not previously observed in other populations, revealing a unique genetic diversity.

The Americas span a wide variety of landscapes and ecological pressures, from the Amazon rainforests to the high altitudes of the Andes. This has favored the selection of different genetic variants that have helped adapt human populations to these environments. The researchers were able to identify genetic signals of natural selection related to immune response, metabolism, growth, and fertility.

“These results demonstrate the need to better represent these populations in genomics. From drug design to disease prevention, understanding human genomic diversity benefits both indigenous communities and the global population”, says Tábita Hünemeier, principal investigator at the IBE and leader of the study. In 2023, her team described genetic resistance to Chagas disease in Amazonian populations, and she spearheaded the “DNA do Brasil” project published in 2025.

New findings in the history of Native American peoples

The movement of Asian populations into the Americas via Beringia represented the last major continental human migration. With the exception of a few populations, most located in the Arctic, all current indigenous Americans are descended from a migration that occurred approximately 15,000 years ago.

The first expansion occurred immediately after these people entered North America. However, around 9,000 years ago, a second wave of migration took place that replaced, at least in part, the first. For the first time, this study has identified a third wave of migration. It occurred approximately 1,300 years ago, with the movement of indigenous populations from Mesoamerica to South America and the Caribbean. The team has discovered its genetic footprint in current South American populations as well as in ancient individuals from the Caribbean.

The research also confirms the profound “bottleneck” effect caused by European colonization. “Current genetic diversity is only a fraction of the original, as colonization decimated indigenous populations by 90%. Even so, we can see genetic continuity spanning more than 9,000 years in some regions”, says Hünemeier.

Ancestral genetics of Native Americans revealed

The study reveals that around 2% of the genome of some indigenous American peoples shows genetic affinity with populations in Australasia, including those in Australia, New Guinea, and the Andaman Islands. This connection, present in South American individuals dating back more than ten thousand years and in very similar proportions, suggests the influence of an ancient, unsampled Asian population, known as Ypykuéra (Y-lineage), which intermixed with the ancestors of these populations.

“We observed that the frequency of this Ypykuéra ancestry is very similar across the different populations analyzed, perhaps indicating a certain adaptive advantage in some of these genomic regions”, explains David Comas, principal investigator at the IBE and professor and a researcher in the Department of Medicine and Life Sciences (MELIS) at the UPF, who collaborated on the study.

The study also confirms that between 1% and 3% of the genome comes from archaic hominids, such as Neanderthals and Denisovans, a proportion similar to that seen in other regions, although there is a distinctive pattern. Importantly, these hominids contributed genetic variants that proved key to adaptation to the American continent, as evidenced by signs of natural selection found in the genome.

The results shed light on the history of these populations, expand our understanding of their past, and provide new insights for future applications in global health.

“The team is international, with a strong Latin American presence and local ties in the countries under study, and has collaborated directly with indigenous communities. The active and ongoing participation of various groups was essential not only for the study’s development but also to integrate genomic findings with traditional knowledge”, notes Hünemeier.

The study was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Program/Marie Skłodowska-Curie, the “European Union NextGeneration” initiative, and a Juan de la Cierva grant from Spain’s State Research Agency, among others.

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Geographic distribution of the indigenous American individuals included in the study. Each point represents a sampling location and its size is proportional to the number of individuals in that population. Credit Hemanoel Passareli-Araujo.

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Proportions of genetic ancestry inferred from the DNA analyzed in the study (unsupervised ADMIXTURE). The average ancestry of each population is represented on a map of the Americas.  Credit Marcos Araújo Castro e Silva.

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From left to right, each panel represents one of these dispersals.
The circles indicate the approximate location of ancient individuals or current populations, and the arrows signal the dispersal routes. The left panel shows the first dispersal (>9,000 years ago) and the initial divisions among the ancestors of the indigenous Americans: Northerners (NNA) and Southerners (SNA), and, within the latter, two branches (SNA1 and SNA2). It also includes the contribution of the hypothetical Y Population. The central panel shows the second dispersal (<9,000 years), associated mainly with SNA2, which partially replaced previous populations, although some groups with contributions from the Y Population persisted. Several regions show genetic continuity over thousands of years (shaded areas).
The right panel shows the third dispersal (<1,300 years), associated with Mesoamerican populations, which contributed extensively to South America and the Caribbean. These populations mixed with groups from the first dispersal (including contributions from Population Y) and, in the Andes and the Southern Cone, primarily with populations from the second dispersal, maintaining genetic continuity for up to 9,000 years in these regions.  Credit Marcos Araújo Castro e Silva

 

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Article Source: Spanish National Research Council (CSIC) news release.

*10.1038/s41586-026-10406-w 

What did people eat and drink in the Bronze Age South Caucasus?

University of Bonn—What culinary practices prevailed in the South Caucasus during the Bronze Age? The cuisine was remarkably diverse. This is what an international research team from the Universities of Bonn and Bari, along with other scientific institutions such as the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences report. The new evidence highlights a multi-ingredient cuisine alongside the central role of dairy products, fruit, and grape-based beverages in Kura-Araxes communities. The findings have now been published in the journal PNAS*.

The Kura-Araxes culture is named after the two main rivers of the South Caucasus, the Kura and the Araxes, which flow into the Caspian Sea. This prehistoric cultural tradition emerged in the South Caucasus around the mid-4th millennium BCE and expanded to become the most widespread cultural phenomenon in Southwest Asia by the early to mid-3rd millennium BCE. It developed within small-scale, household-based communities, in sharp contrast to the contemporaneous urban trajectories of early state and hierarchical societies of Mesopotamia.

“By combining technological, morphological, use-wear, and biomolecular analyses of 52 ceramic vessels from the Kura-Araxes settlement of Qaraçinar (Azerbaijan), dated to ca. 2800–2600 BCE, and integrating these results with botanical and faunal data, we explored a wide range of material evidence to reconstruct Kura-Araxes foodways and culinary practices,” explains Maxime Rageot, biomolecular archaeologist at the University of Bonn. The scientist is also a member of the transdisciplinary research areas “Present Pasts” and “Life & Health” at the University of Bonn.

Characteristic Pottery

“Pottery, central to this research, was one of the most distinctive expressions of the Kura-Araxes tradition and a key marker of its expansion. It played a crucial role in processes of social integration and in the cultural reproduction of Kura-Araxes communities across space and time,” adds Giulio Palumbi, prehistoric archaeologist at the University of Bari and the CNRS, who leads the excavation project. Qaraçinar, located on the eastern piedmont of the Lesser Caucasus, was excavated between 2019 and 2024 in collaboration with Muzaffar Huseynov and Bakhtiyar Jalilov from the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences.

Residues in Ceramic Vessels as a Starting Point

Exceptionally well-preserved organic residues in pottery provided robust biomolecular evidence for the preparation and consumption of fruit and grape products, plant oils and waxes, conifer resins, dairy products, and other ruminant fats. The researchers also identified markers of thermal processing, consistent with repeated cooking activities. These findings demonstrate the prominent role of dairy products and ruminant fats in Kura-Araxes dietary and culinary practices, including the transformation of milk into secondary products.

The results also shed new light on the role and significance of grape-based beverages and their modes of consumption within Kura-Araxes communities. Wine may have been consumed, sometimes flavored with conifer resins. Within the non-hierarchical structure of Kura-Araxes society, this locally available product (potentially even collected from wild grapevines) does not appear to have been associated with elite or prestige consumption, in contrast to contemporaneous Mesopotamian contexts.

Diverse Uses of Grapes and Fruits

Grapes and other fruit products (fermented and non-fermented) were not only identified in drinking/serving vessels but also in numerous cooking pots as well as in some large storage jars, suggesting multiple culinary purposes, such as flavoring or sweetening dishes, and possibly acting as catalysts in biochemical processes like cheesemaking. In addition, Pinaceae resins may have been used both as flavoring agents and as preservatives for food and drink.

The identification of millet-based food or drink in Kura-Araxes pottery at Qaraçinar suggests long-distance connections with eastern regions, as millet was cultivated in Central Asia during this period but had not previously been documented so early and so far to the west. Furthermore, this research reveals for the first time a functional distinction between pottery types: Monochrome wares appear to have been used mainly for cooking, whereas Red-Black Burnished vessels were likely dedicated to the consumption of raw dairy products and fruit- or grape-based beverages, including wine.

Together, these findings provide new insights into the daily life and culinary traditions of the Kura-Araxes communities. “The diversity of the cuisine was accessible to all, as the society was characterized by low levels of social stratification,” says Rageot. The results also open new perspectives for future research, suggesting that the expansion of the Kura-Araxes tradition may have also involved the spread of distinctive culinary practices originating in the South Caucasus.

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Bottom: Red-black and black-polished vessels from Qaraçinar, Azerbaijan. Photos: A. Decaix, ANR SWEED and the Mission “Boyuk Kesik” & ANR KUR(A)GAN

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Funding and Participating Institutions

In addition to the Universities of Bonn and Bari, the international research team included the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, the Austrian Archaeological Institute (ÖAW), the Muséum national d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris (MNHN), and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS, Lab. CEPAM, Nice). The study was funded by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) and the German Research Foundation (DFG) as part of the ANR-DFG KUR(A)GAN (directed by Giulio Palumbi and Svend Hansen, ANR-DFG -0006-01) and by the Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires Étrangères (Mission Boyuk Kesik).

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Article Source: University of Bonn news release.

*Maxime Rageot, Maria Bianca D’Anna, Muzaffar Huseynov, Bakhtiyar Jalilov, Alexia Decaix, Rémi Berthon, Qi Zeng, Jeremy Perez, Farhad Guliyev, Léa Drieu, Arnaud Mazuy, Martine Regert & Giulio Palumbi: Biomolecular analyses reveal grape-based beverages, dairy processing, and pottery function in Kura-Araxes culinary practices, PNAS, DOI: 10.1073/pnas.2529600123, URL: https://www.pnas.org/doi/epdf/10.1073/pnas.2529600123

Below the Desert Floor: What Subterranean Archaeology Reveals About Ancient Life in Southern Nevada

Las Vegas is built on spectacle. Its skyline reaches upward with neon and glass, and nearly every acre of the valley floor has been graded, paved, or irrigated. But beneath the slot machines and resort corridors lies one of the most layered archaeological records in North America – a stratigraphic ledger spanning more than 13,000 years of human occupation. The desert hides this history well. Surface erosion and wind scour can obscure the physical markers that signal ancient habitation, leaving investigators little to see until they start digging.

What the ground contains is extraordinary. From Paleoindian hunting camps established during the Pleistocene to complex Ancestral Puebloan villages with multi-room architecture and salt mines, Southern Nevada’s subsurface preserves a story of human adaptation that predates most of the world’s monumental construction. Understanding it requires archaeology to go underground – and understanding why that matters today means recognizing how much of this record is still out there, hidden under the same desert that modern cities now sit on top of.

A Desert Floor That Hides Millennia

The earliest confirmed human presence in the Southern Nevada area dates to approximately 11,150-10,830 BC. Fluted projectile points recovered across Clark County sites place Paleoindian hunters here during the terminal Pleistocene, when the valley’s now-dry lakebeds still held water. These weren’t transient visitors passing through – there’s enough site density to indicate repeated seasonal occupation over centuries.

By the Pueblo II period (900-1,150 AD), something more organized had taken hold. Ancestral Puebloan communities in the Las Vegas Valley were practicing horticulture – cultivating squash, corn, beans, and mesquite – and constructing semi-permanent architecture. The Las Vegas Springs site, listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1978, contains a pithouse dated to approximately 700 AD. Ground-penetrating radar surveys conducted since that initial designation have identified the likely presence of at least two additional pithouses at the location, according to the Springs Preserve archaeology program.

This record only surfaces – literally – when something disturbs the ground. That’s what makes modern subsurface work in the Las Vegas Valley so consequential. When underground companies Las Vegas take on utility installation, infrastructure repair, or construction projects in this region, they’re operating in terrain where the next shovel depth may contain material culture that has waited a thousand years to be found. The archaeology doesn’t announce itself. It waits.

Pit Houses and Cave Caches: Engineering Shelter Underground


A reconstructed pit house interior shows how ancient Southwest peoples built partially below ground to regulate interior temperature - a form of passive climate control predating modern engineering by over a thousand years.

Above: Interior of a traditional pit house with a central fire pit, wooden beams, ladder to roof opening, and woven baskets

The pithouse wasn’t just a shelter. It was a climate system. By sinking the floor one to two meters below grade and packing earthen walls around the perimeter, builders harnessed the ground’s natural thermal mass – cooler in summer, insulating in winter. Fremont, Hohokam, Mogollon, and Ancestral Puebloan cultures each developed regional variants of this principle across Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and Arizona, and the underlying logic was consistent: the earth itself was a building material that no above-ground construction could replicate.

The canal engineering of the ancient Southwest made this connection between underground construction and large-scale infrastructure even clearer. The Hohokam didn’t just build pit houses – they engineered canal networks that moved water through tens of miles of hand-dug channels, rerouting the landscape’s subsurface drainage to support agriculture at a scale that would impress modern civil engineers.

Not all underground spaces in the ancient Southwest were used for habitation, though. Some were used for storage – and Hidden Cave near Fallon, Nevada, is one of the clearest examples of this strategy in the archaeological record. The cave formed roughly 21,000 years ago, carved by the waters of Pleistocene Lake Lahontan. Humans began using it as a cache site approximately 3,500-3,800 years ago, according to the Bureau of Land Management site record. The 1979-1980 excavations found that a high proportion of artifacts were unbroken and arranged in deliberate concentrations – not the scattering typical of a habitation site, but the organized layout of a storage facility. The site was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1972. Nearby, the Grimes Point petroglyph site carries evidence of Native American use stretching back over 8,000 years and was designated Nevada’s first National Recreation Trail in 1978, per the Bureau of Land Management’s site documentation.

The Lost City Beneath the Water

Excavations at the Pueblo Grande de Nevada (Nevada’s “Lost City”) in the Moapa Valley, photographed during the 1920s fieldwork that preceded the site’s submersion under Lake Mead.

Above: Excavations at the Pueblo Grande de Nevada (Nevada’s “Lost City”) in the Moapa Valley

No story in Nevada archaeology illustrates the irreversibility of subsurface loss quite like the Pueblo Grande de Nevada. Known informally as the Lost City, this site in the Moapa Valley was occupied from roughly 300 AD to 1150 AD by Basketmaker, Hisatsinom, and Ancestral Puebloan communities. At its height, the settlement included multi-room structures – one building held more than 100 rooms – along with adjacent salt mines that almost certainly fueled a regional trade economy.

Excavations began in the mid-1920s and intensified through the 1930s, when engineers were already finalizing the design for Hoover Dam. Archaeologists working against the dam’s construction timeline recovered what they could before the Colorado River backed up and Lake Mead swallowed the site. Parts of the Lost City now sit under water permanently, according to the UNLV Special Collections manuscript archive that holds the original field documentation.

The salt mines are what distinguish this site from a purely residential settlement. Salt was a preservative, a trade good, and a ritual substance across the ancient Southwest. The fact that these communities developed the engineering knowledge to mine it at scale – tunneling into salt deposits, managing spoil extraction, and presumably storing and distributing the product – places the Lost City alongside other examples of ancient subterranean resource extraction that historians tend to underestimate. The story connects directly to how the ancient water systems beneath desert civilizations influenced the entire regional development arc of Southwest cultures, where control of underground resources shaped political power.

Modern Ground Work and the Invisible Archaeological Record

Ground-penetrating radar surveys are now standard practice before subsurface utility work in heritage-sensitive zones across the American Southwest.

Above: Technician using ground-penetrating radar in a desert, scanning terrain with equipment and a monitoring laptop nearby

Ground-penetrating radar has transformed what’s possible at sites like the Las Vegas Springs. Instead of waiting for a backhoe to expose a pit house rim, archaeologists can now sweep a grid with GPR equipment and identify subsurface anomalies before any ground disturbance. Magnetometry and electrical resistivity surveys have added further resolution to this toolkit, allowing field teams to map buried features – walls, hearths, pits, middens – with enough accuracy to target excavations precisely or, in some cases, to certify a zone as sensitive and leave it undisturbed.

This matters because the Las Vegas Valley isn’t getting emptier. It’s getting busier. Infrastructure expansion, residential development, and utility upgrades continually push below grade in terrain that holds an archaeological record older than most of Western history. Archaeology Southwest, in its 2025 year-end preservation report, flagged ongoing development pressure in the Southwest as one of the most significant threats to unrecorded cultural heritage sites – most of which will never be excavated before ground-disturbing projects begin. This is the environment in which subsurface surveys have shifted from being optional best practice to a functional necessity.

The same principle applies at the urban scale. The underground layers of a city’s past tell a story that surface archaeology can’t access – and in cities built on top of ancient occupation, the stakes for getting that subsurface work right are unusually high. Las Vegas is an extreme version of this challenge: a city that grew from nearly nothing in the twentieth century, layered directly onto a landscape where humans had been living, caching, farming, and building for millennia.

The archaeological framework is there. Federal and state cultural resource management regulations require survey work before many classes of subsurface project, and the toolkit for non-invasive investigation keeps improving. What the record from the Las Vegas Valley shows is that the ground rewards careful attention – and that the cost of not paying it is a story permanently lost.

What Lies Beneath What We Build Above

The Paleoindians who camped along the Las Vegas Springs, the Ancestral Puebloan families who sank their floors into the desert to stay cool, the communities who moved through Hidden Cave for 3,500 years without ever living inside it – they all left material traces that survived long enough to be found. That survival wasn’t guaranteed. It required ground that stayed undisturbed.

Modern Southern Nevada doesn’t offer much undisturbed ground. But the combination of non-invasive survey technology, federal preservation law, and growing institutional awareness about the region’s archaeological depth has created at least the conditions for an informed approach to subsurface work. Archaeology and infrastructure aren’t natural enemies. The conflict comes from ignorance of what’s there – and in Southern Nevada, the record is dense enough that ignorance is no longer a defensible position.

The desert floor holds more than most people who walk across it will ever know. The pithouses are still down there. Some of the cave caches haven’t been found. And the Lost City – or at least the parts of it that didn’t survive the dam – stands as the clearest possible reminder of what happens when ground work outpaces the record of what it disturbs.

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Cover Image, Top: Aerial view of an excavation site in a desert with workers and trenches, with a distant city skyline on the horizon

Stone age population collapse revealed by DNA study in France

University of Copenhagen—The research, published* in Nature Ecology & Evolution, is based on genetic analyses of 132 individuals buried in a large megalithic tomb near Bury, about 50 kilometers north of Paris. The site was used during two distinct periods separated by a population decline around 3000 BC.

Researchers found that the two groups buried before and after the decline were not genetically related, pointing to a major population turnover.

“We see a clear genetic break between the two periods,” said Frederik Valeur Seersholm, assistant professor at the Globe Institute at the University of Copenhagen and one of the lead authors of the study.

“The earlier group resembles Stone Age farming populations from northern France and Germany, while the later group shows strong genetic links to southern France and the Iberian Peninsula.”

The findings suggest a sharp reduction in the local population followed by the arrival of new groups from the south.

Disease and high mortality

Using a DNA method that analyzes all genetic material preserved in bone, the researchers detected traces of ancient pathogens, including the plague bacterium Yersinia pestis and louse-bourne relapsing fever caused by Borrelia recurrentis.

“We can confirm that plague was present, but the evidence does not support it as the sole cause of the population collapse,” said Martin Sikora, associate professor at the University of Copenhagen and senior author of the study. “The decline was likely driven by a combination of disease, environmental stress and other disruptive events.”

Archaeological analysis of the skeletal remains shows unusually high mortality in the earlier burial phase, particularly among children and young people.

“The demographic pattern is a strong indicator of crisis,” said Laure Salanova, research director at France’s National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS).

Shift in social organization

The DNA data also reaffirm a marked change in social structure.

In the earlier phase, multiple generations from the same extended families were buried together, suggesting tightly knit communities. In the later phase, burials were more selective and dominated by a single male lineage, pointing to a different form of organisation.

“This indicates that the population change was accompanied by a shift in how society was structured,” Seersholm said.

A wider European pattern

The findings add to growing evidence that the so-called Neolithic decline affected much of northern and western Europe, not only Scandinavia and northern Germany.

The study also offers a possible explanation for why the construction of megalithic tombs and other large stone monuments ended across Europe around the same time.

“We now see that [the] end of these monumental constructions coincides with the disappearance of the population that built them,” Seersholm said.

Key facts

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Article Source: University of Copenhagen news release

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Cover Image, Top Left: Megaliths. Shedon, Pixabay

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Archaeogenetics: Neanderthals and the bottleneck theory

Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg—The first Neanderthals emerged approximately 300,000 years ago. They settled in large parts of Europe and spread as far as southern Siberia. “We still don’t have a comprehensive understanding of Neanderthal population history, nor of the demographic processes that led to their extinction,” says Prof. Dr. Thorsten Uthmeier, Chair of Prehistoric Archaeology and the Archaeology of Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers at FAU. “Maps of archaeological sites suggest that an event occurred during the last glacial period that caused a rapid decline in the geographic distribution and genetic diversity of the early population. It was believed that only a small group survived and that all later Neanderthals descended from this group. In genetics, such processes are referred to as ‘bottlenecks’.”

DNA samples provide new insights

To test and refine the bottleneck theory, an international research team led by the University of Tübingen analyzed ten new mitochondrial DNA sequences (mtDNAs) from Neanderthal remains found at six archaeological sites in Belgium, France, Germany, and Serbia and compared them with 49 previously published mtDNAs. “The mtDNA samples do not come from the cell nucleus, but rather from the mitochondria – single-celled structures that regulate a cell’s energy metabolism and have their own DNA,” explains Uthmeier. Mitochondrial DNA is used in archaeological research because it is more stable, occurs in greater quantities, and is easier to analyze than nuclear DNA. One of the new mtDNA samples included in the study* comes from a Neanderthal fetus that was discovered in 1968 by FAU researchers in the Sesselfelsgrotte cave in the Altmühl Valley near Kelheim, Germany. The preparatory work at FAU was conducted as part of the project “SHARP – Testing hypotheses on the transition from Neanderthals to Homo sapiens at the Paleolithic site of Sesselfelsgrotte,” which began in 2023 and is funded by the National Geographic Society.

From the samples, researchers can identify lineages. “mtDNA mutates much less frequently than nuclear DNA, which plays a key role in determining our appearance and physical constitution, among other things,” says Thorsten Uthmeier. “However, the degree of diversification in the mtDNA samples provides an insight into how closely related the Neanderthal groups – from which the bone and tooth fossils originate – were to one another.” Innovative analytical methods, such as decoding genetic information by breaking DNA down into individual gene sequences, made it possible to include samples in the study that had previously proven impossible to analyze. By comparing the newly decoded mtDNA with existing mtDNA, researchers have now been able not only to establish kinship but also to estimate ages based solely on genetic data. The ability to determine the age of samples in this way is an important development, as conventional dating methods have proven unsuitable for dating a great many samples. The combination of these methods has made it possible to reconstruct temporal and spatial patterns in the distribution of late Neanderthals.

A refugium in France 65,000 years ago

The study’s findings suggest that the last bottleneck event – which is believed to have played a major role in the extinction of the Neanderthals – occurred around 65,000 years ago. According to Uthmeier, “as recently as 130,000 years ago, Neanderthals were widespread throughout Western Eurasia, predominantly in what is now northern Germany and Belgium. There were isolated groups in the Caucasus, and even one in the Altai Mountains in southern Siberia.” Over the course of just tens of thousands of years, both genetic diversity and the range of the species declined, and its core population shifted increasingly toward southwestern France. “We suspect that the climatic conditions 65,000−60,000 years ago, a very cold and dry period, triggered the retreat to this refugium and the extinction of the remaining Neanderthal lineages,” explains Uthmeier. Subsequently, the Neanderthals began to populate a much wider area again, with virtually all later Neanderthals descendants of the group originally based in southwestern France.

There is, however, one exception: During excavations in the heart of the refugium, in Mandrin Cave in the Rhône Valley, the skeleton of a Neanderthal was found and named Thorin. There is evidence that he lived past the bottleneck, but his mtDNA differs significantly from that of the other survivors and should actually have become extinct. “Until recently, it was thought that Thorin belonged to an isolated group that had remained in a very small area,” says Uthmeier. “However, the genetic analysis now conducted has shown that the fetus from the Sesselfelsgrotte in the Altmühl Valley, whose remains date from a similar period, was also related to this group. The Thorin line was apparently more widespread than previously thought. This finding really surprised us.”

The researchers were also able to provide data to answer the question of when and why Neanderthals ultimately became extinct. “The combination of DNA analysis and age dating has revealed that a sharp decline in population size began around 45,000 years ago,” says Thorsten Uthmeier. It is still unclear exactly what led to their extinction about 3,000 years later. In addition to significant differences in the size and density of social networks, it is possible that parts of the last Neanderthal population were absorbed by groups of Homo sapiens sapiens, who, having come from Africa, spread across increasingly larger areas of Europe. Uthmeier: “Modern humans and Neanderthals were capable of interbreeding, which is why we still carry a small percent of Neanderthal DNA in us today.”

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Article Source: Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg news release.

Ancient charcoal sheds new light on how early humans fueled their lives

The Hebrew University of JerusalemNew study shows that early humans living about 800,000 years ago depended on fire in smart, practical ways. Instead of searching for the “best” wood, they took advantage of what nature provided, mainly driftwood collected along the lakeshore. This reliable fuel supply helped them keep fires going for cooking and daily life, and may even explain why they kept coming back to the same spot. In other words, they weren’t just choosing a place to live, they were choosing a place where fire was easy to maintain.

Nearly 800,000 years ago, early humans gathered along the shores of a lush lake in what is now northern Israel. Here, they returned again and again, hunting large animals, cooking fish over controlled fires, and organizing their daily lives around hearths. Now, a new study* shows that even the wood fueling those fires, which is preserved as rare fragments of charcoal, can reveal how carefully these ancient communities understood and used their environment.

Published in Quaternary Science Reviews, the study offers a vivid reconstruction of life at the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov (GBY). By examining an exceptionally rich and rare collection of ancient charcoal, an international team of researchers from Israel, Spain, and Germany, including Prof. Naama Goren-Inbar (Hebrew University), Prof. Nira Alperson-Afil and Dr. Yoel Melamed (Bar-Ilan University), Prof. Ethel Allué (Universitat Rovira i Virgili and Institut Català de Paleoecologia), and Prof. Brigitte Urban (Leuphana University), has uncovered new evidence of how early hominins gathered and used firewood, revealing behavior far more sophisticated than previously assumed.

Charcoal rarely survives at such early prehistoric sites, making this unusually large assemblage a unique window into the daily practices of early fire users. While many ancient sites preserve only fragmentary or ambiguous traces of burning, GBY provides a remarkably detailed record of repeated fire use over tens of thousands of years.

GBY preserves a layered history of human occupation along the shores of paleo–Lake Hula, with more than 20 archaeological horizons documenting generations of Acheulian hunter-gatherers returning to the same location. Excavations led by Prof. Naama Goren-Inbar of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem have revealed a dynamic landscape of activity: stone tools crafted from flint, limestone, and basalt; the remains of hunted animals; and a wide array of plant foods, including fruits, nuts, and seeds gathered from the lakeshore.

One particularly striking layer captures a dramatic moment in time. Alongside stone tools and plant remains, researchers uncovered the skull and bones of a straight-tusked elephant, evidence of large-scale hunting and butchery. The spatial arrangement of the remains suggests that the animal was processed on-site.

At the heart of this ancient camp life was fire. First identified at GBY by Prof. Nira Alperson-Afil of Bar-Ilan University, fire was habitual. It structured how space was organized, anchoring activities such as tool production, food preparation, and social interaction.

The new study focuses on a single occupation layer dated to approximately 780,000 years ago. Researchers analyzed 266 charcoal fragments, using microscopic techniques to identify the internal structure of the wood and determine its botanical origin. The results revealed a surprisingly diverse mix of plant species, including ash, willow, grapevine, oleander, olive, oak, pistachio, and even pomegranate, which is the earliest known evidence of this fruit tree in the Levant.

Unexpectedly, the charcoal assemblage showed greater plant diversity than other botanical remains from the site, such as seeds, fruits, or unburned wood. This suggests that firewood collection captured a broader cross-section of the surrounding environment than other forms of plant use.

Together, these species paint a vivid picture of the ancient landscape: a mosaic of wet lakeshore vegetation and open Mediterranean woodland. But more importantly, they reveal how early humans interacted with that landscape.

Rather than selectively gathering specific types of wood, GBY hominins appear to have relied primarily on driftwood naturally accumulating along the lakeshore. Fallen branches and logs, carried by water and deposited along the shore, would have created a readily available fuel supply. The composition of the charcoal closely mirrors the wood available in this environment, suggesting a practical and efficient strategy, using what the landscape provides.

This insight points to a broader conclusion: access to firewood may have been a decisive factor in where these early humans chose to live. The lakeshore offered not only fresh water, edible plants, animals, and raw materials for tools, but also a constant supply of fuel, essential for maintaining fire.

Even more striking is how fire was used. Spatial analysis shows that dense clusters of charcoal overlap with concentrations of fish remains, primarily the distinctive teeth of large carp. This co-occurrence adds compelling evidence that fish were being cooked at the site nearly 800,000 years ago, likely using carefully controlled fire.

These findings reinforce the idea that GBY hominins possessed advanced cognitive abilities. They were capable of controlling fire, organizing space around it, and integrating it into complex subsistence strategies. Yet interestingly, while hunting and tool-making required elaborate planning, firewood collection itself appears to have been a more routine activity, based largely on availability rather than careful selection of specific tree species.

Together, these behaviors paint a picture of a community that was both highly skilled and deeply attuned to its environment, returning repeatedly to a place that offered everything they needed to survive and thrive.

The GBY charcoal assemblage provides a unique dataset for examining the intersection of fire use, environmental context, and hominin behavior. These findings refine current models of early fire-related practices and emphasize the importance of local resource availability in shaping patterns of occupation and subsistence during the Middle Pleistocene.

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A general view of the excavation of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov Acheulian Site.  Credit: GBV Expedition

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Article Source: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem news release.

Moroccan Dawn

Two compelling prehistoric sites in what is present-day Morocco are leading to new, revolutionary insights on the nature, direction, and geography of human evolution on the African continent. Here are the stories that have developed from the excavations and research.

 

The Casablanca Horizon

Casablanca is best known in general popular imagery as the exotic setting for the iconic 1942 film, Casablanca, starring Humphrey Bogart and Ingrid Bergman, and as Morocco’s coastal economic powerhouse gem boasting a unique blend of  Berber, Arab, and European cultures with historic Art Deco architecture, the massive Hassan II Mosque, and vibrant traditional crafts.

Much less known to most, but nonetheless equally significant, is the fact that it also lies adjacent to internationally renowned Plio-Pleistocene palaeo-shorelines, cave systems and coastal dunes. This region has offered ideal conditions over geologic time for fossil formation and archaeological preservation — one of Africa’s best locations for investigating and researching Pleistocene palaeontology and archaeology. For scientists exploring the remains of prehistoric fauna, prehistoric humans, and their context of environmental change, it has therefore now emerged as one of the world’s most remarkable hotspots for uncovering traces of humanity’s human evolutionary journey.

The Grotte à Hominidés

Here, since the early 1990’s, an international team of scientists consisting of archaeologists and other specialists led by Jean-Jacques Hublin (Collège de France & Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology), David Lefèvre (Université de Montpellier Paul Valéry), Giovanni Muttoni (Università degli Studi di Milano) and Abderrahim Mohib (Moroccan Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine, INSAP) have conducted a 3-decade long excavation and investigation of Thomas Quarry I, slicing into the Oulad Hamida Formation, a ~1 Ma to Early/Middle Pleistocene stratigraphic unit featuring prehistoric fauna and clear signs of a hominin (or early human) presence based on rich Acheulean stone tool manufacturing, such as bifaces and cleavers, alongside evidence of butchery and fauna. It has thus far yielded a long-term record of early human habitation.

The finds recovered at Thomas Quarry I were remarkable by themselves. But it was the discovery made in one section of the Quarry, a cave system called Grotte à Hominidés, that yielded fossils that began to open up new questions and revelations about human evolution on the African continent.

It was in 1969 when Philippe Beriro, a collecting hobbyist, discovered what turned out to be the partial mandible of a hominin on a sloping surface below the cave, in addition to lithic and other mammal fossils. But it wasn’t until 1994 when controlled excavations, carried out over a period of more than two decades, uncovered stone artifacts of the Acheulean industry, more mammal fossils and, most significantly, additional hominin fossils within a well-defined stratigraphic context. Abundant carnivore remains, coprolites and other unmodified mammal bones, along with the scarcity of lithic artifacts, all indicated a carnivore den context. The hominin fossil assemblage included an adult mandible, eight hominin vertebrae and a hominin mandible fragment that forensic analysis showed to be a 1.5 year-old child. Finds also included a partial hominin femora that investigators determined to have been scavenged by a large carnivore, likely a hyena.

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ean-Paul Raynal and Fatima Zohra Sihi-Alaoui, co-directors of the program “Préhistoire de Casablanca” throughout the excavation that led to the discovery of the mandible ThI-GH-10717, in May 2008.  Credit © R. Gallotti, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Serena Perini and Giovanni Muttoni during the sampling for magnetostratigraphy in the Grotte à Hominidés deposits at the Thomas Quarry I.  Credit © D. Lefèvre, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Thomas Quarry I, Grotte à Hominidés: Mandible ThI-GH-10717 during the excavation.  Credit © J.P. Raynal, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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What Kind of Hominin?

As would be the case for any archaeological team, among the first priorities was to identify the genus and species of hominin these fossil remains represented.

Researchers applied high-resolution micro-CT imaging and geometric morphometric analysis of the Grotte à Hominidés specimens, including comparative anatomical analysis, drawing upon hominin fossil remains from other sites. The comparative fossil samples consisted of Early, Middle and Late Pleistocene hominins from Africa, Europe and Asia. The range of hominin species included specimens of H. erectus, Homo floresiensisHomo naledi, H. neanderthalensis, H. sapiens and Denisovan. Analysis revealed that these fossils featured a mosaic of archaic and derived traits.

Examining teeth was a particularly revealing operation. Says Matthew Skinner of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, Germany, and co-author of the associated study,  “Using microCT imaging we were able to study a hidden internal structure of the teeth, referred to as the enamel-dentine junction, which is known to be taxonomically informative and which is preserved in teeth where the enamel surface is worn away. Analysis of this structure consistently shows the Grotte à Hominidés hominins to be distinct from both Homo erectus and Homo antecessor, identifying them as representative of populations that could be basal to Homo sapiens and archaic Eurasian lineages.”*

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From Hublin, JJ., Lefèvre, D., Perini, S. et al. Early hominins from Morocco basal to the Homo sapiens lineage. Nature 649, 902–908 (2026). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-025-09914-y. CC BY 4.0

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773,000-year-old mandible ThI-GH-10717 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco.  Credit © Hamza Mehimdate, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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773,000-year-old mandible ThI-GH-1 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco. Credit © Hamza Mehimdate, Programme Préhistoire de Casablanca

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Lower jaws (mandibles) from North Africa, illustrating variation among fossil hominins and modern humans. The fossils shown are Tighennif 3 from Algeria (upper left), ThI-GH-10717 from Thomas Quarry in Morocco (upper right), and Jebel Irhoud 11 from Morocco (lower left), compared with a mandible from a recent modern human (lower right). All specimens are shown at the same scale, allowing direct comparison of their size and shape.  Credit © Philipp Gunz, MPI for Evolutionary Anthropology

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How Old?

Key to understanding the significance of the finds was the determination of their age within the geologic chronology. To obtain the age of the fossils, scientists sampled the sediments in which the fossils were found to create a high-resolution magnetostratigraphic record of the sediments. The key deposits, in contrast to what could be studied at most sites, were fortunately originally created during a reversal in the Earth’s magnetic field polarity, a phenomenon that can be detected in sedimentary deposits. In this case, the deposits were laid down at the end of what is known as the Matuyama Chron (reverse polarity), and the onset of the Brunhes Chron (normal polarity). By taking and testing 180 samples from this horizon, the research team was able to establish the precise position of the polarity switch, dated at 773,000 years ago. The nature of the faunal finds (37 species of mammals) found at the site also independently supported this age, a finding that led to another important implication, as reported in the study paper published in the journal Nature:

“Resemblances with East and South African faunas attest to easy latitudinal exchanges, demonstrating that the Sahara was not a permanent barrier in EP times owing to the recurrent expansion of savanna landscapes across North Africa in response to short-lived, astronomically driven periods of enhanced monsoon rainfall.”**

These fossils were 773,000 years old. They were hominins that ancestrally may have had connections in geologic time with other hominins, in other parts of the greater African landscape, facilitated by a greener Sahara. 

What Does It Mean?

Given the age of the fossils, scientists determined that the hominins these fossils represented were nearly contemporary with the Homo antecessor hominins of the Gran Dolina site much further north in Spain at Atapuerca, though featuring a few differing morphologies, but older than Middle Pleistocene fossils thought to be ancestral to Neanderthals and Denisovans, and about 500,000 years older than the early Homo sapiens fossils found at Jebel Irhoud, also located in present-day Morrocco. The research team for Grotte à Hominidés thus suggest that these new finds could provide some clues relating to the last common ancestor of Homo sapiens, Neanderthals, and Denisovans, an ancestor that is estimated from genetic findings to have lived somewhere between 765,000 and 550,000 years ago.

Says Jean-Jacques Hublin,“the fossils from the Grotte à Hominidés may be the best candidates we currently have for African populations lying near the root of this shared ancestry, thus reinforcing the view of a deep African origin for our species.“*

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The First Homo sapiens

About 80 miles southeast of Casablanca lies a site called Jebel Irhoud. The location means nothing to most people. It is what the locals have named it — a mountain-like karstic limestone outcrop situated southeast of the coastal city of Safi. Collectively with all other hilly outcrops in the region, there is nothing distinguishable about it — except for a distinctive, massive cut-away a little over halfway down its ridge line on its east side. Today this cut-away looks very much like a rock shelter. But at one time, several hundred thousand years ago, it was a complete cave.

Jebel Irhoud is filled with 8 meters of deposits from the Pleistocene epoch, and thus it has a story to tell — about a slightly greener, wetter Sahara over 300,000 years ago — a steppe-like environment where equids, bovids, gazelles, rhinoceros and various other predators roamed the landscape — including humans, who lived in this cave and hunted and fed on the gazelles and other animals that made the region their home. We know there were humans here because archaeologists and other scientists have discovered what they left behind here, including their bones — bones that looked startlingly like those of modern humans.

Lost and forgotten for millennia, evidence of ancient human presence within the cave came to light in 1960, when miners stumbled across what appeared to be the remains of a human skull within its wall. The skull was eventually consigned to the University of Rabat, sparking a joint French-Moroccan expedition to explore and study the site in 1961. Under the leadership of the French scientist Émile Ennouchi, this excavation team discovered several fossil bone specimens identified as human — a skull, part of another skull, and a lower mandible — along with the remains of about 30 species of mammals, some of which were dated to the Middle Pleistocene. The finds stirred the scientific world with the suggestion that some form of humans occupied the site perhaps tens of thousands of years ago. Further excavations conducted by a team under Jacques Tixier and Roger de Bayle des Hermens in 1967 and 1969 deepened the story, with the recovery of additional fossils, including a human-like humerus and an apparent human pelvic (hip) bone. A plethora of stone artifacts were discovered, as well.

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The Jebel Irhoud (Morocco). Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0

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View looking south of the Jebel Irhoud site. The remaining deposits and several people excavating them are visible in the center. At the time the site was occupied by early hominins, it would have been a cave, but the covering rock and much sediment were removed by work at the site in the 1960s. Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Excavators working on the remaining deposits at Jebel Irhoud. The new fossils were found in the sediments in front of where the two excavators on the left are working. Credit Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two of the new Jebel Irhoud fossils in situ as they were discovered during excavation. In the center of the image, in a slightly more yellow brown tone, is the crushed top of a human skull (Irhoud 10) and visible just above this is a partial femur (Irhoud 13) resting against the back wall. Not visible behind the pointed rock (between the femur and the skull) is the mandible (Irhoud 11). The scale is in centimeters. Credit: Steffen Schatz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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But one real sticking point about the Jebel Irhoud finds revolved around the Middle Pleistocene faunal remains that appeared to be associated with the human remains. The Middle Pleistocene generally spans the range between 781,000 to 126,000 years ago. Other considerations assigned a much later date to the human occupants. Moreover, the human fossils found at Jebel Irhoud exhibited many characteristics that were distinctly ‘modern’, or Homo sapiens, in terms of morphology, as well as some distinctively more archaic characteristics. The combination of findings created a puzzling mix of elements, given the state of knowledge and assumptions about dating and human evolution.

Pushing Back the Clock on Homo sapiens

Enter 2004, when a team led by Jean-Jacques Hublin of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology began to investigate the site. Hublin, long at the forefront of research on Pleistocene hominins, particularly Neanderthals and early Homo sapiens, could not keep the mystery of Jebel Irhoud out of his mind. “The description of the small, child’s mandible found at the site in the 60’s was one of the first original fossils I ever described and published back in the early 80’s,” he wrote Popular Archaeology. “Since then, I have been fascinated by the material yielded by Jebel Irhoud. The combination of primitive and modern features that these fossils display could not make much sense if the rather late age that was originally assigned to the site were accurate.” The new excavations eventually yielded 16 new Homo sapiens fossils with associated Middle Stone Age type stone tools and more animal bones. The finds included skulls, teeth, and long bones that represented at least 5 individuals.

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Dr. Jean-Jacques Hublin on first seeing the new finds at Jebel Irhoud. He is pointing to the crushed human skull (Irhoud 10) whose orbits are visible just beyond his finger tip. Credit: Shannon McPherron, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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One of the objectives of the new investigations was to make sense of the dating at the site. “Our first goal was to obtain accurate radiometric dates confirming or falsifying the Middle Pleistocene age suggested by the study of the fauna,” said Hublin. One of the salient discoveries at the site revolved around the finding of burnt flint samples associated with the sediments containing the human fossils, a key to dating the site and the human remains. With the recent advancements in dating technology and techniques, it was an opportune time to take a new look at the material.

After applying newly refined thermoluminescence dating to the heated flints found at the site, Hublin and his team had astounding results — the samples yielded an age of approximately 300,000 years ago. If the results were valid, this meant that the Jebel Irhoud humans occupied the site tens of thousands of years earlier than the previously oldest Homo sapiens fossils, found at Omo Kibish in Ethiopia, dated to 195,000 years ago, Herto Bouri, also in Ethiopia, dated to 160,000 years ago, and Florisbad, South Africa, at 260,000 years ago. “There was still a long way to go to confirm these dates on a significant number of other samples and to confirm them with another method,” said Hublin about their initial results. “So we worked with specialists of ESR (Electron Spin Resonance) to double-check the dating of the site.” 

Geochronology expert Daniel Richter of the Max Planck Institute, who worked on the dating process, played a key role in getting researchers to the end game on age. “Well-dated sites of this age are exceptionally rare in Africa, but we were fortunate that so many of the Jebel Irhoud flint artifacts had been heated in the past,” he said. “This allowed us to apply thermoluminescence dating methods on the flint artifacts and establish a consistent chronology for the new hominin fossils and the layers above them.” Moreover, the researchers were finally in a position to recalculate a date for the Jebel Irhoud mandible found in the 1960s excavations. The mandible was previously dated to 160 thousand years ago by the electron spin resonance dating method. But now, using newly improved methods, the mandible’s newly calculated date was consistent with the new thermoluminescence dates, making it much older than previously thought.

With dates confirmed, Hublin and colleagues could make a bold but supportable claim.

Some form of Homo sapiens lived at Jebel Irhoud about 300,000 years ago.

A Primitive Homo sapiens?

Key to understanding the significance of the human fossil finds is the distinctive combination of modern and archaic features they exhibit, particularly in the skull. The distinguishing hallmarks of modern human skulls include a small and gracile face (in contrast to most other hominin species fossil specimens), and a large, globular braincase. The Jebel Irhoud fossils exhibit the same facial characteristics and a large brain case capacity comparable to that of modern humans, but a more archaic-looking, elongated braincase with relatively prominent supraorbital (brow) ridges similar to what can be found in Neanderthals and other more ‘primitive’ species. Hublin and colleagues applied state-of-the-art tomographic scans and produced digital avatars of the fossils, using advanced mathematical tools to assess 3D morphometry. Statistical shape analysis was performed using hundreds of 3D measurements, showing that the facial morphology of the Jebel Irhoud fossils is nearly identical to that of modern humans living today. This combination with the elongated braincase and other features shared with other, earlier species of humans raised new questions about the evolutionary morphology of the human skeleton.

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The mandible Irhoud 11 is the first, almost complete adult mandible discovered at the site of Jebel Irhoud. It is very robust and reminiscent of the smaller Tabun C2 mandible discovered in Israel in a much younger deposit. The bone morphology and the dentition display a mosaic of archaic and evolved features, clearly assigning it to the root of our own lineage. Credit: Jean-Jacques Hublin, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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Virtual palaeoanthropology can correct distortions and fragmentations of fossil specimens. This reconstruction of the Irhoud 11 mandible allows its comparison with archaic hominins, such as Neanderthals, as well as with early forms of anatomically modern Humans. Credit: Jean-Jacques Hublin, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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A composite reconstruction of the earliest known Homo sapiens fossils from Jebel Irhoud based on micro computed tomographic scans of multiple original fossils. Dated to 300 thousand years ago these early Homo sapiens already have a modern-looking face that falls within the variation of humans living today. However, the archaic-looking braincase indicates that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage. Credit: Philipp Gunz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two views of a composite reconstruction of the earliest known Homo sapiens fossils from Jebel Irhoud based on micro computed tomographic scans of multiple original fossils. Dated to 300 thousand years ago these early Homo sapiens already have a modern-looking face that falls within the variation of humans living today. However, the archaic-looking virtual imprint of the braincase (blue) indicates that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage. Credit: Philipp Gunz, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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Two views of the Irhoud 10 face. Several reconstructions of the second hominin face discovered at the Irhoud site can be proposed. All these reconstructions enter the variability of extant, anatomically modern humans within the limits of anatomical constraints. Modern conditions for the facial skeleton were, therefore, already reached 300 thousand years ago in the earliest forms of Homo sapiens known to date. Credit: Sarah Freidline, MPI EVA Leipzig.

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How Modern?

Although these humans exhibited physical characteristics that were anatomically modern, given the accompanying archaic features, just how ‘modern’ really were the people represented by these fossils?

Clues could be found among the other finds excavated at the site, all of which were associated with the human fossils. These finds included animal bones representing gazelles, hartebeests, wildebeests, zebras, buffalos, porcupines, hares, tortoises, freshwater molluscs, snakes and ostrich egg shells. Most plentiful were the remains of gazelles. Teresa Steele, a paleoanthropologist at the University of California, Davis, analyzed the animal fossils. As she examined the hundreds of bones and shells, she identified cut marks and breaks, indicating that many of them had been modified by humans, most likely processed for food. Breaks along the long bones clearly indicated that the humans broke them open for the marrow, she said. And even though the remains of other predators, such as hyenas and leopards, were found at the site, Steele said that there was little evidence of gnawing on the animal bones by the nonhuman predators.

There was a clear behavioral takeaway in all of this. “It really seemed like people were fond of hunting,” Steele said.***

What kinds of tools did these human hunters/consumers use to acquire and process this game?

Stone tools found at the site and associated with the fossils were identified by the team of archaeologists as belonging to the Middle Stone Age. Made from high quality flint imported from elsewhere, they exhibited characteristics typical of the Middle Stone Age, such as objects prepared using Levallois core techniques and pointed forms. Such assemblages have been found at various sites dated to the time range inclusive of the Jebel Irhoud site all across Africa. “The stone artifacts from Jebel Irhoud look very similar to ones from deposits of similar age in east Africa and in southern Africa” says Max Planck Institute archaeologist Shannon McPherron.***

Evidence pointed to a group of people with a capability beyond what could typically be attributed to more archaic species, such as Homo erectus or other species on the early human spectrum.

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Some of the Middle Stone Age stone tools from Jebel Irhoud. Pointed forms such as a-i are common in the assemblage. Also characteristic are the Levellois prepared core flakes (j-k). Credit: Mohammed Kamal, MPI EVA Leipzig, License: CC-BY-SA 2.0.

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The Implications of Jebel Irhoud

Assuming that the dating holds under scrutiny by other scholars and any additional studies, the findings at Jebel Irhoud forces current scholarship to reconsider or revamp the traditional thinking about how and where modern humans arose from the ancestral soup in Africa. For one thing, the fossils present new implications for the evolutionary development of modern human species-specific physical characteristics.  “Our findings suggest that modern human facial morphology was established early on in the history of our species, and that brain shape, and possibly brain function, evolved within the Homo sapiens lineage,” says Philipp Gunz, one of the authors of the recent detailed studyof the finds published in Nature. To this point have been recent discoveries bearing on comparisons of ancient DNA extracted from Neanderthals and Denisovans to the DNA of modern humans — revealing differences in genes related to the human brain and nervous systems. Changes in the shape of the Homo sapiens braincase over time may be reflective of genetic changes in brain development, organization and nerve connectivity, changes that separate our species from other extinct human species.

Moreover, the morphology and dates of the Jebel Irhoud fossils fit with the designation of the partial cranium found at Florisbad, South Africa, as an archaic form of Homo sapiens. Now, very early, archaic Homo sapiens fossils have been found at very disparate locations across the African continent — Morocco, Ethiopia, and South Africa — and the finds are associated with Middle Stone Age tools, revealing a cognitive capacity and development commonly associated with Homo sapiens. “The fossil and archaeological evidence at Jebel Irhoud obligate us to revise the textbooks,” says Hublin. “It looks like by 300,000 years ago, our species was already represented all over the African continent and not restricted to a small “garden of Eden” in East or Southern Africa.”

Perhaps most significantly, the finds at Jebel Irhoud and other sites across Africa have served to raise questions about what is meant by Homo sapiens. Clearly, there were people who lived in Africa who looked, and perhaps behaved, very much like us, well over 200,000 years ago, the time when most scholars have suggested modern humans emerged. As new evidence indicates, modern humans didn’t suddenly pop into history in a single century or even a single millennium. Nothing in evolution is truly that simple or fantastic. Indeed, as new discoveries have been made, there has been a pattern of pushing back the clock and overturning long-held theories and assumptions about human evolution and what constitutes being a ‘modern’ human. Sites like Jebel Irhoud, Omo Kibish, Herto Bouri, Florisbad, Pinnacle Point, Blombos, and a score of others are slowly painting a much more complex picture of what it means to be Homo sapiens, and where and when our species existed.

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The Shifting Paradigm of Human Evolution

The discoveries made at Grotte à Hominidés and Jebel Irhoud serve to confirm that, geographically, Northwest Africa offered a critical setting in the developing story of the early evolution of the genus Homo, in addition to the already well-known evidence uncovered in East and South Africa. This suggests the need to take a broader view of when and where in Africa the roots of our species, and those of our common ancestry as embodied in species like Homo antecessor, Neanderthals, and Denisovans, took place. Accompanying paleoclimate studies have reinforced this assessment: Climatic oscillations opened recurring ecological ‘green’ corridors across the region now characterized by the Sahara. Says Denis Geraads, “the idea that the Sahara was a permanent biogeographic barrier [for humans in prehistory] does not hold….The palaeontological evidence shows repeated connections between Northwest Africa and the savannas of the East and South.”*

The path that defines the roots of the evolution of modern humanity spans the entire face of the African continent, and the story is likely far deeper and more complex than we ever have imagined.

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African landscape. Frans-Banja Mulder, CC BY 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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*From Early hominins from Morocco reveal an African lineage near the root of Homo sapiens, press release of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, January 7, 2026.

**Jean-Jacques Hublin, et al., Early hominins from Morocco basal to the Homo sapiens lineage, Nature, 7 January 2026. https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-025-09914-y

***https://popular-archaeology.com/issue/summer-2017/article/earliest-known-homo-sapiens-just-got-older

Cover Image, Top Left: Credit Ryan Somma, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Villa of Faragola

In the fertile Carapelle Valley of northern Puglia, where the ancient territory of Daunia meets the sub-Apennine foothills, a late antique villa of extraordinary opulence lay concealed beneath agricultural soils for fifteen centuries. The Villa of Faragola—its summer dining hall furnished with Italy’s best-preserved masonry “stibadium”, its thermal complex among the largest private baths ever documented on the peninsula, its floors sheathed in the rarest polychrome marble “opus sectile”—represents the most spectacular aristocratic residence yet discovered in the Italian south. Excavated from 2003 onwards by the University of Foggia under Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano, partially opened to the public, then savagely burnt in a suspected arson in September 2017, and now the subject of a hard-won, multi-million-euro restoration completed in November 2024, Faragola has endured a modern fate as dramatic as its ancient one. This article traces the full arc of its history—from its Daunian origins through its late antique apogee, its early medieval transformation, its modern discovery, its near destruction, and its current, cautious renaissance.

 

THE CARAPELLE VALLEY: A LANDSCAPE OF PERENNIAL HABITATION

The Carapelle river descends from the sub-Apennine highlands of the Monti Dauni before widening into the great alluvial fan of the Tavoliere delle Puglie, one of the most productive agricultural plains in the Italian peninsula and among the earliest farming landscapes in the western Mediterranean. This valley corridor—traversed since prehistoric times by transhumance routes linking the Apennine pastures to the Adriatic lowlands—was also threaded, in the Roman period, by one of the most strategically important secondary road axes in the region: the Via Aurelia Aeclanensis, which connected the ancient city of Herdonia (modern-day Ordona, on the Via Traiana) to Aeclanum (modern-day Mirabella Eclano), thereby bridging the Via Traiana in the north to the Via Appia in the south and drawing the valley into the arterial infrastructure of the empire.

It was precisely at a node of this road network, on a low terrace above the left bank of the Carapelle, approximately five kilometers northeast of ancient Ausculum (modern-day Ascoli Satriano) and nine kilometers from Herdonia, that the Villa of Faragola was established. The site, which takes its name from the modern locality of Contrada Faragola within the municipality of Ascoli Satriano—famous for its two marble griffins from the Getty Museum—in the province of Foggia, Puglia, Southern Italy, commanded a gentle rise affording views across the valley’s wheat-gilded plain—a setting at once practical, commanding, and aesthetically eloquent of the aristocratic taste that would, in late antiquity, transform the location into one of the most opulent rural residences in southern Italy.

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The two griffins, a polychrome marble trapezophoros, devouring a fallen doe. (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The geological and hydrological character of the terrace was well chosen: the Carapelle’s alluvial deposits provided fertile agricultural land yielding the grain surpluses on which the villa’s economy, and ultimately its luxury, depended, while the river itself and a series of local springs supplied the abundant water resources that a complex bath establishment of over a thousand square meters demanded. In a region whose long, hot summers made the pleasures of water—fountains, pools, the cool percussion of hydraulic spectacle—both a practical necessity and a social performance, the hydrogeological endowment of Faragola was inseparable from its architectural ambitions.

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The Carapelle Valley is rich in both fertility and archaeological treasure (CREDITS: Polo Museale Civico di Ascoli Satriano).

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DEEP ROOTS: THE DAUNIAN SUBSTRATUM AND THE EARLY VILLA

Faragola‘s story does not begin with Rome. Systematic excavation has demonstrated that the terrace was occupied in the Daunian period—from approximately the fourth to the second century BCE, with traces extending to earlier centuries—when a domestic structure, one of whose rooms was paved with a careful pebble mosaic, stood on the site. The Daunian peoples, whose distinctive painted sub-Geometric pottery, elaborate anthropomorphic grave stelae (the celebrated stele daunie), and warrior aristocracies defined the cultural landscape of ancient Daunia from the early Iron Age onwards, had established a rural presence at Faragola that prefigured the later villa by nearly half a millennium. The pebble mosaic—a sophisticated flooring technique that implies both resources and aesthetic aspiration—suggests this was no simple farmstead but a settlement of some social consequence within the Daunian settlement hierarchy.

Following an apparent abandonment in the third or second century BCE, coinciding with the convulsions of the Punic Wars that so catastrophically disrupted the social fabric of Puglia—among them the Roman annihilation at Cannae (216 BCE), fought on the Aufidus river less than forty kilometres away, and the subsequent Roman reprisal against communities that had allied with Hannibal—the site was reoccupied in the early imperial period. A villa rustica of the first to third centuries CE developed here, organised around the fundamental productive logic of the latifundium: large-scale grain cultivation, slave labour, and the generation of agricultural surplus for markets accessible via the road network. This early villa remains imperfectly known, its structural traces largely obliterated by the radical rebuilding of late antiquity, but its existence is attested by ceramic sequences and scattered architectural evidence sufficient to confirm continuous occupation from the Republican period.

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Herdonia’s Stelae Daunie.
(CREDITS: ORDONA’S HERMA – HERDONIA ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM)

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THE LATE ANTIQUE APOGEE: ARCHITECTURE OF ARISTOCRATIC POWER

Between the fourth and the sixth centuries CE—a period that elsewhere in the Roman West is associated with fiscal crisis, barbarian incursion, and urban contraction—the Villa of Faragola underwent a transformation of extraordinary ambition. The modest productive estate of the early empire was progressively dismantled, its rooms partially razed or absorbed, and in their place arose a complex of a wholly different character: a luxurious residential and recreational establishment whose architectural program, decorative investment, and hydraulic sophistication place it in the first rank of late antique aristocratic villas anywhere in the Mediterranean world.

The excavated pars urbana of the villa—the residential and representational core—covers an area of approximately 1,550 square metres, though survey evidence suggests the full extent of the estate, including its productive dependencies, workshops, and outbuildings, was considerably larger. The plan conforms to the type of the villa a padiglioni—a pavilion-type layout—in which residential and service spaces are disposed horizontally across the terrain rather than around a single compact nucleus, though with anomalies consistent with the stratified phasing of its construction history. A large peristyle courtyard—a colonnaded garden at the heart of the residence—organized the principal reception and residential rooms in its first late antique phase, while a second major rebuilding in the fifth century fundamentally altered the spatial logic of the complex.

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The initial stratigraphic archaeological excavations of the Villa of Faragola in 2003 (Credits: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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3D reconstruction of the Villa of Faragola (Credits: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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The Great Thermal Complex

The baths of Faragola are among the most remarkable structures to have emerged from any late antique excavation in Italy. Covering an area of over a thousand square meters—and thus qualifying as one of the largest private bath establishments yet documented anywhere on the peninsula—the thermal complex was organized across two contiguous but functionally semi-autonomous bodies of building: a Great Baths wing and a Small Baths wing, the latter apparently constructed as a supplement or replacement for certain functions of the former, perhaps as the thermal demands of the household changed over time.

Whether this double arrangement was conceived to separate the sexes, to distinguish the needs of the dominus from those of his guests or staff, or simply to accommodate the hydraulic impracticalities that the original design revealed in use remains a matter of scholarly debate.

Both wings followed the canonical sequence of imperial thermae: an undressing room (apodyterium) giving onto a cold hall (frigidarium) with plunge pools, a warm intermediate space (tepidarium), and one or more hot rooms (caldarium) heated by hypocaust underfloor systems in which ceramic pilae supported the floor above a combustion chamber. The frigidarium of the Great Baths was exceptional: equipped with two lateral pools and a large open natatio (swimming pool), it presented vault surfaces embellished with polychrome glass mosaic tesserae — a decorative technique more commonly associated with imperial or episcopal patronage than with private rural residences. Wall facings in opus sectile—cut polychrome marbles—and painted stucco completed a visual program whose cumulative effect must have been, to a visitor emerging from the summer heat of the Carapelle Valley, of dramatic and calculated magnificence.

The stratigraphic analysis of the bath complex documents a succession of construction and renovation phases spanning the fourth to the sixth centuries, with evidence for continuous use and periodic aesthetic upgrading. Fuel-wood analysis, drawing on archaeobotanical samples radiocarbon-dated by AMS, has provided a refined chronological sequence that also reflects palaeoclimatic fluctuations in the Tavoliere plain over the same period—a rare convergence of architectural and environmental history within a single excavated context.

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The inner map of the Great Baths wing and Small Baths wing of the villa of Faragola. (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The Cenatio and the Stibadium: Theatre of Aristocratic Pleasure

No discovery at Faragola has attracted more scholarly attention, or captured more fully the imagination of specialists in late antique society, than the summer dining room—the cenatio aestiva (summertime dinner)—and its extraordinary centerpiece: a masonry stibadium that stood, before its partial destruction in 2017, as the finest preserved example of this form of aristocratic furniture anywhere in the Roman world.

The cenatio was inserted into the villa complex in the fifth century, replacing an earlier peristyle space, and was connected to the thermal wing by means of a long formal corridor conceived as a processional approach: guests moving from the baths to the banquet passed through a sequence of spaces designed to build, stage by stage, a sense of anticipation for the pleasures awaiting them. The dining hall itself was a large, luminous room—opening on its long sides through columns or pillars onto views of the surrounding agricultural landscape—designed as a kind of luxurious garden pavilion, at once interior and exterior, a space that blurred the Roman distinction between otium (leisure) and natura (nature).

At the focus of this space, raised on a slightly elevated platform and visible from every point in the room, stood the stibadium. This is the form of dining furniture described with vivid precision by the Gallo-Roman aristocrat and man of letters Sidonius Apollinaris (c. 430–489 CE), whose letters constitute an incomparable literary witness to the social rituals of fifth-century aristocratic dining: a curved, sigma-shaped masonry couch — its profile approximating the Greek letter sigma, or our letter C — on which up to seven diners could recline, arrayed in hierarchical order around its arc. The positions of the two lateral ‘horns’ of the sigma were the most honoured; access to the couch itself was regulated by the precise social conventions that governed every aspect of late antique aristocratic self-presentation.

The Faragola stibadium was no bare bench. Its frontal face, visible to all who entered the cenatio, was sheathed in carved marble reliefs depicting dancing maenads rendered in gold leaf in the act of presenting a libation to a serpent coiled around an altar — iconography of unmistakably Bacchic character. That the dominus of Faragola chose, in a fifth-century renovation executed when Christianity was the official religion of the empire and paganism formally proscribed, to celebrate the mysteries of Dionysus in the most prominent decorative position of his principal reception room speaks eloquently to the cultural conservatism—or deliberate archaism—of the senatorial class. These were men who defined themselves through their command of classical learning, whose libraries were stocked with Virgil and Cicero, and for whom the religious imagery of the classical tradition was a marker of paideia, of civilised cultivation, quite independent of theological commitment.

At the centre of the stibadium was a fountain, whose waters cascaded over the decorated front face into a shallow pool below — a hydraulic feature that served simultaneously as a cooling mechanism in the Puglian summer, a visual spectacle, and an acoustic enrichment of the dining experience. The play of water, the glint of light on polychrome marble, and the scent of the surrounding landscape: these were the calculated sensory conditions in which the dominus of Faragola conducted the ritual of the convivium—the aristocratic banquet that, in late antique culture, was as much a theatrical performance of power and learning as it was a meal.

The floor surrounding the stibadium was paved in opus sectile of exceptional quality: cut panels of giallo antico, pavonazzo, and serpentine marble — quarried respectively at Chemtou in Tunisia, from the veins of the Greek islands, and from the Laconian mountains of the Peloponnese — were assembled into geometric compositions framing the dining space. Two large carpet-like panels, symmetrically disposed on either side of the stibadium‘s approach, were composed of mirrored squares of giallo antico and pavonazzo framed in serpentine: objects whose material cost, derived from the imperial marble trade that linked Faragola to quarries across the entire Mediterranean basin, was itself a form of conspicuous social communication.

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3D reconstruction of the cenatio aestiva. (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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An angled view of today’s stibadium in the villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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3D reconstruction of the stibadium.  (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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A luxurious glass-made opus sectile in the cenatio of the villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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THE OWNERS: THE CORNELII SCIPIONES ORFITI AND THE SENATORIAL ARISTOCRACY OF LATE ANTIQUE PUGLIA

For whom was this extraordinary establishment built? The excavations have not yielded the kind of definitive epigraphic evidence — an owner’s name inscribed in mosaic or bronze — that would settle the question with certainty. However, a combination of inscriptional fragments recovered from the site and the prosopographical analysis of senatorial families known to have held landed property in the Apulian latifundia during the fourth and fifth centuries has led Volpe, Silvestrini, and their collaborators to identify the most plausible candidate as a branch of the Cornelii Scipiones Orfiti: a senatorial family of ancient pedigree whose members held senior positions in the imperial administration of the fourth century, including the consulship.

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3D reconstruction of the stibadium and thermal complex in an opulent senatorial setting.  (CREDITS: Laboratorio Archeologia Digitale, Department of Human Studies, University of Foggia).

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The most prominent individual associated with the family in the relevant period is Servius Cornelius Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus, who served as Prefect of the City of Rome under Constantius II. The Orfiti were representative of the class of senatorial grandees—a class that, paradoxically, grew richer and more powerful as the imperial state contracted around it in the fifth century—whose wealth was rooted in the great agricultural estates of southern Italy and North Africa, and whose cultural investments in villa luxury, literary patronage, and philosophical otium constitute the most vivid evidence for the persistence of classical civilisation in the western empire’s final generations. The correspondence of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, the greatest letter-writer of the late fourth century and himself the owner of multiple villae in southern Italy, provides the closest literary analogue for the world to which the owner of Faragola belonged: a world of elegant agricultural management, learned conversation at dinner, and the deliberate cultivation of classical tradition as a social identity.

Sidonius Apollinaris, writing in the 460s from a villa in Gaul that he describes in terms strikingly parallel to Faragola‘s architecture, provides another literary coordinate. His accounts of the stibadium banquet—the cool water in the fountain, the geometrical brilliance of the floor, the hierarchy of reclining positions, the musicians and performers—might have been composed with Faragola in mind. That a Gallo-Roman aristocrat could describe a setting virtually identical to one being constructed simultaneously on the plains of Puglia is eloquent testimony to the cultural coherence of the senatorial class across the late antique west: a class whose members, scattered from Bordeaux to Brindisi, shared not only a legal status and a literary formation but also an architectural vocabulary of pleasure.

THE POST-ANTIQUE VILLA: FROM ARISTOCRATIC RESIDENCE TO LOMBARD FARMSTEAD

The sixth century brought fundamental transformation. By the latter decades of that century—the period in which the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy, which had maintained and even elaborated the forms of late Roman aristocratic culture, was destroyed by the Byzantine reconquest under Justinian’s generals Belisarius and Narses, and in which the Lombard invasion (568 CE) introduced a new and radically different political and social order into the Italian peninsula—the Villa of Faragola ceased to function as an aristocratic residence. The archaeological evidence for this transition is unambiguous: the luxury spaces are progressively abandoned, their marble and mosaic surfaces left unmaintained; domestic structures of a more modest character begin to appear in spaces formerly reserved for representational use; the thermal complex falls out of regular operation.

What replaced the villa was, in archaeological terms, equally fascinating: a village and farm settlement of the early medieval period, its small residential rooms, animal enclosures, and industrial installations — furnaces for ceramics and glass production, clay settling tanks, metal-smelting pits — occupying the shells of the former luxury spaces with the pragmatic economy of a society that no longer recognised, or at least no longer reproduced, the values those spaces had embodied. Written sources, interpreted in the light of the archaeological evidence, suggest that this agricultural complex was organised under Lombard administration as a form of curtis—a productive unit of the early medieval agrarian economy—making Faragola one of the rare southern Italian sites where the transition from late antique villa to Lombard farmstead can be observed in stratigraphic detail.

By the eighth century, the stone and marble structures had given way to wooden huts, their organic materials now recoverable only through post-holes and refuse deposits. The magnificent cenatio, whose fountain had played and whose stibadium had hosted the elaborate rituals of senatorial conviviality, became a barn. The thermal halls, whose mosaic vaults had glittered with glass tesserae, became animal pens. By the ninth or tenth century the site was effectively abandoned, its ruins progressively buried under the alluvial silts and ploughed fields of the Carapelle Valley. When the medieval town of Ascoli Satrianorebuilt after the earthquake of 1456 destroyed the earlier settlement—looked out over the valley from its hilltop, Faragola was already a memory older than its oldest inhabitants could reach.

MODERN DISCOVERY: THE UNIVERSITY OF FOGGIA AND THE EXCAVATION CAMPAIGNS (2003–2017)

The systematic archaeological investigation of Faragola owes its existence to a broader program of landscape archaeology initiated by the University of Foggia’s Department of Cultural Heritage at the turn of the millennium.

Under the scientific direction of Dr. Giuliano Volpe—who would go on to serve as Chancellor of the University of Foggia, President of the Superior Council of Cultural Heritage at the Ministry, and one of the most energetic advocates for the archaeological heritage of the Italian south—the university undertook a systematic survey of the cultural landscape of the Carapelle and Celone Valleys as part of the Carta dei Beni Culturali of the Puglia Region: a comprehensive regional mapping of archaeological sites and cultural assets.

The area of the future excavation had been acquired in 1997 by the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, which recognised the archaeological potential of the site — known locally through the perennial surface scatter of Roman and medieval ceramic material that ploughing brings to the surface of Puglian fields — and took the prescient step of securing it for public investigation before development pressures could compromise its integrity. Systematic excavations began in 2003, co-directed by Dr. Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano, with campaigns continuing annually through the 2000s and into the 2010s.

From the outset, the Faragola excavation was conceived not merely as an episode of discovery but as a model of integrated research methodology.

Alongside conventional stratigraphic excavation, the team deployed an impressive array of digital documentation technologies—laser scanning surveys beginning as early as January 2007.

Among the earliest applications of this technology to an active Italian excavation were drone photogrammetry, three-dimensional modelling of architectural remains and individual artefacts, and GIS-based site mapping—which enabled the progressive construction of a comprehensive digital record of the site’s development.

The scientific results were published with admirable promptness in a series of papers, monographs, and congress contributions that established Faragola as a key reference point in international discussions of late antique rural society, villa architecture, and the archaeology of the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages.

The discoveries that emerged from the excavations were, by any measure, exceptional. The identification of the stibadium as Italy’s best-preserved example of this rare banqueting form attracted immediate scholarly attention and was reported in the international archaeological press.

The scale and quality of the thermal complex—its polychrome mosaics, glass tesserae vaulting, and opus sectile panels—established Faragola as one of the most opulently decorated late antique buildings in the Italian south.

The recovery of three removable opus sectile emblematic panels from the cenatio—intricate compositions of cut vitreous glass in polychrome geometric patterns, paralleled only at Piazza Armerina in Sicily and at the great villa complexes of the eastern Mediterranean—placed the site in genuinely international scholarly company.

The public dimension of the excavation was equally pioneering. The site was progressively musealised in situ: a protective roofing structure of laminated timber and metal sheeting was erected over the cenatio and the adjacent bath area to preserve the exposed mosaics, marble floors, and standing walls against weathering.

Interpretive panels, visitor pathways, and educational programmes were developed in collaboration with the municipality and regional authorities.

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Dr. Giuliano Volpe, Faragola expert and professor of archaeology, University of Foggia.  (CREDITS: Dr. Giuliano Volpe personal website).

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In 2009 the Archaeological Park of Faragola was partially opened to the public, welcoming school groups, tourists, and general visitors to an archaeological park that represented—in the judgement of both the excavators and the Italian heritage administration—a model of how an active research excavation could simultaneously function as a public cultural attraction and a tool for sustainable local development.

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Aerial view of the Faragola excavation. FAM1885, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The night of 6–7 September 2017 did not merely destroy a roof. It attempted to obliterate fifteen centuries of survival and fourteen years of painstaking scholarly recovery.

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THE NIGHT OF FIRE: ARSON, DEVASTATION, AND THE QUESTION OF CULTURAL IMPUNITY (2017)

In the early hours of the night of 6 to 7 September 2017, the protective timber roofing structure over the cenatio and bath area of Faragola was engulfed in fire. By the time the flames were extinguished, the approximately three-thousand-square-metre covering had been entirely destroyed.

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The arson fire at night destroyed years of conservation efforts within the Villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The intense heat generated beneath the collapsed structure — preliminary estimates placed temperatures in the vicinity of two thousand degrees Celsius — had calcined the marble panels of the cenatio floor, converting them from polished stone to something approaching quicklime; it had caused the mosaic tesserae  to erupt from their bedding, scattering and deforming surfaces that had survived intact through fifteen centuries of burial and fourteen years of careful conservation; it had cracked and shattered the standing wall structures; and it had destroyed in their emplacements the Bacchic reliefs of the stibadium’s frontal face. A first-century BCE oscillum — a rare votive disc depicting a dancer, one of the site’s most beautiful portable artefacts — was stolen during or immediately after the conflagration.

Dr. Giuliano Volpe was in Kuala Lumpur at the time of the fire and learned of the disaster through a WhatsApp message in the early morning. His public response — posted to Facebook and rapidly circulated across Italian and international media — gave voice to the grief of the entire Italian scholarly community: fourteen years of excavation, research, publication, and careful musealisation, he wrote, reduced to ashes in a single night by what he described as organised criminality, professional expertise, or both.

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The oscillum, a disc-shaped marble of terracotta, typical of elite residences like Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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The fire’s behavior—the ignition apparently simultaneous across multiple points; the penetration of a fire-retardant laminated timber structure; the systematic thoroughness of the destruction—pointed, in the view of investigators and scholars alike, to deliberate and professional arson.

The regional prosecutor opened a criminal investigation. Despite the reported capture on a local business’s surveillance camera of a vehicle in the vicinity of the site before the blaze began, no prosecutions have followed. The perpetrators remain unidentified.

The cultural loss was immense and, in significant respects, irreversible. The three removable opus sectile emblematic panels that had been removed from the cenatio before the fire for separate restoration treatment at the Istituto Centrale del Restauro in Rome were among the objects spared: a providential circumstance that preserved at least these masterworks from destruction. The statue of a young hunter-boy, similarly removed for museum display at Ascoli Satriano, also survived. But the physical fabric of the cenatio—its stibadium, its floor, its walls, the atmospheric totality that had made the space legible to the visitor—had been fundamentally compromised.

It would be analytically incomplete, however, to conclude the story of the fire with loss alone. Italian archaeological thinking on the disaster has, with admirable intellectual rigour, resisted the impulse to restore Faragola to a fictive ‘original splendour’ that would erase the fire from its history.

As the site’s archaeologists have argued, the conflagration of 2017 is itself now part of Faragola‘s stratigraphic biography—an episode of violent destruction as real as the fires that ended the life of late antique buildings across the Mediterranean, and one whose traces the archaeological record must incorporate rather than conceal. The ethical and professional challenge of Faragola‘s post-2017 restoration has therefore been not simply to repair damage but to restore, interpret, and commemorate simultaneously – making visible both the villa’s original magnificence and the scar of its modern assault.

TOWARDS RENAISSANCE: CONSERVATION, RESTORATION, AND THE FUTURE OF FARAGOLA (2018–2026)

The institutional response to the arson was swift and, eventually, substantial — though the conversion of initial emergency measures into sustained funded recovery took, as is characteristic of Italian heritage administration, considerably longer than the emergency itself. In the immediate aftermath of the fire, conservators from the Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio for the provinces of Foggia and BAT began emergency stabilization works: veiling the damaged mosaic surfaces with gauze layers to arrest further tessera displacement, applying chemical consolidants to the calcined marble surfaces to prevent spalling, and removing the most seriously compromised debris to allow structural assessment.

The central conservation instrument proved to be the CIS Capitanata—the Contratto Istituzionale di Sviluppo, orInstitutional Developmental Contract, a coordinated public investment program for the cultural and economic development of the Capitanata region, of which the province of Foggia is the principal territory.

Under this framework, a restoration and valorization project for Faragola received funding of approximately three million euros, administered through Invitalia and managed with the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano as the contracting station, under the architectural and technical supervision of the Soprintendenza. The main restoration contract was awarded in 2021 to the specialist firm De Marco s.r.l., experts in the conservation of immovable cultural heritage.

Restoration works began in earnest in September 2023 under the scientific direction of Soprintendente Anita Guarnieri and a team of specialist conservators that included, significantly, Antonella Martinelli—a restorer who had worked on the original pre-fire conservation campaigns at Faragola and therefore brought both technical expertise and institutional memory to the recovery process.

The team was further supported by the scientific evaluation of the Istituto Centrale del Restauro in Rome. The work was described by Guarnieri, on its completion, as extraordinary in its complexity and length: the challenge was not merely the mechanical re-adhesion of displaced tesserae or the chemical stabilization of calcined marble but the interpretation of a surface that had been fundamentally altered by heat—deformed, discoloured, and in places destroyed—and the determination, at each point, of what degree of restoration served both legibility and historical honesty.

A conscious and principled decision was made to retain, in certain locations, visible traces of the fire’s transformation — not as a concession to defeat but as an act of archaeological and ethical intelligence. The 2017 conflagration, the conservators and archaeologists agreed, had become part of Faragola‘s history; to erase its evidence entirely would be to falsify that history. The restored site will therefore bear, in its material fabric, the layered testimony of fifteen centuries of occupation, abandonment, and revival — including the attempted destruction of 2017 and the determined recovery that followed.

In November 2024, the Soprintendenza announced the formal conclusion of the marble and mosaic restoration works. The site’s protective infrastructure was simultaneously renewed, with a new covering system replacing the destroyed timber structure.

The Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, supported by regional and national heritage authorities, has proceeded with planning for the full reopening of the Archaeological Park di Faragola, which is expected to welcome the public again in a substantially restored and reinterpreted form — encompassing the cenatio, the thermal complex, the medieval village overlay, and new interpretive installations communicating the full stratigraphic depth of the site’s history.

FARAGOLA IN CONTEXT: SIGNIFICANCE AND SCHOLARLY LEGACY

The senatorial Villa of Faragola occupies a position of singular importance within the archaeology of late antique Italy, and its significance operates simultaneously at several scales of analysis. At the regional level, it is the most spectacular demonstration yet recovered of the persistence and vitality of aristocratic villa culture in the Puglian latifundia during the fourth and fifth centuries — a period when the imperial political structure was fragmenting around the senatorial elite even as that elite was, paradoxically, consolidating its landed wealth and investing it with increasing confidence in architectural and decorative display. No other site in Puglia offers such a comprehensive material correlate for the world evoked by the letters of Symmachus and Sidonius Apollinaris.

At the national level, Faragola’s stibadium—even in its damaged post-2017 state, and certainly as documented in the exhaustive pre-fire laser scans and photographic records—remains the defining archaeological example of this architectural form in Italy and one of a very small number of in situ instances known anywhere in the Mediterranean world.

The site’s thermal complex, similarly, belongs to the restricted catalogue of large-scale private bath establishments whose scale and decorative program rival those of imperial construction. The opus sectile panels of the cenatio, even partially surviving, are among the most important examples of this luxury craft technique from the post-Constantinian west.

At the international level, Faragola has become a focal point in scholarly discussions of late antique aristocratic culture, the social rituals of the convivium, the persistence of pagan religious iconography in a Christianizing world, the transition from Roman villa to early medieval village, and the methodological challenges of digital documentation and in situ musealisation.

The bibliography generated by the excavations runs to hundreds of entries across a dozen European languages; the site has been discussed in major comparative studies of late antique villas from North Africa to Britain, and its stibadium cited as a reference point in analyses of similar structures from Portugal to Syria.

The arson of 2017, far from diminishing this scholarly significance, has added to Faragola‘s relevance a new dimension: it is now also a case study in the archaeology of modern crime against cultural heritage, in the ethics of post-disaster conservation, and in the resilience—institutional, intellectual, and communal—that the recovery of an injured site demands. The project of integrating memory of the fire into the interpretive framework of the archaeological park, rather than concealing it behind a restored veneer, has attracted international attention as a model for thinking about how sites that have suffered recent traumatic damage should be presented to the public.

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The remains after the arson fire of the Villa of Faragola in September 2017.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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CONCLUSIONS: A VILLA AWAITING ITS SECOND OPENING

The senatorial Villa of Faragola has survived, across fifteen centuries, fire, abandonment, agricultural obliteration, and—most recently—an act of deliberate criminal violence. It has survived, in the modern era, fourteen years of painstaking excavation, a decade of partial public accessibility, the catastrophe of 2017, and seven years of slow institutional recovery. As the restoration of its mosaics and marbles reaches completion and the design of its new public infrastructure advances, Faragola stands at a pivotal moment: poised to become, as its excavators have always envisioned, one of the great archaeological parks of the Italian south, a site capable of communicating to a broad public the full depth and complexity of a landscape inhabited, transformed, and mourned across three thousand years.

Several arguments converge to support the claim that Faragola merits sustained international attention of the kind its national significance demands. First, the site’s research archive—its comprehensive digital documentation, its extensive published bibliography, its laboratory collections of ceramics, glass, archaeobotanical samples, and numismatic materials—constitutes a resource of exceptional scholarly value that continued excavation in the as-yet uninvestigated zones of the estate has the potential to multiply many times over.

Second, Faragola‘s story is, unusually, a story with a living and engaged scholarly community: Volpe, Turchiano, and their collaborators have never abandoned the site or its research program, and the conditions for resuming fieldwork in a fully funded, publicly supported context now exist for the first time since 2017.

Third, and perhaps most urgently, Faragola embodies a form of archaeological significance that transcends the scholarly domain. It is a place whose beauty—even damaged, even partially reconstructed, even bearing the scars of its modern ordeal—can communicate directly and powerfully to the general visitor the reality of a civilization whose material culture was of astonishing refinement and whose fate raises questions—about what we value, what we protect, and what we choose to destroy—that are as urgent in the present as they were in the fifth century.

The view from the cenatio across the wheat fields of the Carapelle Valley, unchanged in its essential character since the age of the stibadium banquets, is one of the most evocative in the Italian south.

Faragola awaits its second opening.

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Above and below: the new , modern facilities of the Villa of Faragola.  (CREDITS: Civic Museum Hub of Ascoli Satriano).

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Acknowledgments

The author acknowledges the foundational contributions of Giuliano Volpe and Maria Turchiano to the discovery and study of Faragola and expresses gratitude to the Soprintendenza Archeologia Belle Arti e Paesaggio for the Provinces of Foggia and BAT, to the Municipality of Ascoli Satriano, and to the University of Foggia’s Department of Human Studies for their continuing commitment to the site’s recovery and valorisation. Thanks are due also to the conservators and restorers—led by Antonella Martinelli—whose expertise and dedication have made the post-2017 recovery possible. The site’s survival is, in no small measure, a testament to their professional resilience and scholarly integrity.

Selected Bibliography and Further Reading:

Volpe, G., De Felice, G., and Turchiano, M. (2005). ‘I rivestimenti marmorei, i mosaici e i pannelli in opus sectile vitreo della villa tardoantica di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano, Foggia),’ Atti del X Colloquio AISCOM, Tivoli.

Volpe, G. and Silvestrini, M. (2004). ‘La villa di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano) e gli Scipiones Orfiti’, Epigraphy and Public Space from the Severans to the Theodosian Era, XII Rencontre sur l’épigraphie, Rome.

Volpe, G. and Turchiano, M. (various years). Faragola 1–2: Un insediamento rurale nella Valle del Carapelle. Edipuglia, Bari.

Volpe, G., De Felice, G., and Sibilano, M.G. (2008). ‘Late Roman Villa at Faragola (Foggia, Italy): Laser Scanning for a Global Documentation Methodology during Field Research’, CAA Proceedings, Bonn.

Istituto Centrale del Restauro / Soprintendenza ABAP Foggia-BAT (2024). Meraviglie di vetro e marmo: le vicende conservative dei pannelli in opus sectile della villa romana di Faragola. Edizioni Quasar, Rome.

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Ancient Egypt in Watercolors

Anastasia Adeler is a writer and contributor to Popular Archaeology Magazine on travel and museums. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

The moment I cross into the gallery, the eye meets a field in motion: color settling into paper while drifting outward, as lines gather and loosen at once, and the surface retains the afterlife of water as though it has only just withdrawn.

For a few seconds, I remain near the entrance.

The light is even, controlled, almost indifferent, and yet the paintings resist stillness within it. They register through duration, each image forming and releasing at once, and the instinct to take in an image gives way to something slower – a following, a tracing, a willingness to remain with what refuses to resolve into a single state.

I move forward.

Inside the galleries of the Penn Museum, the exhibit, Ancient Egypt in Watercolors: Paintings and Artifacts from Dra Abu el-Naga, unfolds through works created during excavations between 1921 and 1923 on the west bank of the Nile.

These paintings were created alongside excavations, as surfaces long enclosed emerged into open air and light again, with plaster revealing its separation and pigment already in gradual withdrawal.

They were painted on paper within that environment by Ahmed Yousef, working alongside the expedition led by Clarence Fisher.

Before color photography, these paintings were essential records,” reflects University of Pennsylvania archaeologist and Egyptologist Josef Wegner. They preserve details that are no longer visible today.”

In several cases, they now hold the only remaining record of scenes that have since disappeared entirely.

I read the line, then return to the paintings, and they begin to read differently.

What appears here belongs to what has already been lost.

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An overall view of the Penn Museum’s excavations at Coxe Expedition Dra el-Naga (Thebes) Egypt 1922-1923. “Through monies from the Coxe Fund, Clarence Fisher directed two seasons of work from 1921 to 1923 for the Museum. He concen­trated mainly on the decorated tombs of Ramesside officials, but he worked as well in the Eighteenth Dynasty mortuary temple of Amenhotep I and his wife Ahmose-. Nefertari. Published in a preliminary report (see The Museum Journal, XV, 2, 28-49), the results of Fisher’s work still await full publication, although research on the excavation and the finds has continued over the years”. — From  “The University Museum Expedition to Dra Abu El Naga.” Expedition Magazine 21, no. 2 (January, 1979): -. Accessed April 03, 2026. https://www.penn.museum/sites/expedition/the-university-museum-expedition-to-dra-abu-el-naga/

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Egyptian artist Ahmed Yousef, whose century-old watercolor paintings of the interior wall decorations of the tomb excavations are now exhibited at the Penn Museum. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Staying with the surface

I approach the first wall, shift slightly, step back, and then forward again, and with each change in position the images begin to respond, as distance, duration, and angle shape how they appear.

From afar, the compositions gather into order, as figures align within horizontal registers and gestures extend across the composition, forming sequences of offering and exchange.

Closer, that order gives way to variation.

A face dissolves into paper. An ornamental band continues, then disperses. A torso remains, while its lower half thins into the surrounding field.

The eye follows.

The actual tomb walls existed in this same condition: plaster lifting, pigment shifting, entire sections slipping away even as they came into view.

Watercolor meets this state directly, absorbing its instability and holding the image within that moment of change.

Scenes: offering, mourning, presence

Further along, the scenes separate into distinct registers.

In one, a group gathers around offerings, as figures unfold in sequence across the composition, with hands extending forward, objects presented, and bodies inclining toward one another, forming a cadence that feels ceremonial without excess.

Within that structure, interruptions appear.

A face softens into the surrounding space, and part of the offering table disperses into paper. The composition gathers through these breaks.

I move closer.

Brushwork becomes visible, strokes following the form while allowing pigment to settle unevenly. The image begins to read as contact.

A seated figure appears in another composition: posture composed, gesture contained, the arrangement settling into stillness while surrounding areas open into lighter tones.

Time lengthens here.

Nearby, a scene of mourning unfolds, as figures move in elongated gestures across the composition, and the arrangement develops into a sustained flow, allowing the action to extend beyond a single moment.

Even here, the image disperses slightly, as color thins and lines soften, and the composition remains coherent while becoming more permeable.

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Above and below: Select views of the paintings and associated artifacts of the exhibit. “Last exhibited in Cairo during the 1920s, the watercolor paintings have been carefully preserved in the Penn Museum’s Archives for more than 100 years. They have never been on display in the United States. Ancient Egypt in Watercolors reveals the often under-appreciated, but critical function of art in archaeology. The 1,500 sq. ft. exhibition highlights elaborately decorated tomb chapels during the New Kingdom (approximately 1550 BCE-1070 BCE), a “golden age” that marked the height of Egypt’s power and wealth. Many affluent officials built their tombs at Dra Abu el-Naga—a key part of the larger Theban Necropolis. Their tomb paintings show scenes from everyday life and imagery depicting the journey to the netherworld—illuminating how much the ancient Egyptians valued family bonds, honoring their ancestors, and continuing one’s identity into the next life.
“The watercolors are copies of important tomb paintings of high officials and their families interred at Thebes and provide a rich record of the vitality of Egyptian funerary art of the New Kingdom,” says Penn Museum Egyptologist Dr. Josef Wegner, Lead Curator of Ancient Egypt in Watercolors. “Together with select artifacts on display for the first time, the exhibition reveals a society at the zenith of its power and creativity.”  From Penn Museum press release, January 13, 2026.    Photos by Anastasia Adeler

 

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Meretseger, across states

I return to the paired depictions of the cobra-headed goddess Meretseger.

In the first, the figure comes into coherence, as the contour runs uninterrupted and color rests within its form, so that the structure reads as internally complete. In the second, that condition gives way to another. Sections open into paper. The line advances in intervals. Color disperses into a trace.

I move between them.

From one position, they stand apart. From another, they align.

Two conditions of the same image.

I stay longer than I expect.

Something in the way I look at them changes.

Excavation as presence

The exhibition opens into another layer through archival photographs, where walls appear in stages, fragments emerge, and figures move within the tomb, measuring, observing, recording as the space becomes visible.

With this, the paintings take on a different dimension.

Yousef worked inside these spaces, tracing painted surfaces as they came into view.

I imagine the conditions: uneven light, dust suspended in air, forms gradually appearing, and alongside that, the translation into watercolor takes shape, as a line shifts across the wall, proportion followed as it recedes, and color adjusts with light, with angle, with surface.

These works are both copies and historical artifacts in their own right,” Wegner notes, capturing a moment in the life of the tombs.”

Here, that moment becomes more precise.

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Above and below: As documented at the time of excavations, the Lower Cemetery, Tomb 36. Coxe Expedition Dra el-Naga, Thebes, Egypt 1922-1923. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Tomb 286 shows original elaborate paintings and how they have encountered time-and-elements-related damage. Coxe Expedition Dra Abu el-Naga, Thebes, Egypt, 1922-1923. Courtesy Penn Museum Archives

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Above and below: Entering Tomb 286, Resting Place of the Scribe of the Table, Niay and his wife, Tabes. Photography and 3D models by David A. Anderson. Video screenshot. Courtesy Penn Museum

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Water and stone

A dialogue takes shape between materials, as stone bears the weight of centuries, while pigment remains embedded within plaster, shaped by time and environment, and watercolor enters, where water moves through pigment and paper receives and releases.

The image passes into another condition.

What fades in stone appears again, differently.

From wall to paper, the same form appears under different conditions of time and material, and that difference becomes perceptible almost immediately.

The solidity of stone gives way to the fluidity of paper, and yet something persists across both.

Color

I move again toward areas where color gathers more densely, and as I remain with them, variation begins to emerge.

Reds deepen and ease outward, while blues anchor the composition before softening, and ochres move with a warmth that changes with attention.

Then the color opens.

At moments, it recedes enough for the paper to enter the image, so that perception moves between what remains defined and what begins to dissolve.

Hue itself begins to be interpreted as time.

Distance, proximity, return

At the center of the gallery, distance arranges what I see into order.

As I move closer, that order gives way to variation, and details come forward, while edges lose certainty and continuity reveals its internal fractures.

Stepping back again introduces another condition, where what has been seen up close remains active within the wider view.

Perception accumulates instead of resolving.

A different register

By the time I reach the final wall, the focus has already begun to change, and what first appeared as image begins to feel different –  pigment, paper, and time coming together gradually, holding in place as I look.

I pause, and then move closer again, and with that movement the composition begins to reorganize, as each fragment holds its place while remaining in relation to the others, and each passage exists within its own span, so that the image no longer depends on completion to sustain itself.

What emerges here feels exact, as surfaces remain in transition and perception follows with greater precision, becoming capable of holding more than one state at once, while form extends across material, across time, across translation, and continues to exist through variation rather than reduction.

This is where the exhibition gains its force, as it refines perception and sharpens awareness, introducing a way of engaging in which variation stays visible and complexity retains its full presence.

I pause there a moment longer, and something comes into alignment –  the image holds more than one state at once.

What stays is not the image alone, but the way it has been seen: active, precise, and open.

From that point on, form belongs to time.

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Above and below: Details of a selected sample of original water color paintings of the wall art as rendered by the artist, from inside the ancient Egyptian tombs. Images courtesy Penn Museum

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Cleaning a papyrus.

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The Theban Mountain

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Doorkeeper of Amun(Temple), Irdjanen and his wife, Mutemipet, are shown being taken care of in the Afterlife.

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Husband and wife are together through eternity, as depicted in this painting inside Tomb 306.

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The Exhibit

Spotlighting century-old watercolor paintings by Egyptian artist Ahmed YousefAncient Egypt in Watercolors: Paintings and Artifacts from Dra Abu el-Naga went on view at the Penn Museum starting February 28, 2026.

Ancient Egypt in Watercolors draws attention to one of the most important archaeological sites in Egypt excavated by the Penn Museum during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the prominence of the Museum’s Egyptian Collections of more than 50,000 artifacts—with nearly 3,000 objects from Dra Abu el-Naga. Of those, a selection of nearly 60 rarely-seen artifacts complement the paintings, including 3,500-year-old bread loaves, statuary of high officials and New Kingdom royalty, funerary stelae, shabti figurines (which ensured comfort for deceased individuals in the Afterlife), amulets, ostraca (informal notes), canopic jars, among others.

The eight-month exhibition will feature multimedia elements and two rotations of watercolor paintings: The first group will be on display through June while the second will be on view beginning July 1.

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Ancient Egypt in Watercolors will close in November—just ahead of the grand opening for the Penn Museum’s Egypt Galleries: Life and Afterlife on December 12, 2026. Following extensive conservation across nearly three decades, its centerpiece will be the 4,300-year-old Tomb Chapel of Kaipure—a high-ranking treasury official of Egypt’s Old Kingdom (ca. 2350 BCE). This architectural marvel, excavated more than a century ago at Saqqara, features a massive 5-ton “false door” with nearly 100 carved and painted limestone blocks. Visitors will be able to enter and move through the space to experience what it feels like to be inside an ancient tomb chapel.

Life and Afterlife represents the first phase of the Penn Museum’s bi-level, 14,000 sq. ft. Ancient Egypt and Nubia Galleries. The second phase is the Egypt and Nubia Galleries: Royalty and Religion—showcasing the monumental 3,000-year-old palace of Pharaoh Merenptah, whose towering 30-ft. columns will be displayed at their full height for the first time since their excavation more than 100 years ago. These galleries are scheduled for completion in 2029.

About the Penn Museum
The Penn Museum’s mission is to be a center for inquiry and the ongoing exploration of humanity for our University of Pennsylvania, regional, national, and global communities, following ethical standards and practices.

Through conducting research, stewarding collections, creating learning opportunities, sharing stories, and creating experiences that expand access to archaeology and anthropology, the Museum builds empathy and connections across diverse cultures

The Penn Museum is open Tuesday-Sunday, 10:00 am-5:00 pm. It is open until 8:00 pm on first Wednesdays of the month. The Café is open Tuesday-Thursday, 9:00 am-3:00 pm and Friday and Saturday, 10:00 am-3:00 pm. On Sundays, the Café is open 10:30 am-2:30 pm. For information, visit penn.museum, call 215.898.4000, or follow @PennMuseum on social media.

          Above edited text from the subject Penn Museum press release.

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