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Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.
The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).
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Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University. He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City. He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.” Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J. The couple’s three sons – Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby. His latest book – Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs – which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.
One often hears the phrase, the “American Dream.” It conjures up a sweet life, to wit: a good job, money in the bank, a big, airy house and neat green lawn, a luxurious car, a happy marriage with beautiful children, all in a charming neighborhood.
For the ancient Roman, the dream was a bit more ambitious, though not altogether unfamiliar to us in our day: professional success, affluence in abundance, a thriving family, influential friends, and then the best of both worlds: a fine house in a prosperous quarter of the city – say on the Aventine or Esquiline Hill—and by all means a cozy, attractive villa out in the countryside, or by the sea, or a lake, for a periodic taste of true leisure—the Romans called this contemplative life in the country Otium.
Here the writer explores and examines some of the famous people, history, luxury, and role of the villa in Roman life. The handsome remains of numerous such retreats excavated in Pompeii and Herculaneum, for example, afford us a tangible idea of their general architecture and appearance….
A roman villa—what did it look like?
Usually very large, the villa was rectangular in shape, a one-story dwelling with a vestibule open to the street, leading to the main door (ianua) which opened onto the atrium or living room. This was a sizable square space centerpieced by a shallow pool (impluvium) customarily filled with rain water that fell through a matching opening in the roof (compluvium). Bedrooms (cubicula) surrounded and gave onto the atrium. On the far end of this was a tablinum, a larger chamber used as an office. This exited onto the peristylium, a colonnaded outdoor court where the family loved to pass a good part of the day, strolling around and around the enclosed garden often centered with a statue or sundial or, best of all, a fountain. More bedrooms and guest rooms faced this refreshingly cool, airy yard. Also at the far end on the one side was the biblioteca, a reading room,. Opposite this was the largest room of the house, the triclinium, or dining room.
This home (domus) was surrounded by meticulously landscaped grounds featuring flower beds punctuated by marble sculptures. There was sometimes an in-the-ground pool for bathing. All in all, the Roman villa was the proverbial “lap of luxury.”
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Cicero and His Luxury Spaces
This peculiarly Roman institution, the villa, began to really come into vogue in the first century B.C., especially in the heyday of such squires as Marcus Tullius Cicero. Born and raised in the rugged hilltown of Arpinum (now Arpino) some sixty miles south of the capital, this country lad never forgot his rural roots. The mountainous terrain, the lush vegetation, the soft air of the Italian countryside remained forever in his blood. Even in the years ahead when he was busy climbing the political ladder all the way to the Consulship, in 63 B.C., Cicero always managed to set aside time for yearly visits to his ancestral home.
His father, wanting to afford the children, the educational advantages and career opportunities of the big city, had moved the family to Rome when Marcus was in his early teens. Early on, the young man showed a keen interest in the practice of law and eventually clerked under the pre-eminent trial lawyer of the day, Quintus Mucius Scaevola. Cicero’s rise in the profession was meteoric. When at age 26 he won the celebrated Sextus Roscius murder case, he became the talk of Roman high society.
With his success in the courts, and subsequent triumph in politics, came an affluence he could never have imagined back in old Arpinum. He purchased a fashionable home on Rome’s ritzy Palatine Hill. As his financial resources continued to multiply, he invested in more and more property outside the city, starting with the purchase of a splendid villa (once owned by the powerful dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla), high up in Tusculum in the Alban Hills, about fifteen miles south of Rome. He named his new acquisition “My Tusculanum.”
Such was his attachment to villa life that he soon acquired another vacation home at Antium on the shore of the eponymous bay. (Today we know it as Anzio.) From his sumptuous villa there in April of 59 B.C., with the warm air redolent of the salty sea, Cicero writes to his friend Atticus: “I have fallen so in love with leisure that I cannot tear myself away from it. Thus I go fishing or take delight in my books of which I have a happy abundance here. Sometimes I just sit and count the waves. (Sedeo et fluctus numero.)” (Note: In January of A.D. 1944 the descendants of those same waves would bring to shore the landing craft of the British-American forces seeking to liberate Rome and all of Italy from the Nazi stronghold.)
He next bought a villa at Astura, on the same bay.
Cicero went on, across the next several years, to purchase five more – seven in all – posh retreats down further along the coast, at Formiae (Formia), halfway between Rome and Neapolis (Naples); at Cumae, Pompeii,and Puteoli (Pozzuoli), all on the curving shore at the Bay of Naples. He liked to refer to them collectively as “My dear villas, the Gems of Italy.”
Cicero found one drawback, though, with the Bay area, for there was a multitude of Roman senators and other city officials with abodes in this region, people he was trying to get away from on his vacations. From Cumae in a letter to his close pal he laments: “Habemus hic quasi pusillam Romam.” (We have here an almost miniature Rome.) He then goes on to mock the uppity rich for their garish and ostentatious shore-homes, and their elaborate dinner parties “at which they all try to outdo one another in extravagance.” The writer Julia Fiore cleverly called this locale with all its soirees, “The Hamptons of Rome.”
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Of all his land holdings he preferred by far his house in Tusculum. This we learn from his correspondence with his lifelong alter ego, Atticus: “Mire quam illius loci non modo usu, sed etiam coqitatio me delectat.” (It’s remarkable how the mere thought of this place delights me even when I’m not there.) The letters also reveal Cicero’s eagerness to adorn the place with precious art works: “If you see anything that would go well in my Villa Tuscolana please be sure to bring it back for me.” We see too his interest in putting together a well-stocked private library. He pleads with the highly cultivated Atticus: “Don’t promise your book collection to anyone no matter how much they offer for it. I’m saving up to buy it for my golden years.”
Whenever he had his fill with the pressures and phoniness of the Roman political scene, Cicero would pack himself off to Tusculum for a few days. “Nam nos ex omnibus molestiis et laboribus uno illo in loco conquiescimus.” (Only there can we find relief from all annoyances and toil.)
There he loved to walk among his vineyards and olive groves, to sit in his courtyard discussing lofty topics with interesting overnight guests, to host small dinner parties, and to take in the magnificent views out over the countryside toward Rome. There in his marble-paneled and handsomely appointed study he enjoyed reading and answering his mail. Out in the gardens he delighted in plucking and tasting fresh fruit from the fig trees. On a balmy afternoon he would take the cool shade of an umbrella pine while he indulged his insatiable reading appetite. “enim otium est dulcius otio literato?”. (For what is sweeter than leisure filled with literature?}
It was to his cherished Villa Tuscolana that Cicero retreated for consolation following the death – at childbirth – of Tullia, the bright and beautiful thirty year old daughter whom he loved beyond all words. It was there too where in the twilight of his life he researched and wrote his philosophical treatise, “The Tusculan Disputations.” In a letter to Atticus during that period he informed his friend how he dealt with his grief: “I sit here and write from morning till night.”
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Because of his turbulent political career, his extensive writings: essays, legal briefs, speeches, dissertations, and rich, newsy correspondence, and his elegant lifestyle, Marcus Tullius Cicero comes down to us as surely the most human, the most believable, the most three-dimensional and interesting character of the Classical era. It is fun to imagine him, toga-clad, strolling down the cypress-lined lanes of his beloved Tusculanum. How he lavished praise and unabashed sentimentality and heartfelt affection for it in his correspondence – something he was disinclined to do in conversation. For, as he liked to point out: “Epistula non erubescit.” (A letter doesn’t blush.)
Horace and His Country Retreats
In 65 B.C., while Cicero was making legal,oratorical, and political headlines in Rome, there was born in Venusia (Venosa), a humble town nestling in the Apennines near the border of Lucania (Basilicata) and Apulia (Puglia), a boy destined to make his mark as a brilliant poet, Horatius Flaccus. The whole world came to know him as Horace.
His doting father, who early on noticed something special in the lad, sent him, at the tender age of seven, to school in Rome. Through the years, he excelled academically, demonstrating in particular a talent for composing verse. After his school days he became a ‘starving poet’ (a rather redundant term in most cases). But some of his work caught the attention and admiration of a much acclaimed poet named Virgil. Seeing much promise and future greatness for Horace, he became a dear friend who, noblesse oblige, did all he could to foster the career of the extremely likable, small-town young man, even introducing him to Maecenas, a wealthy patron of literature who happened also to be a close advisor to Emperor Augustus.
When one day Maecenas asked how his writing was going, Horace lamented that producing good verse in Rome was nigh impossible, what with the pulsating urban lifestyle, the frenzy, the din, the crowds, the social obligations. The patron brought this to the attention of the Emperor, who was also interested in promoting all things cultural, and persuaded Augustus to grant the struggling poet a bit of public land in the irenic Sabine Hills, not too far from the capital. Along with a modestly paying clerkship in the government, with few, if any, duties – a virtual sinecure – it alleviated Horace’s concern about earning a living and afforded him much free time to spend at this country villa/farm to hone his craft. Horace expressed his gratitude in a delightful verse: “The choir of poets all cherish the quietude and beauty of the woods and shun the city.”
In one of his odes, Horace gushes over his Sabine retreat. Gilbert Highet superbly translates the Latin lines thus:
This was one of my prayers, a little space of land
With a garden, near the house a spring of living water
And a small wood besides. Heaven has fulfilled it
Better and richer than my hopes.
Soon Horace found a prominent publishing firm, the Sosii Brothers, eager to mass-produce his many manuscripts. For all this newfound success, he credited his dear patron, who was like a second father to him. Elated, Maecenas bought the poet another villa, quite spacious and elegant, on the outskirts of the city of Tibur (Tivoli). Horace was enthralled with the house and its manicured grounds and quickly dashed off an invitation to his benefactor:
Tibi non ante verso lene merum cade iam dudum apud me est. Eripe
Te morae!
(An amphora of untapped wine is waiting for you here at the villa.
Try to break away and come over soon!)
An older writer, Lucretius, also had acquired a retreat in the hills where he could concentrate more clearly. But it seems that he didn’t care for extended sojourns there. He would often remark that, “Restlessness drives a man from Rome to his country villa. Boredom drives him back.”
Even Horace had this ambivalent emotion: “Romae amem Tibur, ventosus-Tibure Romam.” (At Rome I yearn for Tibur, then as shifting as the wind, at Tibur, for Rome.)
And Cicero too, for all his love for his villas, often said: “Ah, Rome. Dear Rome. Residence anywhere else is merely exile.”
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An Island Retreat for Emperors
The private villa craze among the upper class Romans spilled over into the next century. The Emperor Augustus (63 B.C. – A.D. 14) late in life found his own “paradise on earth” on the enchanting island of Capreae (Capri) in the Bay of Naples, three miles out from the promontory of Surrentum (Sorrento), and built a sumptuous villa there on the highest plateau, for getaways from the sultry Roman summers. His dearest friend and sort of “prime minister” Marcus Agrippa, had some years earlier found vacations on the bay appealing too, and acquired a house on the mainland there, on the slope of Mount Vesuvius with its breathtaking panorama out over that tranquil part of the sea. (At the time no one yet knew that Vesuvius was a volcano, for its slopes were rich with vegetation and dotted with vineyards, an ideal and idyllic site for stately villas, or so it seemed, until August 24, A.D. 79.)
In their English language volume, The Complete Works of Tacitus, the classicists Alfred Church and William Brodribb cite the historian telling us about Augustus’ successor Tiberius and his enthrallment with Capreae to the point where he abandoned his imperial palace in Rome in A.D. 27 never to return, choosing to rule the vast Empire from the tiny isle for the last ten years of his life:
The solitude of the place was, I believe, its chief attraction. Its air in winter is soft as it is screened by a mountain which protects against biting winds. In summer it catches the western breezes, and the sea around it renders it most delightful. Tiberius filled the island with twelve country houses, each with a grand name and a vast structure of its own. Intent as he had once been on the cares of State, he wanted now to unwind in total leisure and luxury.
The flagship property of all twelve was his Villa Jovis (an alternate name for Jupiter, king of the Roman deities), the extensive ruins of which are open for guided tours (see images below).
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According to the author Tacitus, the mentally unstable Emperor Nero also liked to escape the relentless heat of a Roman summer with periodic brief getaways at the opulent bayside villa he had established at Antium, which happened to be his birthplace and childhood residence. Tacitus puts the lie to the age-old legend that Nero, when informed that Rome was engulfed in flames in July of 64, gleefully watched the conflagration from his palace balcony there and sang of the burning of Troy. If there was any “fiddling” therefore, it was done not in the Capital but at his shore house thirty eight miles south: “Nero, at this time was at Antium, and did not return to Rome until the fire had leveled ten of the fourteen precincts, including the Imperial Palace.”
Pliny the Younger and His Waterfront Properties
We turn now to Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79) who had a splendid villa at Cape Misenum on the northwestern limit of the same bay. The property overlooked the harbor where the vaunted Imperial Fleet was moored in times of peace. In the year 79, Pliny was serving as the admiral of the armada and one of the perks of the admiralty was the villa, with views of Mount Vesuvius, the curvature of the coastline, and the cliffs of Surrentum. When Vesuviuis erupted that fateful day in the summer of 79, the admiral commanded several of the warships to sail toward the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum on a rescue mission, but the route was unnavigable due to the ferociously heaving waves.
He then changed course and headed toward the city of Stabiae where there was still time to evacuate, with the volcanic ash just beginning to fall there. Stabiae was known for its plethora of private seashore villas which Pliny had long admired. His heroics there cost him his life – from exhaustion – but not before he had led most of the populace to safety. His seventeen-year-old nephew, Pliny the Younger, who had been summering at the cape house, remained there with his mother Plinia and lived to tell all about the devastation in a detailed letter to Tacitus, a close friend of the family.
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The younger Pliny was to go on to fame and fortune in his careers as a government official under his patron, Emperor Trajan and then later as a writer. With his increasing wealth he purchased a fine villa in the seacoast town of Laurentum, near Ostia. In a letter to a friend, Clusinius Gallus, he gives us some idea of his place:
I derive so much delight from my Laurentine villa fronting right on the sea. Since it is only fifteen miles from the center of Rome I can put in a day’s work and still get out here by early evening, stay overnight, and be back in Rome the next morning.nThe size of the house is just right for my purposes and not very expensive to maintain.
There’s a charming peristyle with a colonnade that has a tile roof, so it’s nice even in inclement weather. The triclinium is comfortable with its view of the waves. There’s an apse that serves as a sun parlor, a master bedroom and some smaller ones, a heated bath, a smaller dining room where you can hear the surf breaking on the shore. The only thing lacking is running water, but the wells and springs make up for that.
Pliny goes on like this enthusiastically, and seemingly ad infinitum.
A few years later, he invested in some waterfront properties on Lacus Larius (Lake Como), near his birthplace and boyhood hometown of Comum (today the town of Como) up in northern Italy. In a bit of hyperbole, he boasts that he can “go fishing from my bedroom and from my very bed if I so choose.” The whole great lakes region of Italy, incidentally, was, and is, a popular venue for private villas. The romantic poet Catullus had a splendid one on Sirmione, a slender miniature peninsula that juts out into Lake Garda (Lacus Benacus in antiquity). In one of his verses he exults: “Salve, O venusta Sirmio atque ero gaude Gaudente…..” (Hail, oh enchanting Sirmione, which I just enjoy enjoying….)
In another letter to yet another friend, Pliny again waxes encomiastically about another villa he had acquired in Tuscia (Tuscany):
The countryside is simply gorgeous.Just imagine an enormous amphitheater which only Mother Nature can produce.A sprawling meadow fragrant with flowers, all ringed with mountains which have on their summits forests of umbrella pines and cypresses, where the wild life is abundant and diverse… and on and on.
In his description of his properties he often places great emphasis on their gardens and on his determination to making them spectacularly beautiful because “we owe it to the passerby.”
So passionate about his country and lakefront retreats is he, that Pliny is only too happy to dispense advice to others who might be interested in such. In a letter to his pal Baebius Hispanus he explains what their mutual friend Suetonius Tranquillus – who is looking to buy a villa – should keep in mind:
Be sure to tell him to negotiate a reasonable price, an affordable price, or he will live to regret it; easy access to Rome, i.e. close, but not too close, to a main road; a modest-sized house that will not demand a whole lot of time and upkeep; no more land than that which will be enough to afford him peace and solitude, just enough to let him personally, when he strolls the property, know each one of his vines and every fruit tree (….omnesque viteculas suas nosse et arbusculas).
Hadrian and the Villa Adriana
Lastly, there is the grandest of all Roman private villas, the Villa Hadriana, nineteen miles southeast of the capital, just below the town of Tivoli (ancient Tibur). Out here in this enchanting countryside of woods and streams, of plunging slopes featuring olive trees and pine groves, the cerebral, enigmatic emperor fashioned the vacation home of his dreams.
Walled-in for security reasons at the insistence of the Praetorian Guard (antiquity’s version of our Secret Service), the vast estate (120 hectares, i.e. about 300 acres) was intended to provide Hadrian – and his successors – with a rural retreat from the maddening pressures of capital politics. He had also hoped to spend his old age there in cultivated retirement, devoted to painting and writing. (One thinks of the post-White House Eisenhower engaged in both passions at his farm in Gettysburg, and Churchill too at Chequers, his beloved country home.} But sadly a painful, debilitating fatal illness was to keep Hadrian from both Tibur and old age.
By avocation an architect, Hadrian ultimately traveled the length and breadth of the Roman Empire, visiting every province and beautifying cities with stately buildings. He also made sketches of the most attractive edifices he came upon in his odysseys and sought to replicate them in his villa. From 118 to 130, masons, stonecutters, carpenters, plumbers, landscapers, laborers, and slaves toiled feverishly to turn Hadrian’s ambitious plans into actualities. When they had completed their tasks, theaters, baths, gymnasia, temples, palaces, and guest houses – built of brick but veneered in marble and richly adorned on the inside – rose amid fine shrubbery, flower beds, shady lanes, groves, fountains, and artificial lakes, all resulting in a microcosm of the classical world of the Mediterranean. Spacious banquet halls with colorful murals could accommodate great state receptions. Smaller dining rooms served for more intimate get-togethers of the emperor’s inner circle.
The scholarly ruler also designed a private study for himself. This was a rotunda set on a miniature island encircled by a moat, complete with drawbridges, and by a marble Ionic portico. In this resplendent enclave, Hadrian could enjoy the peace and privacy requisite for concentrating on affairs of state.
In our time it is delightful on a summer afternoon to walk the grounds of Villa Adriana (as it is called in Italian) and try to envision the elegance of life in this imperial Camp David. On days when the dreaded Sirocco wind sweeps in from Africa with its cauldron-like heat, however, it is wise to defer your visit until early evening when the refreshing breeze, Il Ponentino, blows in off the sea. At this hour, the lengthening shadows engulf the brooding ruins in a most romantic effect. It is then that Hadrian’s Villa at once vividly reminds the visitor of both the grandeur and the fall of ancient Rome. Enough is left to attest to the former architectural and artistic splendor of the place. But at the same time the villa stands denuded of many of its statues and columns and reliefs, which along with countless other objets d’art have found their way to museums in London, Paris, Berlin, Stockholm, and even Leningrad. Today the music of the fountains is stilled. All that is heard is the cry of the birds. On the rubble of buildings that once echoed the chatter of purple clad senators, tribunes, and other dignitaries, lizards drowsily sun themselves.
Sic transit gloria mundi.
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What then, in short, was the role of a villa in the life of a well-to-do Roman? To afford a brief respite out in the campagna, or by a lake or the sea or up in the mountains, while offering the pleasure of renewing oneself in solitude conducive to reflection, to reminiscing, daydreaming, relaxing; and at the same time tasting the genuine harmony of nature. Today’s Italians call this: La dolce vita di far niente – The sweet life of doing nothing.
Some owners looked at it a different way, finding their retreats to be periods of great productivity, agreeing with Cicero’s comment: “I am never less at leisure than when at leisure, nor less alone than when alone.”
Cover Image, Top Left: Women from the wall painting detail at the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons
Few cities and regions of the world can match the significance and draw of Jerusalem with the public and scholars alike. In this ancient city, some of the world’s most defining historical events and figures have played out their stories, influencing generations through the ensuing centuries, especially concerning religious beliefs and practices. It therefore goes without saying that historical and archaeological research and publication related to the salient events and figures of historical Jerusalem and its regional context have taken on intense popular interest, as well as some intense scholarly and ecclesiastical debate. The cultural, emotional and ‘spiritual’ roots run deep.
Dr. James Tabor, one of the world’s foremost academic authorities on the Late Second Temple period (aka the Herodian period) Judaism and early Christianity, has offered a new video series he entitles “Jesus Archaeology”. Free to the public, the series focuses on how ancient texts, historical and archaeological sites, and ancient artifacts shed light on the rise of Christianity and the context in which it occurred. It also explores the period extending from at least 100 years before the time of Jesus through the century in which his crucifixion occurred. Of particular note here is video no. 1, entitled Ten Jerusalem Tombs from the Time of Jesus (See complete video below). Here, Tabor reviews and summarizes, with photographic images and illustrations, ten extraordinary burial cave tomb discoveries in the Old City area that relate to the context and events around the time of the Late Second Temple, the time period where Jesus enters the flow of time as it is now documented in historical and biblical records.
The Ossuary of Caiaphas
As is known to many who have a knowledge of the events as accounted in the Canonical gospels of the New Testament, Joseph, son of Caiaphas, presided as High Priest over the trial of Jesus before his crucifixion. A number of scholars suggest that an ornate ossuary (stone box that carries bones of the deceased), discovered with 11 other ossuaries in a tomb accidentally revealed through construction work south of Jerusalem in 1990, contained the skeletal remains of Joseph. Although the identification of the find has been subject to scholarly dispute, the discovery is one of the most important material objects relating to the times in which Jesus lived. Decorated with very ornate etchings — a practice usually reserved for a high status individual — the ossuary contained collectively the remains of two infants, two teenage boys, an adult woman and a man around 60 years old. Scholars suggest that the remains of the 60-year-old man was probably Joseph, son of Caiaphas, as the ossuary exterior was inscribed “Yehosef bar Qayafa” on the long side and “Yehosef bar Qafa” on the narrow side.
The tomb and the ossuary of Caiaphas that it contained is one example among 9 other tomb discoveries Tabor discusses in the first installment of his video series. Each discovery excites the imagination in equal measure, providing a fascinating window on the lives and times of First Century Jerusalem, a critical and tumultuous period in religious history.
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Following is a summary of the tomb discoveries Tabor discusses:
Tabor hopes to realize future DNA analysis of embedded residues within ossuaries such as those described here to develop family profiles for further study.
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For more details about the “Jesus Family Tomb” and the “Resurrection Tomb”, see the article, In Search of the Historical Jesus, previously published in Popular Archaeology Magazine.
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Much has been written about the ancient city of Troy, in both the academic and mythical sense. What follows is a brief interview with Dr. Paul Cartledge, a renowned British ancient historian and academic, answering with his take on Homer and Troy….
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RM (Richard Marranca):Homer was a bard. Can you tell us what the word “bard” means?
PC: Behind Homer lies an unbroken succession of oral poets or bards stretching back probably to the 13th century BCE at least. ‘Bard’ is how we translate Greek aoidos, which literally means ‘singer’ (masculine). A poiêtês (again, masculine) was literally (just) a ‘maker’, a craftsman, rather than an inspired creator or creative.
RM: Could Homer’s Troy be based on some actual place and situation – like competition, a battle, war? And didn’t the Hittites refer to Troy (using a different name) in one of their documents?
PC: Yes, there are Hittite documents of the 13th century referring to a Wilusa – which sounds like the Greeks’ (W)Ilion. And there are other possible linguistic correspondences in the same Hittite records (excavated from their capital at Boghazkoy in central Anatolia not too far from today’s Ankara – and deciphered): e.g., Ahhijawa has suggested to some ‘Achaea’ (Homer never calls Greeks ‘Hellenes’ but ‘Achaeans’ ‘Danaans’ and ‘Argives’), and an individual called Aleksandu may be an equivalent of Greek Alexandros (another name for Homer’s Paris). So, the Hissarlik site [which is identified as Troy by at least some scholars] could have been within the Hittites’ radar – but there’s no corresponding Greek (Linear B) documentary evidence that it was of the Hellenes…
RM: Homer is a real mystery – as is Troy itself. Are the Iliad and the Odyssey by the same author/s?
PC: They are drawn from the same deep well of formulaic epic verse tradition, yes, but only possibly are they by the same master-author/composer, that is, notionally the monumental composer who did a deep dive and came back to the surface with a single theme to unite separately each of the two epics (see above). Experts will tell you that there are differences of not only language but also theological or moral-political outlook between the two, and that may well be so. Experts also themselves differ, not least over the date or dates of the monumental compositions, though most today would I think go for the 8th rather than the 7th (or even 6th) century.
RM: How about the search for what was actual or historical?
PC: As to what was or may have been the – actual, historical – causal nexus or context that underlies the ‘Trojan War’ scenario of the Iliad, it’s perfectly possible to imagine some Greeks coming into conflict with some ‘Trojans’ (northwest Anatolians), perhaps over trade, and just about possible to imagine that the theft of a Greek queen/princess might have been a casus belli, but it’s perfectly impossible to imagine any such trade or diplomatic grievance resulting in… Homer’s Trojan War: ten years’ siege, thousands of fighters and ships involved, most with absolutely no stake of any kind in the successful outcome of such a mega-conflict, etc.
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RM: Troy, Homer, Heinrich Schliemann – it’s a bit confusing. Can you shed some light on that?
PC: Scholars today argue the toss as between Troy VIh and VIIa for being ‘Homer’s’ city, on the grounds that they’re both about the ‘right’ date (13th century BCE) for the one besieged by Agamemnon & Co. Regardless, not a trace of evidence has come to light proving, even suggesting, that a Greek siege caused the collapse of either city/level, and there’s general agreement that it was an earthquake or series of them that impacted VIh, anyway. So what Schliemann found – or rather re-found and mostly destroyed – was Homer’s imaginary Troy, not the Trojan War.
RM: So, all those (archaeological) layers – the site of Troy itself – has little relation to Troy? Is there any evidence such as fire and skeletons?
PC: They have every relation to the ‘myth’ of Troy, that is Homer’s imaginary city (cf. the great 2019 British Museum Exhibition ‘Troy – myth and reality’) but little or none to do with — let’s call it ‘the real’ Late Bronze Age site at what in Turkish is now known as Hissarlik! A small cremation cemetery was found outside the walls, associated with the architectural/urban phase archaeologists call VIh (roughly 13th century BCE), but that’s it.
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RM: Can you speak about some of the early archaeology at Troy with Frank Calvert and Heinrich Schliemann?
PC: The catalogue of the B.M. exhibition (noted above) has a superb chapter entitled ‘Archaeological Troy’. There the names of Robert Wood and Charles Maclaren, among many others, are given their due alongside Frank Calvert – as necessary predecessors of Schliemann and his bandits — sorry, team of excavators. Prussian (eastern German) businessman Schliemann set out to prove that Homer was not only an epic poet but in effect a historian, and he did find a site that already the ancient Greeks had identified as Homer’s Troy – they named their new 8th-century settlement nearby Ilion or New Ilion.
RM: Did Schliemann do damage to the site?
PC: As to ‘excavation’, well, what Schliemann did beggars the imagination. Driving trenches across and through the tell resulted in incalculable destruction and loss of both artefacts and information. And predictably, Schliemann soon proved himself to be more of a treasure-hunter than archaeologist properly so called, decking out his teenage Greek bride Sophia in what he of course called the jewellery of Helen’.
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RM: And what about that famous mask that he found?
PC: As to the gold so-called ‘mask of Agamemnon’ (found at one of the other major Bronze Age sites he had ‘excavated’, Mycenae in the Peloponnese of mainland Greece), that was several hundred years too old to be the death-mask of any real, historical ‘Agamemnon’, supposing there ever had been any such regal figure.
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Cover Image, Top Left: Sections of the walls of Hissarlik, or ‘Troy’. Dosseman, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons
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Recently, scholars have focused on changes and transitions among ancient civilizations and population centers of western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean with increasing interest, particularly during the transitional periods from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period. Place names such as Wilusa (Troy), Millawanda (Miletus), Hattusa (of the Hittites), Apasa (Ephesus), Sardis, and population groups like the Luwians, Lydians, Lycians, Carians, and the Mycenaeans, all played prominent roles in events and activities of Bronze Age and Iron Age western and coastal Anatolia, and its interface with the rest of the Aegean world during those time periods.
Archaeologist and scholar Dr Jana Mokrisova, research associate at the University of Cambridge, working with the Migration and the Making of the Ancient Greek World project under the direction of Prof. Naoíse Mac Sweeney (University of Vienna), is helping to shed light on various aspects of ancient mobility in the eastern Mediterranean and more specifically, western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean, from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period.
In a recently published podcast, Beyond the Aegean: exploring ancient mobility in western Anatolia, Mokrisova addresses important questions about this comparatively less known subject and its significance in understanding the ancient history and development of this part of the eastern Mediterranean world.
The podcast, hosted by Ester Salgarella of Aegean Connections, is available for free at this website.
Cover Image, Top Left: MustangJoe, Pixabay
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AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE (AAAS)—A new study* describes a previously unidentified genetic lineage from which the modern-day Blood (Kainai) First Nation/Blackfoot Confederacy descended. Through comparisons of DNA from both Ancestral and modern-day Confederacy members, the work dates this Historic Blackfoot lineage to the late Pleistocene, corroborating established oral and archaeological records. The Blackfoot Confederacy is made of member tribes with ancestral ties to nomadic bison hunters that lived across the Northwestern Plains and Rocky Mountain Front. Oral and archaeological records place them in this region during the end of the last glaciation by at least 10,000 years ago. Yet, the Blackfoot’s legacy has been contested frequently in land and water rights lawsuits. “The objectives of this study were not only to advance scientific knowledge about Indigenous genomic lineages that can provide insight into the peopling of the Americas but also to provide the Blackfoot with an independent line of evidence for evaluating purported ancestral relationships with other North American groups,” Dorothy First Rider and colleagues write. Here, First Rider et al. analyzed samples from 7 historical Ancestors and 6 living Blackfoot people. They found that ancient and modern DNA had a high proportion of shared alleles, demonstrating genetic continuity over millennia. Further modeling suggests that the Blood/Blackfoot ancient lineage split from other ancestral Indigenous American groups roughly 18,000 years ago. Athabascan and Karitiana then separated from this Historic Blackfoot group 13,000 years ago. Notably, the investigations help answer why Blackfoot language has minimal linguistic overlap with other Algic (or Indigenous North American) languages such as central Algonquian. “Certain elements of Blackfoot are older than proto-Algonquian language and likely were spoken by Indigenous peoples in the aboriginal homelands of the Blackfoot Confederacy,” the authors explain. “This finding changes the traditional anthropological assumption that the Blackfoot language (and, by extension, its speakers) originated in the North American Great Lakes, where Algonquian purportedly evolved.” They add that Historic Blackfoot likely traveled from west to east to end up in the Northwestern Plains.
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Article Source: Science Advances news release
*Genomic analyses correspond with deep persistence of peoples of Blackfoot Confederacy from glacial times, Science Advances, 3-Apr-2024. www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adl6595
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—Researchers documented well-preserved wooden tools from a Pleistocene archaeological site in Germany. Little is known about the use of wooden tools by Paleolithic hunter-gatherers due to the poor preservation of wooden artifacts in the archaeological record. Well-preserved wooden tools have been recovered at the 300,000-year-old archaeological site of Schöningen in Germany during excavations starting in 1981. Dirk Leder and colleagues characterized an assemblage of 187 wooden artifacts identified from excavations at Schöningen 13 II-4, known as the Spear Horizon. The wooden artifacts were made from spruce (Picea sp.), larch (Larix sp.), and pine (Pinus sylvestris), primarily using splitting, scraping, and abrasion techniques. The raw materials would not have been available at the former interglacial lakeshore, where the site was located, and must have been transported at least 3–5 kilometers. Based on identification of complete and fragmented spears and throwing sticks, the authors deduced that the assemblage contained an estimated 20–25 hunting weapons. The authors also identified 35 wooden tools likely used in domestic activities, such as processing animal hides. Artifacts identified as working debris suggested that tools were repaired and recycled into new tools at the site. According to the authors, the findings expand understanding of Pleistocene woodworking techniques and provide insight into early human hunting strategies, range expansion, technical and social skills, and cognition.
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What became famously known as the the ‘Schöningen spears’ were initially excavated between 1994 and 1999 from the above mentioned ‘Spear Horizon’ in the open-cast lignite mine in Schöningen, Helmstedt district, Germany. They are considered to be the oldest wood hunting weapons discovered, found in association with animal bones and other stone and bone tools. The spears provided evidence that at least this group of early human ancestors were more sophisticated both technically and socially than previously thought for Middle Pleistocene hominins.
The age of the spears were originally assessed at between 380,000 and 400,000 years old based on their stratigraphic position at the site, however, later thermoluminescence dating of heated flints in a deposit situated beneath the Spear Horizon showed the spears to be dated between 337,000 and 300,000 years old. Today, the spears are widely regarded as the oldest complete wooden weapons.
Due to the lack of evidence and data on any hominin remains at the site, scientists have not been able to determine the specific hominin, or early human, species responsible for the creation of the implements. Scholars speculate that the most likely candidates would be Homo heidelbergensis or early Neanderthals. The spears provide evidence for the use of wood in making Palaeolithic tools, and their use in hunting by Middle Pleistocene humans.
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Article Source: Edited from the subject PNAS news release.
*“The wooden artifacts from Schöningen’s Spear Horizon and their place in human evolution,” by Dirk Leder et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 1-Apr-2024. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2320484121
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Who were the Neanderthals, really? Read the in-depth, comprehensive premium article that tells the story in the soon-to-be-released new issue of Popular Archaeology. Join today.
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CELL PRESS—What did an ancient Chinese emperor from 1,500 years ago look like? A team of researchers reconstructed the face of Chinese Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou using DNA extracted from his remains. The study, published March 28 in the journal Current Biology, suggests the emperor’s death at the age of 36 might be linked to a stroke. It also sheds light on the origin and migration patterns of a nomadic empire that once ruled parts of northeastern Asia.
Emperor Wu was a ruler of the Northern Zhou dynasty in ancient China. Under his reign from AD 560 to AD 578, Emperor Wu built a strong military and unified the northern part of ancient China after defeating the Northern Qi dynasty.
Emperor Wu was ethnically Xianbei, an ancient nomadic group that lived in what is today Mongolia and northern and northeastern China.
“Some scholars said the Xianbei had ‘exotic’ looks, such as thick beard, high nose bridge, and yellow hair,” says Shaoqing Wen, one of the paper’s corresponding authors at Fudan University in Shanghai. “Our analysis shows Emperor Wu had typical East or Northeast Asian facial characteristics,” he adds.
In 1996, archaeologists discovered Emperor Wu’s tomb in northwestern China, where they found his bones, including a nearly complete skull. With the development of ancient DNA research in recent years, Wen and his team managed to recover over 1 million single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) on his DNA, some of which contained information about the color of Emperor Wu’s skin and hair. Combined with Emperor Wu’s skull, the team reconstructed his face in 3D. The result shows Emperor Wu had brown eyes, black hair, and dark to intermediate skin, and his facial features were similar to those of present-day Northern and Eastern Asians.
“Our work brought historical figures to life,” says Pianpian Wei, the paper’s co-corresponding author at Fudan University. “Previously, people had to rely on historical records or murals to picture what ancient people looked like. We are able to reveal the appearance of the Xianbei people directly.”
Emperor Wu died at the age of 36, and his son also died at a young age with no clear reason. Some archaeologists say Emperor Wu died of illness, while others argue the emperor was poisoned by his rivals. By analyzing Emperor Wu’s DNA, researchers found that the emperor was at an increased risk for stroke, which might have contributed to his death. The finding aligns with historical records that described the emperor as having aphasia, drooping eyelids, and an abnormal gait—potential symptoms of a stroke.
The genetic analysis shows the Xianbei people intermarried with ethnically Han Chinese when they migrated southward into northern China. “This is an important piece of information for understanding how ancient people spread in Eurasia and how they integrated with local people,” Wen says.
Next, the team plans to study the people who lived in ancient Chang’an city in northwestern China by studying their ancient DNA. Chang’an was the capital city of many Chinese empires over thousands of years and the eastern terminus of the Silk Road, an important Eurasian trade network from the second century BC until the 15th century. The researchers hope that the DNA analysis can reveal more information about how people migrated and exchanged cultures in ancient China.
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Article Source: CELL PRESS news release.
*Current Biology, Du et al. “Ancient genome of the Chinese emperor Wu of Northern Zhou” https://cell.com/current-biology/fulltext/S0960-9822(24)00240-9
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OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS USA—A new paper in Molecular Biology and Evolution, published by Oxford Univeristy Press, uncovers well-preserved microbiomes from two 4,000 year old teeth in a limestone cave in Ireland. These contained bacteria that cause gum disease, as well as the first high quality ancient genome from S. mutans, an oral bacterium that is one of the major causes of tooth decay.
These discoveries allowed the researchers to assess the impact of past dietary changes on the oral microbiome across millennia, including major changes coinciding with the popularization of sugar and industrialization. The teeth, both derived from the same Bronze Age man, also provided a snapshot of oral health in the past, with one tooth showing evidence of microbiome dysbiosis.
Microbial DNA extracted from ancient human teeth can provide information on the evolution of the oral microbiome. How did our ancestors’ mouths differ from our own and why? The excellent preservation of DNA in fossilized dental plaque has made the oral cavity one of the best studied aspects of the ancient human body. However, scientists have retrieved very few full genomes from oral bacteria from prior to the Medieval era. Researchers have limited knowledge about prehistoric bacterial diversity and the relative impact of recent dietary changes compared to ancient ones, such as the spread of farming starting about ten thousand years ago.
S. mutans is the primary cause of dental cavities and very common in oral microbiomes. However, it is exceptionally rare in the ancient genomic record. One reason for its rarity could be its acid-producing nature – this acid causes the tooth to decay but also degrades DNA and prevents plaque from mineralizing. The absence of S. mutans DNA in ancient mouths could also reflect less favorable habitats for the species across most of human history. Archaeologists have observed an uptick in dental cavities in skeletal remains following the adoption of cereal agriculture, but cavities become much more common in the Early Modern period, beginning about 1500 AD.
The sampled teeth were among a large assemblage of skeletal remains excavated from a limestone cave at Killuragh, County Limerick, by the late Peter Woodman of University College Cork. While other teeth in the cave showed advanced dental decay there was no evidence of caries on the sampled teeth. Nevertheless, one tooth root yielded an unprecedented quantity of mutans sequences.
“We were very surprised to see such a large abundance of mutans in this 4,000 year old tooth” said Lara Cassidy, an assistant professor at Trinity College Dublin and senior author of the study. “It is a remarkably rare find and suggests this man was at high risk of developing cavities right before his death.”
The cool, dry, and alkaline conditions of the cave may have contributed to the exceptional preservation of S. mutans DNA, but its high abundance also points to dysbiosis. The researchers found that while S. mutans DNA was plentiful, other streptococcal species were virtually absent from the tooth sample. This implies that the natural balance of the oral biofilm had been upset – mutans had outcompeted the other species leading to a pre-disease state.
The study lends support to the “disappearing microbiome” hypothesis, which proposes the microbiomes of our ancestors were more diverse than our own today. Alongside the S. mutans genome, the authors reconstructed two genomes for T. forsythia – a bacteria involved in gum disease – and found them to be highly divergent from one another, implying much higher levels of strain diversity in prehistoric populations.
“The two sampled teeth contained quite divergent strains of T. forsythia” explained Iseult Jackson, a PhD candidate and first author of the study. “These strains from a single ancient mouth were more genetically different from one another than any pair of modern strains in our dataset, despite these modern samples deriving from Europe, Japan, and the USA. This is interesting because a loss of biodiversity can have negative impacts on the oral environment and human health.”
The reconstructed T. forsythia and S. mutans genomes revealed dramatic changes in the oral microenvironment over the last 750 years. In recent centuries, one lineage of T. forsythia has become dominant in global populations. This is the tell-tale sign of a selective episode – where one strain rises rapidly in frequency due to some genetic advantage. The researchers found that post-industrial T. forsythia genomes have acquired many new genes that help the bacteria colonize the oral environment and cause disease.
S. mutans also showed evidence of recent lineage expansions and changes in gene content, which coincide with the popularization of sugar. However, the investigators found that modern S. mutans populations have remained more diverse than T. forsythia, with deep splits in the mutans evolutionary tree pre-dating the Killuragh genome. They believe this is driven by differences in the evolutionary mechanisms that shape genome diversity in these species.
“S. mutans is very adept at swapping genetic material across strains.” said Cassidy “This allows an advantageous innovation to be spread across mutans lineages, rather than one lineage becoming dominant and replacing all others.”
In effect, both these disease-causing bacteria have changed dramatically from the Bronze Age to today, but it appears that very recent cultural transitions, such as the consumption of sugar, have had an inordinate impact.
The paper, “Ancient genomes from Bronze Age remains reveal deep diversity and recent adaptive episodes for human oral pathobionts,” is available (at midnight on March 27th) at https://academic.oup.com/mbe/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/molbev/msae017.
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Article Source: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS USA news release
TEL-AVIV UNIVERSITY—Archaeologists from Tel Aviv University have uncovered the mystery surrounding extensive Paleolithic stone quarrying and tool-making sites: Why did Homo erectus repeatedly revisit the very same locations for hundreds of thousands of years? The answer lies in the migration routes of elephants, which they hunted and dismembered using flint tools crafted at these quarrying sites.
The research was led by Dr. Meir Finkel and Prof. Ran Barkai of Tel Aviv University’s Jacob M. Alkow Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures
The study* was published in the journal Archaeologies.
Prof. Ran Barkai explains: “Ancient humans required three things: water, food and stone. While water and food are necessities for all creatures, humans relied on stone tools to hunt and butcher animals, as they lack the sharp claws or fangs of other predators. The question is, why do we find rock outcrops that were used for the production of flint tools, surrounded by thousands of stone tools, and next to them rock outcrops containing flint that was not used for the production of tools? A study of indigenous groups that lived until recently, with some still alive today, shows that hunter-gatherers attribute great importance to the source of the stone — the quarry itself — imbuing it with potency and sanctity, and hence also spiritual worship. People have been making pilgrimages to such sites for generations upon generations, leaving offerings at the rock outcrop, while adjacent outcrops, equally suitable for stone tool production, remain untouched. We sought to understand why; what is special about these sites?”
For nearly 20 years, Prof. Barkai and his colleagues have been researching flint quarrying and tool-making sites in the Upper Galilee. These sites are characterized by large nodules of flint convenient for crafting and are located within walking distance of the major Paleolithic sites of the Hula Valley — Gesher Benot Ya’akov and Ma’ayan Baruch. These sites boast thousands of quarrying and extraction localities where, until half a million years ago, in the Lower Paleolithic period, prehistoric humans fashioned tools and left offerings, despite the presence of flint in other geological formations in various places. Because elephants were the primary dietary component for these early humans, the Tel Aviv University researchers cross-referenced the database of the sites’ distribution with the database of the elephants’ migration routes, and discovered that the flint quarrying and knapping sites were situated in rock outcrops near the elephants’ migration paths.
“An elephant consumes 400 liters of water a day on average, and that’s why it has fixed movement paths,” says Dr. Finkel. “These are animals that rely on a daily supply of water, and therefore on water sources — the banks of lakes, rivers and streams. In many instances, we discover elephant hunting and processing sites at “necessary crossings” — where a stream or river passes through a steep mountain pass, or when a path along a lakeshore is limited to the space between the shore and a mountain range. At the same time, given the absence of available means of preservation and the presence of predatory animals in the area, the window of opportunity for a group of hunter-gatherers to exhaust their elephant prey was limited. Therefore, it was imperative to prepare suitable cutting tools in large quantities in advance and nearby. For this reason, we find quarrying and knapping sites in the Upper Galilee located a short distance from elephant butchering sites, which are positioned along the elephants’ movement paths.”
Subsequently, the researchers sought to apply an adapted model from the one they developed in Israel to several sites from the Lower Paleolithic period in Asia, Europe and Africa, where such a “triad” exists. These included both sites where the hunted animals were elephants or mammoths, as well as later sites where other animals, such as hippos, camels, and horses, were the prey.
“It appears that the Paleolithic holy trinity holds true universally: Wherever there was water, there were elephants, and wherever there were elephants, humans had to find suitable rock outcrops to quarry stone and make tools in order to hunt and butcher their favorite mega herbivores,” says Prof. Barkai. “It was a tradition: For hundreds of thousands of years the elephants wandered along the same route, while humans produced stone tools nearby. Ultimately, those elephants became extinct, and the world changed forever.”
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Article Source: TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY news release.
*Finkel, M., Barkai, R. Quarries as Places of Significance in the Lower Paleolithic Holy Triad of Elephants, Water, and Stone. Arch (2024). https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11759-024-09491-y
Cover Image, Top Left: Mammoth Hunt; Bryant, William Cullen, 1794-1878;Gay, Sydney Howard, 1814-1888; Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons
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No one knows her name.
The hollow cavities that once held her eyes in her last, terrifying, desperate moment of life nearly 2,000 years ago stared back at me in silence. Surrounded by the articulated skeletal remains of family and friends, her bones told a story of a catastrophe that still echoes across time to this day. I was peering into a cave-like construction that once housed fishing equipment — one among 12 of them — neatly arranged as built in a straight-line row along the back perimeter of what is today a flat but stoney surface. It defined the dimensions of what was once an ancient city’s inviting seaside beach.
Now only a caste replica of the bones she left behind, I knew there was a lost, untold history and personality here that will never be known to today’s living generations.
At least for now, we know how she died, and how quickly.
Through research conducted by a number of researchers, including a team under the leadership of Pierpaolo Petrone of the University Federico II in Naples, scientists have analyzed the skeletal remains of the victims of the volcanic catastrophe of ancient Herculaneum. This research was built upon and confirmed results of previous bioarchaeological and taphonomic studies. Based on the previous studies and their knowledge of how extreme heat can effect the human body, they formulated a horrific and vividly graphic hypothesis for study.
To read more, see the full story at Popular Archaeology Premium.
Cover Image, Top Left: BobFog at Italian Wikipedia, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY—Modern humans dispersed from Africa multiple times, but the event that led to global expansion occurred less than 100,000 years ago. Some researchers hypothesize that dispersals were restricted to “green corridors” formed during humid intervals when food was abundant and human populations expanded in lockstep with their environments. But a new study* in Nature, including ASU researchers Curtis Marean, Christopher Campisano, and Jayde Hirniak, suggests that humans also may have dispersed during arid intervals along “blue highways” created by seasonal rivers. Researchers also found evidence of cooking and stone tools that represent the oldest evidence of archery.
Working in the Horn of Africa, researchers have uncovered evidence showing how early modern humans survived in the wake of the eruption of Toba, one of the largest supervolcanoes in history, some 74,000 years ago. The behavioral flexibility of these people not only helped them live through the supereruption but may have facilitated the later dispersal of modern humans out of Africa and across the rest of the world.
“This study confirms the results from Pinnacle Point in South Africa – the eruption of Toba may have changed the environment in Africa, but people adapted and survived that eruption-caused environmental change,” said Marean, research scientist with the Institute of Human Origins and Foundation Professor with the School of Human Evolution and Social Change.
The team investigated the Shinfa-Metema 1 site in the lowlands of present-day northwestern Ethiopia along the Shinfa River, a tributary of the Blue Nile River.
The supereruption occurred during the middle of the time when the site was occupied and is documented by tiny glass shards whose chemistry matches that of Toba.
Pinpoint timing through cryptotephra
“One of the ground-breaking implications of this study,” said Marean, “is that with the new cryptotephra methods developed for our prior study in South Africa, and now applied here to Ethiopia, we can correlate sites across Africa, and perhaps the world, at a resolution of several weeks of time.”
Cryptotephra are signature volcanic glass shards that can range from 80–20 microns in size, which is smaller than the diameter of a human hair. To extract these microscopic shards from archaeological sediment requires patience and great attention to detail.
“Searching for cryptotephra at these archaeological sites is like looking for a needle in a haystack, but not knowing if there is even a needle. However, having the ability to correlate sites 5,000 miles apart, and potentially further, to within weeks instead of thousands of years makes it all worth it,” said Christopher Campisano, research scientist with the Institute of Human Origins and professor with the School of Human Evolution and Social Change.
“This study, once again,” said Campisano, “highlights the importance of the University of Nevada-Las Vegas/Arizona State University team pushing the limits for successfully analyzing extremely low abundance cryptotephra to date and correlate archaeological sites across Africa.”
The methods for identifying low abundance cryptotephra at Pinnacle Point were first developed at University of Nevada Las Vegas led by the late Gene Smith and Racheal Johnsen and now carried on at Arizona State University’s Sediment and TEphra Preparation (STEP) Lab.
School of Human Evolution and Social Change graduate student Jayde Hirniak led ASU’s effort to create its own cryptotephra lab—the STEP Lab—working with Campisano and building on methods developed at UNLV. Hirniak also collaborated with cryptotephra labs in the United Kingdom that work with sediment samples preserving hundreds or thousands of glass shards. Now Hirniak’s primary expertise is in tephrochronology, which involves the use of volcanic ash to link archaeological and paleoenvironmental records and place them on the same timeline, which was her contribution to this research.
“Our lab at ASU was built to process extremely low abundance cryptotephra horizons (<10 shards per gram) using a highly specialized technique. There are only a few labs in the world with these capabilities,” said Hirniak.
Migrations along “blue highways”
Based on isotope geochemistry of the teeth of fossil mammals and ostrich eggshells, they concluded that the site was occupied by humans during a time with long dry seasons on a par with some of the most seasonally arid habitats in East Africa today. Additional findings suggest that when river flows stopped during dry periods, people adapted by hunting animals that came to the remaining waterholes to drink. As waterholes continued to shrink, it became easier to capture fish without any special equipment, and diets shifted more heavily to fish.
Its climatic effects appear to have produced a longer dry season, causing people in the area to rely even more on fish. The shrinking of the waterholes may also have pushed humans to migrate outward in search of more food.
“As people depleted food in and around a given dry season waterhole, they were likely forced to move to new waterholes,” said John Kappelman, a UT anthropology and earth and planetary sciences professor and lead author of the study. “Seasonal rivers thus functioned as ‘pumps’ that siphoned populations out along the channels from one waterhole to another, potentially driving the most recent out-of-Africa dispersal.
The humans who lived at Shinfa-Metema 1 are unlikely to have been members of the group that left Africa. However, the behavioral flexibility that helped them adapt to challenging climatic conditions such as the Toba supereruption was probably a key trait of Middle Stone Age humans that allowed our species to ultimately disperse from Africa and expand across the globe.
The people living in the Shinfa-Metema 1 site hunted a variety of terrestrial animals, from antelope to monkey, as attested to by cut marks on the bones, and apparently cooked their meals as shown by evidence of controlled fire at the site. The most distinctive stone tools are small, symmetrical triangular points. Analyses show that the points are most likely arrowheads that, at 74,000 years in age, represent the oldest evidence of archery.
ASU’s cryptotephra research was funded by the Hyde Family Foundations, the National Science Foundation, the Institute of Human Origins, and Arizona State University.
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Article Source: ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY news release.
*Adaptive foraging behaviors in the Horn of Africa during Toba, Nature, 20-Mar-2024.
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PLOS—More than 7,000 years ago, people navigated the Mediterranean Sea using technologically sophisticated boats, according to a study* published March 20, 2024 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Juan F. Gibaja of the Spanish National Research Council, Barcelona and colleagues.
Many of the most important civilizations in Europe originated on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. During the Neolithic, communities clearly traveled and traded across the water, as evidenced by watercraft in the archeological record and the presence of settlements on coasts and islands. In this study, Gibaja and colleagues provide new insights into the history of seafaring technology through analysis of canoes at the Neolithic lakeshore village of La Marmotta, near Rome, Italy.
Excavation at this site has recovered five canoes built from hollowed-out trees (dugout canoes) dating between 5700-5100BC. Analysis of these boats reveals that they are built from four different types of wood, unusual among similar sites, and that they include advanced construction techniques such as transverse reinforcements. One canoe is also associated with three T-shaped wooden objects, each with a series of holes that were likely used to fasten ropes tied to sails or other nautical elements. These features, along with previous reconstruction experiments, indicate these were seaworthy vessels, a conclusion supported by the presence at the site of stone tools linked to nearby islands.
The authors describe these canoes as exceptional examples of prehistoric boats whose construction required a detailed understanding of structural design and wood properties in addition to well-organized specialized labor. Similarities between these canoes and more recent nautical technologies support the idea that many major advances in sailing were made during the early Neolithic. The authors suggest there may be more boats preserved near La Marmotta, a potential avenue for future research.
The authors add: “Direct dating of Neolithic canoes from La Marmotta reveals them to be the oldest in the Mediterranean, offering invaluable insights into Neolithic navigation. This study reveals the amazing technological sophistication of early agricultural and pastoral communities, highlighting their woodworking skills and the construction of complex vessels.”
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Article Source: PLOS news release
*Gibaja JF, Mineo M, Santos FJ, Morell B, Caruso-Fermé L, Remolins G, et al. (2024) The first Neolithic boats in the Mediterranean: The settlement of La Marmotta (Anguillara Sabazia, Lazio, Italy). PLoS ONE 19(3): e0299765. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0299765
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The presence and pattern of peopling of Europe during the Middle Pleistocene (between 770,000 and 126,000 years ago) has long been a subject of debate among scientists. Some scholars suggest coexistence of multiple human lineages during this time in Europe, and others propose a single lineage evolving from Homo heidelbergensis to Homo neanderthalensis. Recently, researchers conducted a morphometric, biomechanical and palaeopathological study of a second right metatarsal SdD2 hominin fossil found at the Sedia del Diavolo site in Italy, and found that the fossil showed features more archaic than those of Neanderthals. From the research, the study authors were also able to suggest a revised assessment of the technology and hunting strategies adopted by Homo in the region between MIS 9 (337,000 to 300,000 years ago) and MIS 8 (301,000 to 245,000 years ago).
“These observations,” state the authors in the published study*, “when interpreted within the context of the available fossil record, may suggest the co-existence of at least two hominin clades in the Italian Peninsula during the beginning of marine isotope stage (MIS) 8”.
Moreover, according to the study authors, the Sedia del Diavolo site provides evidence for the oldest association of a hominin, in this case possibly other than Neanderthal, and Levallois technology, challenging the previously held paradigm that only Neanderthals were associated with this technology in Europe. Finally, observance of bony stress injuries in the fossil specimen, coupled with the known prevalence of such bone stress injuries in specimens found within Early and Middle Pleistocene fossil assemblages, supports the contention for persistence hunting as a common activity among early members of Homo, the genus through which modern humans have evolved.
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*Riga, A., Profico, A., Mori, T. et al. The Middle Pleistocene human metatarsal from Sedia del Diavolo (Rome, Italy). Sci Rep 14, 6024 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-55045-1
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Here are the most compelling published stories of Popular Archaeology Magazine. Some have an element of controversy, some discoveries took place decades before, and others entail findings that may lead to further discoveries yet to come. In all cases, they represent the excitement and adventure of archaeology as it opens new and fascinating windows on humanity’s collective past.
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The discovery of the world’s largest trove of ancient writings opened an unparalleled window on a vanished world. Read About It Here
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The story of a forgotten explorer and his intrepid journey to discover great ancient Arabian cities of the Incense Road. Read About It Here
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How an archaeologist-sculptor is bringing bones of the dead back to life. Read About It Here
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Two remarkable sites are shedding light on a critical transitional period in human evolution. Read About It Here
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The startling discovery of million-year-old human footprints on a beach in the United Kingdom had scientists jumping. Read About It Here
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The recent controversial discoveries, and a renowned scholar’s quest to uncover the historical truth about Jesus of Nazareth. Read About It Here
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Excavations of princely tombs are shedding new light on a formative time before the high florescence of the Mycenaean civilization. Read About It Here
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An anthology of articles focusing on the findings that are informing a new paradigm about the early settling of the Americas. Read About It Here
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Archaeologists are unearthing new clues to America’s historic “lost” colony. Read About It Here
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The in-depth story about the controversial discovery of a 130,000-year-old human presence in Southern California. Read About It Here
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Most of us have heard or read about the great Trojan War and the epic journey of Odysseus (otherwise known as Ulysses) through the legendary characters and events as described by Homer in his famous literary works, The Iliad and The Odyssey. Fewer, however, have a more than passing knowledge of the ancient Bronze and Iron Age peoples who many scholars suggest may have formed the historical basis for Homer’s epic mythical stories, such as the Mycenaeans and Minoans. The real story of these civilizations has slowly come to light through the painstaking efforts of archaeologists and scholars, popularized by the media over the years, but documented and studied more meticulously within the halls of academia. Despite the efforts to come to a greater understanding, mysteries still abound and there are more questions than answers.
Dr. Ester Salgarella, who received her Ph.D from Cambridge University and subsequently conducted post-doctoral research at the university, has developed and released a new podcast series, entitled Aegean Connections, that explores all facets of these civilizations, bringing the research out from the confines of the scholarly “ivory tower” and into the listening ear of the general public. She does this by conducting interviews of the very scholars who engage in the study and research, focusing on such topics as undeciphered scripts, the life-ways and origins of these Aegean peoples, and many other topics to “build a bridge between scholars (both well-established and early-career) in Aegean-oriented academic fields and the wider audience….,” according to Salgarella.
The second episode of the series, released on February 6, 2024, interviews Dr. Rachele Pierini, a Senior Researcher and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at the Centre for Textile Research, Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen. In this episode, the listener will learn a few fascinating things about this ancient script, used by the ancient Mycenaeans to write the earliest attested form of the Greek language. Rachele will tell us about how Linear B textual evidence is incorporated into her current research related to textile production, sustainability, gender identity and cultural identity, showing how a Bronze Age script can be used as an example of how the past can inform and explain the present.
Anyone can listen to the podcast, which is free to the public.
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Cover Image, Above: Image by Vektorianna, Pixabay
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—The migration of hominins out of Africa may have been driven by climatic changes, a study suggests. Genomic studies have suggested that humans underwent a population bottleneck around 0.9 million years ago, but a recent study* of early archaeological sites suggested that this bottleneck occurred around 1.1 million years ago. The dating discrepancy makes it challenging to identify climatic events that may have contributed to a bottleneck. Giovanni Muttoni and Dennis Kent reevaluated the stratigraphic records of early hominin sites across Eurasia to explore the timing and drivers of a hominin population bottleneck. The authors identified a concentration of Eurasian hominin sites reliably dated to 0.9 million years ago. In comparison, the stratigraphic records dating Eurasian sites to greater than 1.1 million years ago were ambiguous and disputed, making associations with climatic events less reliable. The findings are consistent with a rapid migration of hominins and other animals out of Africa around 0.9 million years ago during the first major glaciation of the Pleistocene Epoch, when a drop in sea level opened land routes out of Africa and aridity increased across Africa. According to the authors, the findings suggest that the dispersal of humans out of Africa may have been an adaptive response to a population bottleneck driven by climatic changes around 0.9 million years ago.
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Article Source: PNAS news release
*“Hominin population bottleneck coincided with migration from Africa during the Early Pleistocene ice-age transition,” by Giovanni Muttoni and Dennis V. Kent. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 11-Mar-2024. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2318903121
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UNIVERSITY OF LEICESTER—More than forty archaeological sites in Cyprus dating potentially as far back as the Bronze Age that were thought lost to history have been relocated by University of Leicester scientists working for the Ministry of Defence.
A small team of archaeologists from University of Leicester Archaeological Services, funded by the DIO Overseas Stewardship Project, undertook a ‘walkover survey’ – a systematic surveying and recording of visible archaeological remains – of the Eastern Sovereign Base Area at Dhekelia (ESBA) on the south coast of the island. The work, licensed by Cyprus’ Department of Antiquities in Nicosia, is to inform site management by the DIO, which is the custodian of the UK and overseas Defence estate.
Dhekelia is about 30km south-east of Nicosia, and 80km north-east of the Western Sovereign Base Area (WSBA) at Akrotiri where the University of Leicester has been working since 2015.
The task of the walkover was to relocate around 60 possible archaeological sites that had been recorded in the early 1960s prior to the development of the garrison within the Dhekelia base, and the laying out of the Kingsfield Airstrip at the western end of the area.
In preparation of the survey a Geographic Information System (GIS) record was compiled that included all the known information, and from that co-ordinate points for the possible sites were exported to standard handheld GPS units. Archaeologists then visited each site and searched for the evidence that had been previously recorded. When successfully found, each site would then be photographed, GPS located, and recorded on pro forma sheets.
In total, 51 sites including 5 historic buildings were located. Some records survived for 47 of the sites, but a further four were known only from labels on a 1:25,000 scale plan. Although the dating of most of the sites is currently unknown, they are likely to span from the Bronze Age which started c.2500 BC to the Byzantine period which ended in the 12th Century AD, and to include sites from the Hellenistic period (312 – 58 BC) and Roman periods (58 BC – 395 AD).
Particular highlights included three coastal quarries where stone was being taken off low spits running out into the sea. One quarry had a little ramp that looked like it was used for loading slabs of quarried rock into boats tied in deep water alongside, and another had dozens of very clear circular grinding stone removals which, where immediately adjacent to each other, left behind distinct clover leaf shapes in the bed rock.
Large areas of rock cut tomb extended over several hectares in one part of the inland plateau. Most of these tombs were in a very poor state and some bore clear signs of looting in the form of adjacent mounds of earth. Many tombs have been used as convenient areas for fly tipping. One tomb, part of a substantial cemetery surrounding a monastery to the west of Xylotymbou village was being used for caging cats.
Matt Beamish from University of Leicester Archaeological Services, who led the survey, said:
“Our GIS and survey methods had worked well when used for a similar survey of the Akrotiri peninsula in 2019. Many of the sites we were planning to survey had been last visited over 20 years ago, and in many instances had been reported as no longer existing or being unfindable. On reflection this had more to do with inadequate mapping, lack of preparation and lack of satellite location technologies: we found that many of the sites could be re-found with a little bit of patience.
“There were undoubtedly problems with some of the archive information which was incomplete and had been inaccurately redrawn at some stage in the past. Some sites had clearly been lost to the subsequent development of roads and buildings.”
The Dhekelia Sovereign base is around 20km wide and 7km deep and sits on the east side of Larnaca Bay. The topography is varied including a flat coastal strip meeting steep limestone cliffs and hills, with a broadly flat plateau on the interior which includes more areas of rocky outcrop and is bisected by rivers which are generally dry beds under cultivation. The coastal strip and plateau include areas of agriculture and horticulture, and areas of olive and citrus grove and scrub. In the north of the area there are large dairy and livestock farms.
Cyprus’ position on Mediterranean sea routes has led to a rich and diverse cultural heritage, and it is famed for the preservation of many archaeological sites from the Bronze Age, Hellenistic/Iron Age, Roman, and Byzantine or medieval periods. At the western end of the Dhekelia area this occupation is represented in a significant archaeological landscape comprising a large Bronze Age defended hilltop settlement at Kokkinokremnos and an adjacent Iron Age hillfort at Vikla, both sitting above the Roman harbour town of Koutsopetria: all these protected sites are subject to recent research excavations. The Roman harbour is all now infilled, possibly stemming from a catastrophic tsunami event.
Much of the known archaeology across Dhekelia is funerary, and this mostly comprises rock cut tombs, some of which were built into the limestone caves (generally Hellenistic/Iron Age), and rock cut shaft graves (generally Byzantine/Roman-Medieval).
Matt Beamish added: “The survey was very successful with the identification of significant archaeological areas. We know that many more archaeological sites will exist which are not obvious to the naked eye. Much of the area has seen no systematic archaeological survey, and the application of remote sensing or aerial survey perhaps using LiDAR would enable a wider picture of previous human activity to be drawn. The information will enable the DIO to better manage the archaeological sites within the Sovereign Base Administration Area, and allow a wider understanding of Dhekelia’s archaeological heritage.”
Alex Sotheran, Archaeology Advisor, DIO, praised the survey and the results:
“The work carried out by Matt and the team has really improved our knowledge and understanding of the archaeology across the Dhekelia area and will allow for an improved system of management of these vital and important heritage assets going forward.”
David Reynolds, Environmental Advisor (Cyprus), DIO, added:
“Along with the University of Leicester team, we would like to thank the Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities and the Sovereign Base Area Office (Dhekelia) for all their support and guidance in making this extremely valuable piece of work happen.”
The data created during the survey has been entered into DIO’s Historic Buildings, Sites and Monuments Record, which in turn is vital for helping to protect the historic environment across the Ministry of Defence’s UK and overseas estate.
Additionally, the archaeological data has been shared with the Republic of Cyprus Department of Antiquities (DoA) as part of a Protocol for Collaboration between British Forces Cyprus and the Republic of Cyprus DoA. The protocol will ensure that potential impacts on archaeology will be actively considered alongside military training activities and infrastructure work across the Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia. It also sets out procedures for managing any archaeological remains uncovered during construction projects.
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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF LEICESTER news release.
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Gary M. Feinman is an archaeologist and the MacArthur curator of anthropology at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago.
David M. Carballo is a professor of archaeology, anthropology, and Latin American studies and assistant provost for general education at Boston University.
Recent archaeology emerging from ancient Mesoamerica is flipping the script of public understanding about the people and institutions that inhabited this world: the evidence tells us that cooperative and pluralistic government was at least as common as and more resilient than despotic states.
This more complex picture and the achievements of Mesoamerica’s peoples are all the more impressive given the area’s rugged terrain and resource constraints. Compared to ancient Eurasia, the inhabitants of Mesoamerica—the region stretching from Costa Rica to central Mexico—lacked beasts of burden and wheeled transport, and the use of metals was generally limited.
Until recently, our understanding of how most societies and early states developed was heavily grounded in interpretations of urban societies in Eurasia. Despotic, coercive rule was assumed (except for ancient Athens and republican Rome), the actions of the elite were ascribed great importance, and core functions of the economy were presumed to be in the hands of the ruler.
Precolonial Mesoamerica doesn’t fit this cookie-cutter framework: neither was economic production or distribution centrally controlled by despotic rulers, nor was governance in societies with very large populations universally coercive.
This new perspective is the outgrowth of a decades-long shift in archaeological research’s focus from temples and tombs to regional settlement patterns, urban layouts, house excavations, domestic economies, and agricultural production.
By concentrating on the archaeological record, recent generations of researchers have brought fresh attention to features of precolonial Mesoamerica that did not fit entrenched stereotypes, many of which had their roots in the 19th century. Mesoamerica’s cities and large-scale societies arose independently of other global regions, spawned by their own regional populations. Mesoamerican technological development never experienced the centralizing impact of the monopolization of bronze weaponry through control of scarce tin deposits, nor the “democratizing” or “decentralizing” effects of the adoption of more widely available iron.
Mesoamerica was also spared the stark inequalities in military and transportation technology that appeared in Eurasia when some societies developed the chariot, serious naval capabilities, and fortified palaces while others lagged behind. In Mesoamerica, military might came through the control of large infantries using weapons crafted primarily from widely available stone, all of which made for generally more balanced political relations than in Eurasia.
Pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica is therefore emerging as an ideal place to examine the different ways that humans coalesced in urban contexts, in both collective and autocratic political formations, without some of the key factors that earlier scholars have traditionally seen as necessary or transformative for the rise of premodern societies.
How were these large, preindustrial urban centers in Mesoamerica organized? Were they long-lasting? And if so, what accounts for their comparative degrees of resilience across time?
In a 2018 study, we coded data from a carefully selected sample of 26 precolonial Mesoamerican cities and prominent political centers. We found that more than half of them were not despotically ruled and that the more collective political centers had greater resilience in the face of droughts and floods, and warfare or shifts in trade. Cities that addressed their social challenges using more collective forms of governance and resource management were both larger and somewhat more resilient than the cities with personalized rulership and more concentrated political power.
In general, collectively organized political centers relied more heavily on internal finance generation, such as taxes, as compared to the more autocratic centers that relied more on external financing, such as monopolized trade networks and war booty. The more that political elites can support themselves without relying on financing from the general population, the less they face accountability from the people, and the greater the likelihood that governance and power are hoarded. Additionally, higher levels of internal financing and communal resources often corresponded with evidence of the wider circulation of public goods and the bureaucratization of civic offices. Collectively organized centers with these features as well as spatial layouts, such as large open plazas and wide streets, that provided opportunities for householders and urban dwellers to communicate and express themselves seem to have fostered community persistence as major centers.
In a later study that included an updated and expanded sample of 32 well-researched Mesoamerican cities, we found that centers that were both more bottom-up and collective in their governance were more resilient. While some of these cities had palaces and monuments to rulers as their focal points, others featured more shared and equitably distributed forms of urban infrastructure. This includes apartment compounds, shared terraces or walls within neighborhoods, neighborhood plazas, temples and other civic buildings, and shared roads and causeways, all of which required cooperation and collective labor for their construction and maintenance and would have facilitated more regular face-to-face interaction and periodic public gatherings.
The implications of this archaeological research are too informative and powerful to stay put in textbooks. They resonate with evolving views of our present world, which are finding that public space, open communication, fair taxation, and effective bureaucracy can be cornerstones of well-being. These parallels with and understandings from the past can be insightful for us today as models to guide our future planning and identify the social models that best position us to survive the tests of time.
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This article is a re-publication from the original source: the Independent Media Institute, under a collaborative agreement.
Image top left by Angelo Scarcella from Pixabay
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If you liked this article, you may like The Milpa Way, a major feature article published previously at Popular Archaeology.
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CHINESE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES HEADQUARTERS—A new study from the Nihewan basin of China has revealed that hominins who possessed advanced knapping abilities equivalent to Mode 2 technological features occupied East Asia as early as 1.1 million years ago (Ma), which is 0.3 Ma earlier than the date associated with the first handaxes found in East Asia. This suggests that Mode 2 hominins dispersed into East Asia much earlier than previously thought.
The study, which was conducted by a joint team led by Prof. PEI Shuwen from the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Prof. Ignacio de la Torre from the Institute of History the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC), was published in PNAS on Mar. 4 and provide insights into the early dispersals and adaptions of hominins in Eurasia.
By reconstructing Cenjiawan refit sets from Nihewan basin, the research team discovered organized flaking techniques that aimed at producing slender flakes by core preparation on both the striking platform and flaking surface. The standardized operational process was not only shown by refit sets: Plenty of products detached at each stage of the process, thus provide strong evidence of standardized core preparation.
Prepared core technologies were characterized by organized methods to obtain predetermined flakes that required detailed planning and a deep understanding of flaking mechanisms, which originated in the Acheulean and particularly more than 1.0 Ma.
Regarding retouched tools, technological analysis of refitted products detached from the prepared core technology indicates intentional breakage of slender flakes in two halves. One or more of the resulting fragments were then selected as blanks for retouching, with the aiming of creating tipped tools with two convergent sides, thus significantly altering the original shape of blanks.
In addition, patterns of retouching tools like points and borers, which showed standardization of tool shape, were also well documented in the Cenjiawan assemblage, thus suggesting complex mental templates among the Cenjiawan toolmakers.
The prepared core technology, standardized predetermined products and retouching tool shapes, together with the high level of manual precision, fragmented reduction sequences, long reduction sequences, and organized management of raw materials documented in the Cenjiawan assemblage, provide compelling evidence for complex technical abilities and in-depth planning behaviors among Early Pleistocene hominins in East Asia.
“The advanced technological behaviors documented at the Cenjiawan site similar to those of Mode 2 technology, rather than the technical simplicity attributed to Mode 1”, said Dr. MA Dongdong, first author of the study, who conducted the research during his Ph.D at IVPP and currently is working as a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of History of CISC.
The Lower Paleolithic technology in China has long been regarded as simple (Oldowan-like/Mode 1) and homogeneous before late Pleistocene. The compelling evidence in the Cenjiawan assemblage provides a new perspective in understanding the small debitage system in China and may force a reconsideration of current perceptions of technological stasis in East Asia.
The authors argued that the technological features, rather than the mere presence or absence of specific tool types (e.g., handaxes), should be the basis for studying Early and Middle Pleistocene assemblages in East Asia. This enables a more integrated understanding of Mode 2 technology as well as the human cultural and biological connections between East Asia and other regions of the Old World.
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Article Source: CHINESE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES HEADQUARTERS news release
*Earliest Prepared core technology in Eurasia from Nihewan (China): Implications for early human abilities and dispersals in East Asia, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 4-Mar-2024. 10.1073/pnas.2313123121
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