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Scientists unravel mysterious musty aroma of ancient Egyptian mummies to reveal unprecedented historical insights

University of Bristol—The art of mummification has long been shrouded in mystery, but new research shows the musty smell of mummified remains helps unlock important information about the ancient practice.

The study, led by chemists at the University of Bristol, reveals the elusive aroma is far more than just matter of decay through age; it captures a potent mix of embalming materials and preserved bandages, which uncover how the careful processes have evolved over many centuries.

Lead author Dr Wanyue Zhao, Research Associate in Organic Geochemistry at the University of Bristol, said: “The findings mark a significant step forward in improving our understanding of Egyptian history and the fascinating ritual of mummification. Our analysis of the associated scents has uncovered new insights into how the practice developed through the ages and became increasingly sophisticated.”   

The research team used pioneering techniques to analyze the air surrounding small mummy specimens the size of a peppercorn. Traditional methods often require solvent dissolving material, which is more damaging to fragile artifacts.

By combining solid phase micro-extraction with gas chromatography and high-resolution mass spectrometry, they were able to trap the gases present in small vials so the various scents – known as Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) – could be separated and analyzed in minute detail.

The study*, published in the Journal of Archaeological Science, examined 35 samples of balms and bandages taken from 19 mummies spanning more than 2,000 years of Egyptian history between 3200 BC to 395 AD. Across the samples, 81 distinctive VOCs were identified – all providing vital clues about how and when the mummification was carried out.

These compounds, even if only present in tiny amounts, were grouped into four main categories linked to the embalming substances used: fats and oils produced aromatic compounds and short-chain fatty acids; beeswax contributed mono-carboxylic fatty acids and cinnamic compounds; plant resins released aromatic compounds and sesquiterpenoids, and bitumen produced naphthenic compounds.

Dr Zhao said: “Our findings showed the chemical patterns varied across historical periods. Earlier mummies had simpler profiles dominated by fats and oils, while later mummies displayed more complex mixtures incorporating imported resins and bitumen. Such materials were more costly and required more specialized preparation, as the practice became more advanced.”

The chemical profiles also indicated changes depending on what body region of the mummy they were taken.

“For instance, samples from heads often contained different patterns than those from torsos, suggesting embalmers applied distinct recipes to separate parts of the body to possibly aid preservation. This is an area which needs further analysis and research to better understand what techniques were used and why,” Dr Zhao added.

The results provide a more detailed analysis of known balm compositions, deepening existing understanding of the intricate processes involved and their evolution.

Study co-author Richard Evershed, Professor of Chemistry at the University of Bristol, said: “Our volatile analysis proved sensitive enough to detect residues at extremely low concentrations. For example, bitumen biomarkers were previously difficult to detect with earlier soluble residue methods.

“This approach expands the study of ancient Egyptian funerary practices, presenting a clearer, fuller picture of mummification recipes, material choices, and preservation strategies.”

Museums and historical collections also stand to benefit. Air sampling offers a rapid, non-destructive screening tool for fragile mummies, allowing curators to gather chemical information while preserving physical integrity.

Study co-author Ian Bull, Professor of Analytical Chemistry at the University of Bristol, added: “Physical sampling still plays a role for detailed work, yet volatile analysis provides an effective and enlightening first step for studying embalmed remains across collections and time periods.”

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Image shows one of the mummy samples, from the Bristol Museum, used in this study. The red arrow shows where the bandage sample was taken from the finger of the mummified female hand. Katherine Clark, a study co-author

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Image shows one of the mummy samples, the size of a peppercorn, used in the study. University of Bristol

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Article Source: University of Bristol news release.

Bird poop powered the rise of the Chincha Kingdom, archaeologists find

University of Sydney—New archaeological evidence reveals that seabird guano – nutrient-rich bird droppings – was not only essential to boosting corn yields and supercharging agriculture in ancient Peru but may have been a driving force behind the rise of the Chincha Kingdom as one of the most prosperous and influential pre‑Inca societies. 

Lead author Dr Jacob Bongers, a digital archaeologist at the University of Sydney and a Visiting Research Fellow at the Australian Museum Research Institute, said the findings highlight the unexpectedly powerful role bird droppings played in shaping ancient societies in the Andes. 

“Seabird guano may seem trivial, yet our study suggests this potent resource could have significantly contributed to sociopolitical and economic change in the Peruvian Andes,” Dr Bongers said.  

“Guano dramatically boosted the production of maize (corn), and this agricultural surplus crucially helped fuel the Chincha Kingdom’s economy, driving their trade, wealth, population growth and regional influence, and shaped their strategic alliance with the Inca Empire.  

“In ancient Andean cultures, fertiliser was power.”   

Ancient fertiliser, modern science   

Published in PLOS One, the study analysed biochemical signatures in 35 maize samples recovered from burial tombs in the Chincha Valley, home to a powerful coastal polity of an estimated 100,000 people.    

Chemical analyses revealed exceptionally high nitrogen levels in the maize, far beyond the natural soil conditions typical for the area. This strongly indicates the crops were fertilised with seabird guano, which is enriched in nitrogen due to the birds’ marine diets.  

“The guano was most likely harvested from the nearby Chincha Islands, renowned for their abundant and high-quality guano deposits,” Dr Bongers said. “Colonial‑era writings we studied report that communities across coastal Peru and northern Chile sailed to several nearby islands on rafts to collect seabird droppings for fertilisation.” 

The researchers also examined regional archaeological imagery featuring seabirds, fish, and sprouting maize depicted together on textiles, ceramics, pottery, wall carvings and paintings, offering a further line of evidence that seabirds and maize held cultural importance in these ancient societies. 

“Together, the chemical and material evidence we studied confirms earlier scholarship showing that guano was deliberately collected and used as a fertiliser,” Dr Bongers said. “But it also points to a deeper cultural significance, suggesting people recognised the exceptional power of this fertiliser and actively celebrated, protected and even ritualised the vital relationship between seabirds and agriculture.” 

Dr Emily Milton, a postdoctoral fellow at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., said the multidisciplinary approach was critical. 

“The historical records documenting how bird guano was applied to maize fields helped us interpret the chemical data and understand the regional importance of this practice,” she said. “Our work extends the known geographic extent of guano fertilisation, echoing recent findings in northern Chile, and suggests soil management began at least around 800 years ago in Peru.” 

How guano reshaped power on the desert coast 

Farming on Peru’s coast is challenging, as it is one of the driest areas on Earth, where even irrigated soils quickly lose nutrients. Guano shipped from offshore islands provided a potent, renewable fertiliser that allowed coastal farmers in the Chincha Valley to grow maize, one of the most important staple crops in the Americas, in abundance.  

This agricultural surplus supported specialist merchants, farmers and fisherfolk, and helped the Chincha people to become major coastal traders.  

“We know the Chincha were extraordinarily wealthy and one of the most powerful coastal societies of their time. But what underpinned that prosperity? Previous research often pointed to spondylus shells, the spiny oyster, as the key driver of merchant wealth,” Dr Bongers said.   

“Our evidence suggests guano was central to the Chincha Kingdom’s success, with the Chincha’s maritime knowledge and access to the Chincha Islands likely reframing their strategic importance in the region.”   

The Inca, based in the highlands of the Andes, produced the largest native empire in the Americas before Europeans arrived and were famously obsessed with maize, using it to make ceremonial fermented beer, or ‘chicha’. But they couldn’t grow much of it in their highland environments, nor could they sail. 

“Guano was a highly sought-after resource the Incas would have wanted access to, playing an important role in the diplomatic arrangements between the Inca and the Chincha communities,” Dr Bongers said.  

“It expanded Chincha’s agricultural productivity and mercantile influence, leading to exchanges of resources and power.” 

Coauthor Dr Jo Osborn at Texas A&M University said this research invites us to reconsider what ‘wealth’ meant in the ancient Andes.   

“The true power of the Chincha wasn’t just access to a resource; it was their mastery of a complex ecological system,” she said. “They possessed the traditional knowledge to see the connection between marine and terrestrial life, and they turned that knowledge into the agricultural surplus that built their kingdom. Their art celebrates this connection, showing us that their power was rooted in ecological wisdom, not just gold or silver.” 

The findings expand on Dr Bongers’ recent research on the Band of Holes just south of the Chincha Valley, where he suggests that the site was an ancient marketplace built by the Chincha Kingdom. 

“This research adds another layer to our understanding of how the Chincha, and potentially other coastal communities, used resources, trade and agriculture to expand their influence in the pre-Hispanic era,” Dr Bongers said. 

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Caption: The Islas Ballestas off the coast of the Chincha and Pisco valleys remain an important location for many seabird species, as well as seals and other marine animals. Birds today are less abundant than they were in the past, leading to decreased guano accumulation compared to earlier eras. Photos by Jo Osborn

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Caption: Bone balance beam scale, The Art Institute of Chicago 1955.2579d. Public domain. https://www.artic.edu/artworks/126423/balance-beam-scale

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LIP and LH seabird imagery from the Peruvian southern coast.
(A) Ceremonial digging stick or paddle, The Met Museum 1979.206.1025. (B) Bone balancebeam scale, The Art Institute of Chicago 1955.2579d. (C) Adobe frieze (now destroyed) at the site of La Centinela c.1938, Bennett Greig (1907–1944). (D) Embossed lead and silver ball depicting seabirds eating a fish, The Met Museum 82.1.22. (E) Ceramic jar from UC-018 mortuary site, middle Chincha Valley, photo by J. Bongers. (F) Pyro-engraved gourd from Jahuay, Quebrada de Topará, photo by J. Osborn. (G) Embroidered textile from UC-25, middle Chincha Valley, photo by C. O’Shea. (A-D): CC0 Public Domain. All photos cropped from the originals.

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Article Source: University of Sydney news release.

*Bongers JL, Milton EBP, Osborn J, Drucker DG, Robinson JR, Scaffidi BK (2026) Seabirds shaped the expansion of pre-Inca society in Peru. PLOS One 21(2): e0341263. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0341263

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Bison hunters abandoned long-used site 1,100 years ago to adapt to changing climate

Frontiers—On the Great Plains of North America, bison were hunted for thousands of years before populations collapsed to near extinction due to overexploitation in the late 1800s. But long before then, bison hunters used various strategies and different types of sites, sometimes switching between sites.

Now, researchers sought to understand why hunting stopped when bison continued to be present at the Bergstrom site in central Montana, where bison were hunted intermittently for around 700 years before the site fell into disuse. The results* were published in Frontiers in Conservation Science.

“We found that bison hunters ceased using a kill site in central Montana around 1,100 years ago,” said first author Dr John Wendt, a paleoecologist and assistant professor of rangeland ecosystem management at New Mexico State University. “It appears that hunters stopped using it because severe, recurring droughts reduced the water available for processing animals at a small nearby creek. Site abandonment was a response to environmental stressors and changing social and economic pressures.”

More than bison

To understand what shaped choice of hunting sites and organization, the team combined archaeological excavation, sediment coring, and laboratory analyses. “The Bergstrom site presented a puzzle because it was used intermittently and abandoned when bison were common throughout the region and hunting was intense,” Wendt explained. “Why would hunters stop using a site that had worked for so long?”

To get to the mystery’s core, the researchers dug nine 1×1m excavation pits in the spring of 2019. Excavated materials were documented and photographed and charcoal fragments were sent off for radiocarbon analysis. Two sediment cores were collected directly next to the excavation area. The team analyzed these for pollen and charcoal fragments. They also tracked the presence of large herbivores and analyzed climate reconstructions. Based on this, the team was able to see if ecological changes explained why Bergstrom was abandoned, or if something else had driven hunters away.

“Abandonment wasn’t because the site became ecologically unsuitable in any absolute sense. Bison were still around, vegetation hadn’t changed, and there was no substantive shift in fire activities,” Wendt pointed out. “Bison hunting activity was not simply following prey populations.”

Leveling up hunting sites

Instead, severe droughts stretching decades hit the region before and after final abandonment of the site. Such droughts limited how much water was available, but also made locations where water wasn’t a given less attractive to hunter groups. At the same time, many hunters reorganized themselves from small mobile groups working opportunistically to more coordinated, larger groups who used constructed infrastructure and occupied sites for longer time periods.

“These larger operations were based on large kills and could produce surplus for trade and winter storage, but they also meant more dependence on specific resources like water, forage for larger herds, and fuel for processing fires,” said Wendt.

Sites meeting these characteristics were more scarce, as they also needed topographic features suited to large bison drives, such as cliffs for jumps and features to contain herds. If these characteristics were given, however, such sites often saw repeated, large-scale use over centuries.

Sophisticated climate adaptation

Favoring larger sites, however, meant greater dependency on everything going right, as these sites were harder to replace. Hunters worked at these sites over generations and could reorganize as conditions changed. Maintaining cultural knowledge and flexibility is most likely what allowed this type of hunting organization to persist through climate variability, the team said. This flexibility is also relevant to modern bison management systems, which can increase their odds of persisting through climate variability by retaining the capacity to reorganize how and where animals are managed.

The team pointed out that their conclusions may not hold true for other bison hunting sites in the region, which may have been abandoned for other reasons. In addition, while the study shows use for around 700 years, it could not determine how long each use period lasted or how frequently the site was used during this time. It also is possible that after abandonment, the Bergstrom site saw infrequent, low-impact use that left minimal traces that could not be detected, the team said.

“While people have been adapting to the climate for much longer, Bergstrom’s abandonment shows that people reorganized in response to recurring droughts in the last 2,000 years,” concluded Wendt.

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Bison bones are scattered across the site. John Wendt

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Students conducting archaeological excavations. Michael Neeley

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

Between Scripture and Stone: Rethinking the Pharaoh of the Exodus

Menna Tallah Salah Eldin, is an independent Egyptian researcher based in Egypt, with a focus on ancient Egyptian civilization.

 

The question “Who was the Pharaoh of the Exodus?” has long been one of the most controversial questions in ancient history, not only because of its religious dimension, but because the search for an answer places us directly within a highly complex zone where sacred religious texts, historical reality, archaeology, and collective memory intersect.

Contrary to the commonly circulated attempts to identify a specific pharaoh by name, a more appropriate scholarly approach does not search for a name as much as it searches for a historical context within which the story may have taken shape. The true starting point in examining the historical context of the Pharaoh of the Exodus, therefore, lies in determining when the Israelites (otherwise known as the ancient Hebrews) actually entered Egypt.

Reconsidering the Question of Israelite Presence in Egypt

There is nothing in the Egyptian archaeological record that explicitly indicates the presence of any group called “the Israelites” inside Egypt during any phase of the New Egyptian Kingdom. No inscriptions describe deportation, nor are there records of forced labor projects associated with a group bearing this name. Nevertheless, the absence of evidence does not necessarily mean the absence of the event itself. Rather, it may indicate that this group was limited in number and lacked political significance at the time.

Egyptian texts clearly refer to the entry of groups known as “Asiatics” (Aamu) into Egypt, whether for work, residence, or as a result of unrest in the East.

This makes the idea of a Semitic group—possibly the nucleus of the Israelites—living in Egypt historically plausible, without requiring the assumption of a sudden migration or an organized invasion. The key question, however, is when exactly these groups formed within Egypt.

What Does the Merneptah Stele Tell Us?

The Merneptah Stele, dating to the reign of the Nineteenth Dynasty (c. 1208 BCE), represents the earliest known mention of the name “Israel” in any historical source. The inscription states: “Israel is laid waste; its seed is no more.”

What is striking about this inscription is that:

  • “Israel” seems to be conveyed as a people, not a state.
  • The text does not imply mass deportation.

It is notable that the inscription does not mention deportation or captivity, instead employing the familiar propagandistic language of Egyptian royal inscriptions, which exaggerated victories without precise documentation of events.

This allows the phrase to be understood as describing a military blow that ended the cohesive social/political existence of a local group in Canaan, rather than a complete ethnic extermination.

This opens an important possibility: that the group known as “Israel” may have suffered defeat or fragmentation in Canaan without disappearing entirely or being fully deported.

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The Merneptah Stele, housed in Cairo, Egypt. Ovedc, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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From Defeat to Migration — The Hypothesis of Movement to Egypt

In light of this, one may propose the hypothesis that:

  • The remaining members of this group, which was defeated in Canaan, may have moved to Egypt, whether as captives, forced migrants, or economic migrants.
  • These groups were very small in number.
  • Over time, and under difficult social and economic conditions, they multiplied within Egypt.

This scenario explains why no significant trace appears in Egyptian records and why they later emerge as a distinct group with a recognizable identity, yet limited in size. Such a migration from Canaan to Egypt does not need to have been collective or officially documented. It could have been:

  • Gradual,
  • Limited in number,
  • Later absorbed into Egyptian society as a subordinate or laboring class.

This aligns with the image later presented in religious texts.

Between History and Collective Memory

Archaeological research in the Canaanite highlands indicates that between 1100 and 1000 BCE, hundreds of new small villages appeared suddenly, lacking fortifications, palaces, or evidence of invasion. These settlements consisted of simple, uniform houses, suggesting the arrival of a new group practicing a different way of life.

Many scholars have linked these groups to the Israelites. So, even if we apply the traditional biblical Exodus narrative and accept the story that the Israelites wandered in the wilderness for forty years, it would not be a stretch to suggest that they became dispersed and entered Canaan gradually as individuals or small groups who settled in the highlands. This would explain why these groups are scarcely mentioned in the archaeological record, given their small numbers and limited political or economic importance at the time.

When Can the Exodus Be Dated?

If we assume that the entry of these groups into Egypt occurred in the late Nineteenth Dynasty (around 1200 BCE), then their departure—if it occurred—would logically fall at the end of the Twentieth Dynasty (approximately 1100–1050 BCE) — based on Canaan Archaeological evidences — a period at the end of the New Kingdom characterized by:

  • Collapse of central authority,
  • Severe economic crises,
  • Weakening of the army,
  • The rise of the priesthood and its control over southern Egypt,
  • The absence of effective oversight over the provinces.

All of these factors could create an environment contributive to the departure of a small group without official documentation.

Historical Comparisons to Identify the Likely Characteristics of the Period of the Pharaoh of the Exodus

Based on comparing descriptions found in religious texts to historical records:

According to religious tradition, “Moses” received revelation in his thirties or forties. If one assumes the existence of a single Egyptian ruler from Moses’ birth until the Exodus, then the expected reign of that ruler would exceed thirty years.

If we assume that the Israelites entered Egypt in the 12th century BCE, at roughly the same time the Merneptah Stele was composed, and that this entry occurred in the form of a small group which later multiplied within Egypt, then it is natural to place the Exodus in the subsequent period—namely from the late Nineteenth Dynasty through the Twenty-first Dynasty. It would also be natural for neither the entry nor the departure to be documented, due to the small size of these group and their limited impact.

Religious Narrative and Historical Conditions

According to religious tradition, famine and plagues spread as punishment for Pharaoh and his supporters prior to the Exodus. Egyptian sources likewise indicate that the late Twentieth and early Twenty-first Dynasties witnessed famine, epidemics, climatic disturbances, and reduced Nile floods.

Religious texts also describe the priests and magicians turning against Pharaoh following their confrontation with “Moses”. Historically, Egyptian texts indicate that during the late Twentieth Dynasty—particularly under Ramesses XI (1106/7–1077 (approximate) BCE)—Egypt was divided into north and south, the priesthood defied the King’s commands, controlled the south, royal authority weakened, military power declined, and social and economic unrest intensified.

As a result of the state’s weakness during the late Twentieth Dynasty, documentation declined significantly, meaning that many events may have gone unrecorded.

The Ambiguity of the End and the Drowning Narrative: A Possible Historical Reading

Drawing from the temple of Khonsu in Karnak (Room E). Closeup of pharaoh Ramesses XI while taking a sort of “shower of Life” performed by two gods. Karnak, Reign of Ramesses XI, end-20th Dynasty, end-New Kingdom. [Lepsius’ Denkmaeler, Abtheilung III (Band VII), pl. 239]. Karl Richard Lepsius (1810-84), Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

The ambiguity surrounding the end of the reign of Ramesses XI acquires particular significance when compared with the religious narrative that suggests, by some scholar’s interpretation, the drowning of Pharaoh during the pursuit of the Israelites. Ancient Egyptian history, despite its propagandistic nature, was accustomed to documenting the deaths of kings and their funerary rites, even during periods of instability. In the case of Ramesses XI, however, we encounter an almost complete silence: no text describing his death, no confirmed tomb (although many scholars connect an unfinished tomb in the Valley of the Kings to him, with no burial), and no mummy that can be attributed to him with certainty.

From a purely historical perspective, this absence cannot be considered direct evidence of a drowning incident. At the same time, it opens the door to the possibility, especially when it is taken into account that drowning and body loss represents the worst possible scenario for the Egyptian royal funerary system, which depended on the recovery of the body, its mummification, and the performance of complex rituals intended to guarantee the king’s eternal life in the afterworld.

Accordingly, the absence of any clear funerary evidence for Ramesses XI should not be read as an isolated mystery, but rather within the broader context of an era marked by the collapse of central authority, the division of the state, and the decline of official record-keeping. In such a climate, a religious narrative describing a humiliating and catastrophic end for the king—such as death by drowning—becomes consistent with the historical void, even if this connection remains within the realm of possibility rather than certainty.

Taking into consideration that the political fragmentation associated with the reign of Ramesses XI was not present at the beginning of his rule, but developed gradually and reached its peak in its final years—could explain a time when a major undocumented event could plausibly have occurred.

Conclusions

Based on the synthesis of archaeological data and religious texts, it becomes possible to propose that:

  • The Israelites did not suddenly appear in Egypt. Rather, they gradually emerged from small groups that lived in Canaan and moved to Egypt during the Nineteenth Dynasty and their identity formed over time.
  • Their departure from Egypt occurred in the late Twentieth Dynasty (meaning they remained in Egypt for approximately 150 years).
  • Their return to Canaan was also gradual, in the form of small groups.

This reading does not negate the religious narrative, but situates it within a historically plausible context and opens the door to a deeper and better understanding of the emergence of one of the most significant identities in the history of the ancient Near East.

The Pyramids and the Question of Chronology

Based on this hypothesis, the widespread association between the Israelites and the construction of the pyramids has no sound historical or chronological basis. The pyramids were built during the Old Kingdom, specifically under the Fourth Dynasty—more than a thousand years before the Israelites appear in the historical record.

If, as archaeological and historical evidence suggests, Israelite presence in Egypt began during the late New Kingdom, then the chronological gap between these events makes it logically impossible for them to have participated in pyramid construction. Thus, linking the Israelites to the pyramids is simply the result of a common conflation between later religious traditions and firmly established historical facts .

Final Assessment

Archaeological evidence from the Canaanite highlands places the emergence of the Israelites in Canaan between 1100 and 1000 BCE, indicating that the Exodus from Egypt would have occurred during this same period—approximately during the reign of Ramesses XI.

Ramesses XI ruled for nearly thirty years, and no confirmed tomb or mummy has been found for him. His reign was marked by economic hardship, political fragmentation, and weakening central authority. These conditions may point to the occurrence of a major event during his reign—one that significantly weakened the Egyptian state but was not documented due to the decline in record-keeping and the Egyptian tendency to omit defeats.

Ramesses XI was the last ruler of the Twentieth Dynasty. After his death, the Twenty-first Dynasty began, marking the period of decline of ancient Egyptian civilization. This may indicate the occurrence of a powerful and destabilizing event from which Egyptian civilization never fully recovered, instead continuing in a prolonged state of deterioration until its eventual disappearance.

Final Question

In light of all the above, can we answer the question that has long puzzled scholars and historians: Who was the Pharaoh of the Exodus?

This article does not provide a definitive answer. Instead, it leaves the conclusion to the reader’s judgment after considering the evidence presented. The question remains open—subject to debate, interpretation, and continued dialogue.

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References

  • Cline, Eric H. 2014. 1177 B.C.: The Year Civilization Collapsed. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  • Redford, Donald B. 1992. Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  • Kitchen, Kenneth A. 2003. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
  • Kemp, Barry J. 2006. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge.
  • Janssen, Jac. J. 1997. Village Varia: Ten Studies on the History and Administration of Deir el-Medina. Leiden: Brill.
  • Finkelstein, Israel. 1988. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
  • Lehner, Mark. 1997. The Complete Pyramids. London: Thames & Hudson.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Amenemope Dynasty 20 reign of Ramesses XI wood gesso and paint  Mary Harrsch, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

Breathing in the past: How museums can use biomolecular archaeology to bring ancient scents to life

Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology—Recent advances in biomolecular archaeology have revealed that ancient objects can retain the molecular fingerprints of past aromatic practices. These molecules provide unprecedented insight into ancient perfumery, medicine, ritual, and daily life.

In a new publication*, an interdisciplinary research team led by archaeo-chemist Barbara Huber (Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology and the University of Tübingen), shows how museums can use this molecular evidence to engage audiences with the sensory worlds of the past. The team combined their expertise to create a new workflow for converting biomolecular data into accessible, visitor-ready olfactory recreations.

“This research represents a significant shift in how scientific results can be shared beyond academic publications,” explains Huber.

From Data to Fragrance

The process began with a briefing, prepared by Huber in collaboration with scent-based storytelling consultant Sofia Collette Ehrich, establishing a crucial link between scientific data and perfumery practice. Building on this foundation, perfumer Carole Calvez developed a series of formulations that translated ancient chemical signatures into a scent suitable for museum environments. Calvez emphasizes that this is not a simple act of replication.

“The real challenge lies in imagining the scent as a whole,” she explains. “Biomolecular data provide essential clues, but the perfumer must translate chemical information into a complete and coherent olfactory experience that evokes the complexity of the original material, rather than just its individual components.”

Scent Cards and Stations: Visitors Travel Back in Time through their Noses

To demonstrate, the team developed two formats for presenting ancient scents in public settings. Using The Scent of the Afterlife, a recreation of the aromas that accompanied the ancient Egyptian mummification process, they created a portable scented card and a fixed scent diffusion station integrated into exhibition design.

At the Museum August Kestner in Hanover, where the artefacts that inspired the project are displayed, the scented card quickly became an integral part of guided tours.

“Scent provides a new approach to mummification, moving away from the scare factor and horror movie clichés towards an appreciation of the motivations behind the actions and the desired results,” curators Christian E. Loeben and Ulrike Dubiel report. 

The fixed scent station format was installed in the exhibition Ancient Egypt – Obsessed with Life at the Moesgaard Museum in Aarhus, Denmark.

“The scent station transformed how visitors understood embalming,” curator Steffen Terp Laursen observes. “Smell added an emotional and sensory depth that text labels alone could never provide.”

This work demonstrates how molecular traces of the past can be transformed into meaningful cultural experiences.

“We hope to offer museums compelling new tools for bringing visitors closer to past environments and practices via sensory interpretation and engagement,” Sofia Collette Ehrich concludes.

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The Scent of the Afterlife scented card. The essence of the reproduced scent is inserted into the paper via scent printing. Credit: Ehrich SC, Calvez C, Loeben CE, Dubiel U, Terp Laursen S and Huber B (2026) From biomolecular traces to multisensory experiences: bringing scent reproductions to museums and cultural heritage. Front. Environ. Archaeol. 4:1736875. doi: 10.3389/fearc.2025.1736875

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Visitors sniffing the Scent of the Afterlife card during a guided tour at the Museum August Kestner, Hannover, Germany. Credit: Ehrich SC, Calvez C, Loeben CE, Dubiel U, Terp Laursen S and Huber B (2026) From biomolecular traces to multisensory experiences: bringing scent reproductions to museums and cultural heritage. Front. Environ. Archaeol. 4:1736875. doi: 10.3389/fearc.2025.1736875

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Museum display for the Scent of the Afterlife in at the Moesgaard Museum in Denmark’s exhibition, Ancient Egypt – Obsessed with Life. Credit: Ehrich SC, Calvez C, Loeben CE, Dubiel U, Terp Laursen S and Huber B (2026) From biomolecular traces to multisensory experiences: bringing scent reproductions to museums and cultural heritage. Front. Environ. Archaeol. 4:1736875. doi: 10.3389/fearc.2025.1736875

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute of Geoanthropology news release.

CT scans unwrap secrets of ancient Egyptian life

University of Southern California – Health Sciences, LOS ANGELES — Keck Medicine of USC radiologists use computed tomography (CT) scanners to diagnose and treat patients’ diseases and injuries.  

Recently, however, this advanced technology was put to a far more novel use: examining the bodies of two ancient Egyptian mummies. 

Radiologists conducted full-body CT scans of two Egyptian priests, Nes-Min, circa 330 BCE, and Nes-Hor, circa 190 BCE, whose bodies had been preserved for more than 2,200 years.  

The mummies, along with 3D digital models and 3D prints of select parts of their bodies, will be on display at “Mummies of the World: The Exhibition,” an upcoming exhibit at the California Science Center opening Feb. 7.  

Each mummy was scanned inside the bottom half of its sarcophagus, which weighed approximately 200 pounds each. The mummies were wrapped in linen shrouds, blackened with age. The older mummy, Nes-Min, was draped in a garment of heavily beaded net over his torso and wore several strands of colorful beads.  

A state-of-the-art, 320 slice CT scanner revealed small details of their bodies that humanized the men, including facial features such as eyelids and their lower lips. The images also held clues about their health, life experiences and lifespans that resonate with people today.  

Scans reveal healed injuries, dental issues and other modern-day ailments  

Analysis of the scans showed that the elder of the mummies, Nes-Min, probably suffered from an aching lower back like many modern humans. His spine showed a collapsed lumbar or lower back vertebrae likely due to natural aging and wear and tear.  

He was buried with several artifacts, representing several scarab beetles and a fish.  

Nes-Hor’s scan revealed dental issues and a severely deteriorated hip, and that he was older at the time of death than Nes-Min.  

“These scans provide a treasure trove of information made possible by Keck Medicine’s access to the latest in high-level scanning, coupled with the team’s expertise,” said Summer Decker, PhD, who leads 3D imaging for Keck Medicine and serves as director of the USC Center for Innovation in Medical Visualization with the Keck School of Medicine of USC.  

“These mummies were scanned previously, but due to advancements in scanning technology, the results are much more detailed and extensive than ever before,” said Decker, who oversaw the mummy scans and visualization analysis. “The high-resolution images have revealed things that were previously unknown and helped create a picture of what their lives were like.” 

After scanning the mummies, Decker and her colleague, Jonathan Ford, PhD, used the scans to create 3D digital models of the men. They also printed out life-size reproductions of the men’s spines, skulls and hips, as well as artifacts found with Nes-Min, using medical-grade 3D printers.  

“Mummies have long been a mystery. Seeing beneath the surface to reveal the specific lived experience of individuals is incredibly exciting,” said anthropologist Diane Perlov, PhD, senior vice president for special projects at the California Science Center. “This modern scientific technology offers us a powerful window into the world of ancient people and past civilizations that might otherwise be lost.” 

Keck Medicine’s 3D technology brings organs to life  

Keck Medicine’s 3D visualization and printing technologies used on the mummies allow for surgeons to turn medical imaging, such as a CT or MRI scan, into physical reproductions of a patient’s liver, heart, pelvis or other structure.  

The scans first create hundreds of detailed 3D cross-sectional images (or “slices”), then 3D visualization experts digitally “stack” the images together to form 3D digital models. These models can then be analyzed, measured or used to print on high-resolution medical-grade 3D printers, meaning that the prints can be used in surgery and are safe to touch and potentially be implanted in a patient.  

Surgeons then use these prints to better visualize and understand a patient’s complex medical condition or practice the best surgical solution before entering the operating room. 

“Through 3D visualization, modeling and printing, clinicians like surgeons can accurately measure hard-to-detect tumors, examine the intricate structure of a patient’s heart or liver or determine how best to repair a shoulder or hip,” said Decker. “They walk into the operating room with a much better idea of what they are facing and how they will approach surgery. With these advanced technologies, we can create custom treatments and solutions for our patients, which may lead to improved outcomes.”  

Patients may also benefit from holding a replica of their own organ in their hand, Decker continued. “They gain a new understanding of what their condition is and how it will be treated,” she said.  

Keck Medicine has access to almost two dozen 3D printers housed in the USC Center for Innovation in Medical Visualization. 

About the exhibit  

“Mummies of the World: The Exhibition” first debuted at the California Science Center in 2010. After touring the globe, the exhibition returns to Los Angeles for its closing venue with a new selection of mummies never seen before in Los Angeles.  

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Keck Medicine of USC scans two ancient Egyptian mummies using innovative computed tomography (CT) scanners. Summer Decker, PhD, (right), 3D imaging lead for Keck Medicine and director of the USC Center for Innovation in Medical Visualization, and Jonathan Ford, PhD, (left) associate director of the center, examine the mummies, part of “Mummies of the World: The Exhibition” at the California Science Center. Credit: Ricardo Carrasco III

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Article Source: University of Southern California – Health Sciences news release.

For more information about Keck Medicine of USC, please visit news.KeckMedicine.org

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Seeing the Invisible: How Aerial LiDAR Is Revealing Lost Archaeological Sites

The world contains numerous hidden remnants of ancient civilizations which exist beneath its forested areas, agricultural fields and urban developments. 

Archaeological sites which remain undocumented exist because their locations remain difficult to find through conventional detection methods. These sites often require excavation, requiring significant time and financial resources, and restricted sites. Whereas, ground surveys face limitations due to both terrain and visibility conditions. 

Archaeological exploration methods have undergone transformation during the recent years because of advancements in technology. Researchers now apply advanced technological equipment to examine geographical areas from above instead of excavation methods and physical examination. Among all, archaeological surveying technology has created fresh pathways which enable researchers to examine human history without performing ground disturbances.

Seeing the Landscape from Above

Archaeologists now examine the entire site from a higher perspective than they would at a normal level. This new perspective allows them to monitor large-scale land changes such as settlement patterns and ancient land routes.

The differences between traditional aerial photography methods and laser-based scanning is the depth of what it can capture. 

Photographic methods capture the entire visible surface details, meaning it can only capture the surface level of things. Whereas laser-based methods can sense minute movements in the terrains, which are present but not visible on the surface elements. This helps in the correct analysis and interpretation of the territories, providing better insights into how the ancient population used these territories. 

The invention of aerial surveying technology increases its use in combination with other precise research tools.

Cutting Through Vegetation and Time

The archaeological field faces its most significant obstacle when researchers attempt to study areas with heavy plant growth. The combination of forests, jungles, and overgrown landscapes means structures, pathways, and earthworks could remain hidden for hundreds of years. Conventional survey methods used in such locations are unsuccessful due to the inability to uncover hidden objects under vegetation. 

The technology of laser-based scanning enables researchers to penetrate plant cover and accurately map ground features. This method enables identification of minor elevation variations which serve as indicators for discovering hidden walls, terraces, and other cultural elements. Furthermore, this enables researchers to locate new research locations without damaging the terrain through excavation.

Aerial LiDAR scanning enables researchers to study landscapes which previously remained untouched. The method shows what’s beyond the earth’s surface, enabling archaeologists to determine how ancient people arranged their natural surroundings. 

Moreover, researchers utilize aerial LiDAR archaeology as their primary method to study how humans have interacted with natural environments throughout history.

Drones and Aircraft in Archaeological Mapping

Drones for archaeology are fitted with advanced sensors making it efficient in surveying big areas while keeping risks to a minimum. Their ability to scan large scale sites at a quicker pace makes it more efficient compared to ground methods. Ground surveys, although effective, may prove to be difficult and hazardous, considering that various locations are difficult to access.

Drone surveys are beneficial in remote areas that may be limited to accessibility, because these drones can reach hard-to-reach places. In addition to this, aerial tools offer precise information that can be studied at a later time. This is, therefore, important since it allows the study of archaeological sites over time, enhancing the understanding of the past. The use of aerial tools, combined with geographic information, can enhance the study of past landscapes, improving history understanding.

In this wider context of current technological realities, drone archaeology services may be conceived as a more scalable non-invasive approach.

Discoveries Enabled by Advanced Aerial Scanning

The advanced methods of aerial LiDAR archaeology have uncovered hidden settlements, ancient transportation routes, and extensive landscape changes at multiple locations. The discoveries made here bring forth new knowledge about how ancient societies operated. These studies demonstrate how people organized their communities and interacted with their surroundings in history.

Aerial scanning technology enables researchers to conduct precise evaluations that extend beyond typical claims of exceptional events. This technology lets archaeologists formulate better research questions from patterns that are revealed through discovery. The process of finding archaeological sites transforms into a method for understanding contextual details instead of just searching for sites.

Remote sensing in archaeology benefits archaeological researchers by enabling the examination of additional research areas. Furthermore, it allows archaeologists to examine regions which would remain hidden because of their environmental conditions and logistical challenges. 

Remote sensing in archaeology lets researchers link their individual discoveries with larger spatial and environmental patterns which were previously unrecognizable.

Working Alongside Traditional Field Archaeology

Aerial scanning technology does not replace traditional methods of field archaeology. Instead, it acts as an additional part of the process of excavation together with artifact analysis, and on-site observation. This integration improves validation of research results, establishment of cultural backgrounds, and archaeological mapping.

Technological tools combined with field operations results in research work which achieves greater productivity while maintaining research responsibility. This new and improved workflow reduces the need for unnecessary excavation to understand ancient artifacts while protecting delicate archaeological sites. Aerial data helps document and protect cultural heritage sites, while highlighting non-invasive archaeology tools and methods for contemporary research work.

Archaeologists should analyze their findings through extended environmental and spatial contexts instead of studying single artifacts or existing structures. The process of archaeological mapping enables researchers to link single archaeological locations with wider regional trends. In this way, it enhances historical understanding and supports future preservation work of cultural heritage assets.

What This Technology Means for the Future of Archaeology

The increase in non-invasive research methodologies heralds a new trend in the practice of archaeology. Non-invasive archaeology methods are becoming widespread in the era of remote sensing technologies. This adoption improves the coverage of larger areas in a sustainable and environmentally friendly manner.

In the future, archaeological surveying technology will play an even greater role in archaeological exploration. This is because further advancements will help researchers discover archaeological finds while also improving the conservational strategies in this field of research.

Moreover, the continued development of aerial surveying may help further our understanding of the way ancient civilizations interacted with their environments. By untangling the relationship between the natural terrain and human interaction, it may provide a new historical and evolutionary perspective.

Revealing the Past Without Digging

Aerial scanning has transformed archeological research by revealing hidden artifacts without the need of extensive environmental disruptions. The mixture of aerial scanning and conventional methods is helping historians discover new dimensions of history without interfering with the sites.

Ultimately, the worth of such technology is about how it provides new ways of discovering the remains of the past. By bringing innovation along with scholarly analysis, archaeological site discovery is being redefined, especially through the aid of non-invasive archaeology. With the continued advancement of technology, the future of archaeology moves toward a responsible discovery, understanding, and preservation of the past.

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Cover Image, Top Left: A lidar view of Stonehenge. Dr John Wells, CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Ancient DNA reveals 12,000-year-old case of rare genetic disease

University of Vienna—Researchers led by the University of Vienna and Liège University Hospital Centre have identified genetic variants associated with a rare inherited growth disorder in two prehistoric individuals who lived more than 12,000 years ago. Using ancient DNA analysis and modern clinical genetics, they diagnosed the condition in a mother and daughter buried together in southern Italy. Published in the New England Journal of Medicine, the study* shows that paleogenomics can now reconstruct ancient population history and diagnose rare genetic diseases in prehistoric individuals.

The discovery builds on a reanalysis of a well-known Upper Paleolithic burial discovered in 1963 at Grotta del Romito in southern Italy, which has long puzzled researchers. Unusual skeletal features and the circumstances of the burial raised longstanding questions about the relationship between the individuals and the medical reasons for their short stature.

A remarkable double burial raises questions

The two were interred together in an embrace. “Romito 2”, an adolescent with pronounced limb shortening, previously assumed to be male, lay in the arms of “Romito 1”, thought to be an adult female. No signs of trauma were observed. Romito 2 had an estimated height of about 110 cm, consistent with a rare skeletal growth disorder known as acromesomelic dysplasia, though this could not be confirmed solely from bones. Romito 1 was also shorter – about 145 cm –than average for the period. For decades, researchers debated their gender, relationship, and the possibility of a common cause of their short stature.

About the study

The team analysed ancient DNA extracted from the petrous part of the temporal bone of both individuals, a region known for preserving genetic material well. Genetic analysis established a first-degree relationship. The researchers then screened genes associated with skeletal growth and compared the identified variants with modern clinical data. This interdisciplinary approach, combining paleogenomics, clinical genetics, and physical anthropology, involved an international team from the University of Vienna and collaborators in Italy, Portugal, and Belgium.

Earliest genetic diagnosis in humans

The analysis showed that both individuals were female and first-degree relatives, most likely a mother and daughter. In Romito 2, researchers identified a homozygous variant in the NPR2 gene, which is essential for bone growth. This confirmed a diagnosis of acromesomelic dysplasia, Maroteaux type — a very rare inherited disorder characterized by severe short stature and marked shortening of the limbs. Genetic data from Romito 1 indicate that she carried one altered copy of the same gene, a condition associated with milder short stature.

Rare diseases in human history

Ron Pinhasi, University of Vienna, who co-led the study says: “By applying ancient DNA analysis, we can now identify specific mutations in prehistoric individuals. This helps establish how far back rare genetic conditions existed and may also uncover previously unknown variants.” Daniel Fernandes of the University of Coimbra, first author of the study, adds: “Identifying both individuals as female and closely related turns this burial into a familial genetic case. The older woman’s milder short stature likely reflects a heterozygous mutation, showing how the same gene affected members of a prehistoric family differently.” Clinically, the results highlight the deep history of rare diseases. Adrian Daly of Liège University Hospital Centre, a co-leader of the study, notes: “Rare genetic diseases are not a modern phenomenon but have been present throughout human history. Understanding their history may help recognising such conditions today.”

Evidence of social care

Despite severe physical limitations, Romito 2 survived into adolescence or adulthood, suggesting sustained care within her community. Alfredo Coppa of Sapienza University of Rome, who also co-led the study, says: “We believe her survival would have required sustained support from her group, including help with food and mobility in a challenging environment.”

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Daniel Fernandes preparing to take a sample. Adrian Daly

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Article Source: University of Vienna news release.

What History and Biology Reveal About Why Faces Change Over Time

The human face is a biological record shaped by evolution, environment, and social behavior. Its structure reflects millions of years of adaptation related to movement, diet, brain growth, climate, and communication. The face has never been static. It has changed continuously as human needs evolved, leaving clear anatomical evidence that allows researchers to study how and why these changes occurred.

The Human Face as an Evolutionary Archive

From a biological perspective, the face integrates several essential functions, including sensory perception, breathing, feeding, and social interaction. Once early human ancestors adopted upright walking more than four million years ago, the skull was no longer constrained by locomotion. This allowed facial anatomy to respond more directly to ecological and functional pressures.

Researchers have observed that while the skeletal structure for bipedal movement stabilized early, the face continued to change. Paleoanthropologist William Kimbel explains that “the skull and teeth provide a rich library of changes that we can track over time, describing the history of evolution of our species.” These changes reflect both biological demands and behavioral innovation.

Dietary Shifts and Facial Remodeling

Diet has played a central role in shaping facial structure. Early hominin species consumed tough, fibrous plant foods that required strong chewing forces. As a result, their faces were broad and deep, with large jaws, thick cheekbones, and prominent muscle attachment sites.

As environments changed and food sources diversified, especially during the last two million years, early members of the genus Homo began using tools to process food. Cutting meat and breaking down plant matter mechanically reduced the need for large jaws and teeth. Over time, this led to:

  • Smaller jaws and teeth
  • Reduced facial depth
  • A flatter facial profile

Anthropologists often summarize this relationship by noting that facial structure reflects dietary demand. As Kimbel states, “We evolved to be what we eat, literally.”

Brain Expansion and Structural Reorganization

The expansion of the human brain significantly influenced facial evolution. As cranial capacity increased, the skull reorganized to maintain balance and function. The growing braincase pushed the face downward and inward, a process known as facial retraction.

This structural shift reduced forward projection of the jaws and midface while preserving essential functions such as vision, breathing, and speech. These changes distinguish modern humans from earlier hominin species that had more projecting facial structures.

Respiratory Function and Climate Adaptation

The face also functions as part of the respiratory system. Nasal shape and airway structure adapted to different climates over time. Narrower nasal passages are more effective at warming and humidifying cold, dry air, while broader nasal openings help dissipate heat in warmer environments.

These adaptations developed gradually and contributed to regional variation in facial form. They demonstrate that facial evolution was influenced by multiple interacting factors rather than a single cause.

Social Behavior and Facial Expression

Social interaction has also shaped facial anatomy. The face is a primary tool for nonverbal communication, conveying emotion, intent, and social cues. Certain facial features likely evolved in response to changes in social behavior.

Large brow ridges, common in extinct human relatives such as Homo erectus and Neanderthals, are also present in modern great apes. Researchers suggest these structures played a role in signaling dominance or aggression. As human societies became more cooperative, these features diminished. At the same time, facial musculature evolved to support a wider range of expressions.

Kimbel notes that “the human face plays an important role in social interaction, emotion, and communication,” and that some facial changes may reflect social context rather than purely mechanical demands.

The Role of Culture in Biological Change

Cultural practices further influenced facial evolution by reducing physical demands. Tool use, cooking, and food preparation lessened the need for powerful chewing. Over many generations, these behaviors contributed to smaller jaws and teeth.

This interaction between culture and biology highlights a key feature of human evolution. Learned behavior often alters selective pressures, leading to anatomical change without direct environmental stress.

Ongoing Facial Change in Modern Populations

Facial evolution did not end in the past. Modern diets, healthcare, and living conditions continue to influence facial development, particularly during childhood. While these changes occur over shorter timescales, they follow the same biological principles that shaped faces throughout human history.

In adulthood, medical knowledge and surgical precision now allow structural changes to be approached with a detailed understanding of anatomy, tissue behavior, and long-term biological outcomes. These modern aesthetic surgery techniques reflect the same anatomical principles studied in evolutionary research, applying them in controlled clinical settings to address age-related structural shifts rather than environmental pressures.

As Kimbel observes, “We are a product of our past. Understanding the process by which we became human allows us to look at our own anatomy with perspective and insight.”

Interpreting the Human Face Through Time

The modern human face reflects cumulative evolutionary processes involving diet, brain growth, climate adaptation, and social behavior. Each anatomical feature represents a functional response to historical conditions rather than an isolated trait.

By examining how faces change over time, researchers gain insight into human biology and the evolutionary pathway that led to modern humanity. The face remains one of the most accessible and informative records of that journey.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Geralt, Pixabay

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Xigou site discovery challenges long-held views on early human technology in East Asia

Chinese Academy of Sciences Headquarters—An international research team has uncovered evidence of advanced stone tool technologies in East Asia dating back 160,000 to 72,000 years, with the findings recently published in Nature Communications.

Led by the Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology (IVPP) of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, the team—which included researchers from China, Australia, Spain, and the United States—conducted multidisciplinary archaeological investigations at the Xigou site in the Danjiangkou Reservoir region of central China. Their work yielded evidence of sophisticated stone tool technologies dating from 160,000 to 72,000 years ago, revealing that hominins in the region were far more innovative and adaptable than previously thought. This period coincided with the coexistence of multiple large-brained hominin species in China, including Homo longiHomo juluensis, and potentially Homo sapiens.

To establish the site’s age, the researchers applied multiple luminescence dating methods to six samples for cross-validation. Results indicated that quartz recuperated optically stimulated luminescence (ReOSL) ages provide a reliable benchmark for the depositional age of the site’s stratigraphic profile. Consequently, the cultural layer at Xigou has been dated to roughly 160,000–72,000 years ago, creating a well-defined chronological framework for studying hominin activity during this interval.

Detailed analysis of 2,601 lithic artifacts recovered from the site shows that ancient inhabitants employed refined stone tool-making techniques to produce small flakes and formal tools. Small-sized flakes were generated using core reduction strategies ranging from expedient to highly systematic—including core-on-flake and discoid technologies. The standardized retouching patterns of the dominant small tools are indicative of a high degree of technological complexity and uniformity.

Among the most notable discoveries is the earliest known evidence of hafted stone tools in East Asia—representing the region’s earliest confirmed composite tools. Traceological analysis identified two distinct handle types: juxtaposed and male. These composite tools, which integrated stone components with handles or shafts, reflect advanced planning, skilled craftsmanship, and a sophisticated understanding of how to optimize tool performance.

The archaeological discoveries at Xigou challenge the long-held narrative that early hominins in China exhibited technological conservatism over time. The site’s robust stratigraphic sequence, spanning nearly 90,000 years, aligns with mounting evidence of increasing hominin diversity across China during this period. The presence of large-brained hominins at sites such as Xujiayao and Lingjing—some classified as Homo juluensis—provides a plausible biological basis for the behavioral complexity evident in Xigou’s stone tool assemblages.

Unlocking the sacred landscape of Roman Nida

Goethe University Frankfurt—FRANKFURT. This marks another milestone for Roman-period archaeology in Hesse: The German Research Foundation (DFG) and the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNF) have jointly approved more than €1 million to support the analysis of excavations at the large Roman sanctuary in the ancient city of Nida (Frankfurt-Heddernheim). Over the next three years, the funding will enable researchers to conduct a comprehensive investigation of one of the most significant recent archaeological discoveries in Roman Germania.

Grant application spanning Frankfurt and Basel

Applicants for the project “Exploring the dynamics of a Roman sanctuary – Interdisciplinary studies on spatial organisation and depositions at the central sanctuary in Nida-Heddernheim”  include the Archaeological Museum Frankfurt (Dr. Carsten Wenzel); the Institute for Archaeological Sciences at Goethe University Frankfurt (Prof. Anja Klöckner, Classical Archaeology; Prof. Markus Scholz, Archaeology and History of the Roman Provinces; Prof. Astrid Stobbe, Archaeobotany); and the Institute for Integrative Prehistoric and Scientific Archaeology (IPNA) at the University of Basel (Prof. Sabine Deschler-Erb (ⴕ), Dr. Barbara Stopp). Additional cooperation partners include Frankfurt’s City Monument Office [Denkmalamt] and the Roman-Germanic Commission (RGK) of the German Archaeological Institute, also based in Frankfurt. The approved research project was officially presented today at a press conference held at the Archaeological Museum of the City of Frankfurt.

Dr. Ina Hartwig, Frankfurt’s City Commissioner for Culture and Science, commented on the project: “The central cult district of Nida represents an archaeological discovery of almost unparalleled significance in Europe. Its comprehensive scholarly investigation will further establish Frankfurt as a hub of international cutting-edge research. The project demonstrates the strength of our research landscape when museums, universities, non-university research institutions, and heritage conservation work hand in hand to make research visible within the city.”

School construction uncovers Roman cult complex

The cult district of Nida was uncovered during excavations conducted by the Monument Office between 2016 and 2018, and again in 2022, in Frankfurt’s Nordweststadt district. In the course of constructing the new “Römerstadtschule,” an area of more than 4,500 square meters in the center of the Roman city was excavated, revealing a walled complex. The site was almost completely excavated and documented using modern archaeological methods. The findings have been preserved in a coherent state, with only minimal post-Roman disturbance.

Marcus Gwechenberger, Frankfurt’s City Councilor for Planning and Housing, emphasized the discovery’s broader significance: “The newly uncovered cult district of the Roman city of Nida is among the most important archaeological finds in Frankfurt in recent years. The funding now makes it possible to scientifically analyze this exceptional discovery in depth. At the same time, it recognizes the continuous and highly professional work of our municipal heritage office. This project also illustrates how urban development and research go hand in hand in Frankfurt. The fact that the discovery was made during construction of the new Römerstadtschule vividly demonstrates how past and future intersect in our city.”

Archaeological Evidence of Roman Cult Practices

The cult site comprises eleven stone buildings constructed in several phases, as well as around 70 shafts and ten pits used for (ritual) depositions. The building layouts are highly unusual and have no known parallels in the Germanic or Gallic provinces of the Roman Empire. More than 5,000 fragments of painted wall plaster, together with bronze fittings from doors and windows, attest to the elaborate architectural design of the structures.

The shafts and pits yielded numerous ceramic vessels and large quantities of plant and animal remains, including fish and birds. These finds are interpreted as remains of ritual meals and offerings made to the gods. To facilitate detailed analysis, 150 samples were collected for archaeozoological and archaeobotanical study.

The analysis of 254 Roman coins and more than 70 silver and bronze garment clasps (fibulae), some of them fully preserved, is central to reconstructing the ritual and sacrificial practices carried out at the site. Such objects are widely attested as offerings and votive gifts in Roman sanctuaries throughout the empire. By contrast, the evidence pointing to possible human sacrifice at the cult district of Nida is entirely exceptional. Despite the excellent state of preservation and the richness of the material record, conclusions regarding the specific deities worshipped at the site remain limited. Inscriptions and iconographic evidence attest to the veneration of several gods, including Jupiter, the chief Roman deity; Jupiter Dolichenus, particularly revered by soldiers; Mercurius Alatheus, god of trade and commerce; Diana, goddess of nature; Apollo, god of healing; and Epona, the Celtic-Roman goddess of fertility. This constellation suggests that the site functioned as a sanctuary of regional importance in which multiple deities were worshipped side by side.
Based on current evidence, the cult district was established at the beginning of the 2nd century CE. A dedicatory inscription from a soldier to Mercurius Alatheus, dated 9 September 246 CE, confirms that the sanctuary remained in use at least until the mid-3rd century CE.

Interdisciplinary Research Team Enables Comprehensive Study

The approval of this large-scale research project underscores the importance of archaeological research in the Frankfurt region. It also serves as a strong example of the close networking of academic institutions within the Rhine-Main area, both among themselves and in collaboration with international partner institutions.

The funding provides a unique opportunity to investigate this regionally significant complex through an interdisciplinary approach. Focusing on the analysis of interior design and depositional practices, the project aims to reconstruct the ritual activities carried out at the site. In doing so, the cult district of Nida will be embedded within the broader cultural and historical context of the sacred landscapes of the Roman north-western provinces. The project will involve five early-career researchers in doctoral and postdoctoral positions across the participating institutions.

One year after the presentation of the “Frankfurt Silver Inscription”: Research on Nida enters the next phase 

In addition to the cult district, other excavations conducted by the Monument Office over the past decades have yielded important insights into the settlement history and topography of Nida. Just over a year after the presentation of the “Frankfurt Silver Inscription” – the oldest known Christian written testimony north of the Alps – the Roman city on Frankfurt soil is once again the focus of public attention. The research team now has the unique opportunity to collaboratively explore Roman religions in Frankfurt and investigate temples, sacrifices, and rituals. The high-quality, exceptionally well-preserved findings underscore the exceptional importance of Nida for Roman-period archaeology in Germany. Founded as a military base in the 70s of the 1st century CE, the settlement developed into the economic and cultural center of the Limes region by the early 2nd century. Characterized by remarkable cultural diversity, Nida remained one of the most important urban centers in Roman Germania until its abandonment around 275/280 CE.

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Excavated remains of a stone building with an apse – possibly a chapel. In the modern period, the walls were dismantled down to their foundations; only the extraction trenches remain visible. This pattern is characteristic of archaeological finds in Nida. Credit Photo: Frankfurt City Monument Office

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Numerous (cult) pits discovered in Nida’s cult district partially overlap, showing that they were dug at different times. These pits likely held the buried remains of sacrificial rituals and cult meals. Credit Photo: Monument Office, City of Frankfurt

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The most recent inscription discovered in the urban area of Nida also comes from a well in the cult district: a dedication to Mercury Alatheus by a soldier of the 22nd Legion, stationed in Mainz, dated 9 September 246 CE. Credit Photo: S. Martins / AMF

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An eagle for Jupiter: Bronze statuette of an eagle standing on a lightning bolt – both powerful symbols of Jupiter, the supreme Roman god. The piece was likely mounted on a cult standard. Credit Photo: Frankfurt City Monument Office

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This small iron plaque, shaped like a tabula ansata, bears a dedicatory inscription to Jupiter Dolichenus (IOVI / DOLICH / ENO). The find confirms the presence of a sanctuary devoted to this god within Nida’s cult district. Credit Photo: Th. Flügen / AMF

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Clues to the sanctuary’s end? A well yielded a bronze statuette of the goddess Diana, a dedicatory inscription to Mercury Alatheus dated 9 September 246 CE, and a human skeleton. Coins found in the fill indicate that the well was not closed before 249 CE. Credit Photo: Frankfurt City Monument Office

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Early use of wooden tools by hominins

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—A study* uncovers the earliest evidence of handheld wooden tools used by hominins. During the Middle Pleistocene Epoch, 774,000–129,000 years ago, hominins developed expanded brains alongside technological innovations. Due to the poor preservation of wooden tools, the archaeological record of Pleistocene technology is largely limited to stone tools. Annemieke Milks, Katerina Harvati, and colleagues systematically investigated the morphology of 144 wood remains excavated at Marathousa 1 in the Megalopolis Basin in Greece and identified two wooden artifacts dated to around 430,000 years ago. One artifact was a fragment of a small alder (Alnus sp.) trunk with clear signs of working and use-wear indicating it was likely used as a digging tool. The second artifact, a smaller piece of either willow (Salix sp.) or poplar (Populus sp.), exhibited signs of shaping and potential use-wear, suggesting it was a finger-held tool of uncertain function. Another wood specimen of a large alder trunk exhibited deep claw marks, suggesting the cooccurrence of large carnivores at the site. The wooden tools were found alongside lithic artifacts, worked bone, and butchered remains of straight-tusked elephants (Palaeoloxodon antiquus), and other fauna, demonstrating the variety of technologies used at the site. According to the authors, the findings represent the earliest direct evidence of handheld wooden tools, expanding researchers’ understanding of early hominin technologies.

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430,000-year-old wooden digging stick used by hominins at the lakeshore site of Marathousa 1, Greece.
Credit Katerina Harvati, Dimitris Michailidis (photographer)

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Small 430,000-year-old wooden tool of uncertain function from the lakeshore site of Marathousa 1, Greece.
Credit Katerina Harvati, Nicholas Thompson (photographer)

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Evidence for the earliest hominin use of wooden handheld tools found at Marathousa 1 (Greece),” by Annemieke Milks et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 26-Jan-2026. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2515479123

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World’s oldest rock art holds clues to early human migration to Australia

Griffith University—A hand stencil on the wall of a cave in Indonesia has become the oldest known rock art in the world, exceeding the archaeologists’ previous discovery in the same region by 15,000 years or more. 

An international team, co-led by Griffith University researchers, Indonesia’s national research and innovation agency (BRIN) and Southern Cross University, discovered and dated cave paintings made by our species on the island of Sulawesi at least 67,800 years ago*.  

The research team said the findings advance our understanding of how and when Australia first came to be settled, with the Sulawesi art very likely created by a population closely linked to the ancestors of Indigenous Australians. 

Preserved in limestone caves in southeastern Sulawesi on the satellite island of Muna, a fragmentary hand stencil was found surrounded by painted art of a much more recent origin. 

The team applied advanced uranium-series dating techniques, analyzing microscopic mineral deposits that formed both on top of and, in some cases, beneath the paintings from Liang Metanduno, providing a time period during which the art was made. 

The hand stencil was dated to a minimum of 67,800 years ago, making it the oldest reliably dated cave art yet discovered, significantly older than the rock painting found in Sulawesi by the same researchers in 2024.  

The new finding also revealed the Muna cave was used for making art over an exceptionally long period, with paintings produced repeatedly for at least 35,000 years, continuing until about 20,000 years ago. 

“It is now evident from our new phase of research that Sulawesi was home to one of the world’s richest and most longstanding artistic cultures, one with origins in the earliest history of human occupation of the island at least 67,800 years ago,” said Professor Maxime Aubert, an archaeologist and geochemist from the Griffith Centre for Social and Cultural Research (GCSCR), who co-led the study. 

The team also observed the hand stencil was a globally unique variant of this motif.   

After the stencil was created, it was altered to deliberately narrow the negative outlines of the fingers, creating the overall impression of a claw-like hand. 

Professor Adam Brumm, from Griffith University’s Australian Research Centre for Human Evolution (ARCHE), who co-led the study, said the symbolic meaning of the narrowed fingers was a matter for speculation. 

“This art could symbolize the idea that humans and animals were closely connected, something we already seem to see in the very early painted art of Sulawesi, with at least one instance of a scene portraying figures that we interpret as representations of part-human, part-animal beings,” Professor Brumm said. 

Dr Adhi Agus Oktaviana, a rock art specialist in BRIN and a team lead, whose doctoral research at Griffith University formed part of this study, said the paintings had far-reaching implications for our understanding of the deep-time history of Australian Aboriginal culture. 

“It is very likely that the people who made these paintings in Sulawesi were part of the broader population that would later spread through the region and ultimately reach Australia,” Dr Oktaviana said. 

There had been considerable archaeological debate about the timing of initial human occupation of the Pleistocene-era landmass that encompassed what is now Australia, Tasmania and New Guinea, known as Sahul.  

Scholarly opinion was divided between the so-named short chronology model, whereby the first people entered the Sahul ‘supercontinent’ about 50,000 years ago, and the opposing long chronology model, in which they arrived at least 65,000 years ago.   

“This discovery strongly supports the idea that the ancestors of the First Australians were in Sahul by 65,000 years ago,” Dr Oktaviana said. 

There were two main migration routes into Sahul proposed by researchers: a northern route to the New Guinea portion of this landmass via Sulawesi and the ‘Spice Islands’ and a more southerly route that took the sea voyagers directly to the Australian mainland via Timor or adjacent islands. 

Professor Renaud Joannes-Boyau from the Geoarchaeology and Archaeometry Research Group (GARG) at Southern Cross University, who co-led the research, said the discovery sheds light on the most likely course of humans’ ancient island-hopping journey from mainland Asia to Sahul via the northern route. 

“With the dating of this extremely ancient rock art in Sulawesi, we now have the oldest direct evidence for the presence of modern humans along this northern migration corridor into Sahul,” Professor Joannes-Boyau said.  

“These discoveries underscore the archaeological importance of the many other Indonesian islands between Sulawesi and westernmost New Guinea,” said Professor Aubert, who, together with professors Brumm and Joannes-Boyau, continues to search for more evidence of early human art and occupation along the northern route with funding from the Australian Research Council (ARC). 

The ARC’s backing forms part of a broader investment in human origins research, including the recently awarded ARC Centre of Excellence for Transforming Human Origins Research, with Griffith University as lead institution, and the ARC Training Centre for Advancing Archaeology in the Resources Sector at Southern Cross University, aiming at advancing our global understanding of human evolution and preserving our heritage.  

The research was also supported by Google Arts & Culture and the National Geographic Society. 

The research on early rock art in Sulawesi has been featured in a documentary film, ‘Sulawesi l’île des premières images’ produced by ARTE, released in Europe today.  

The study titled ‘Rock art from at least 67,800 years ago in Sulawesi’ has been published in Nature

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67,800 yr old hand stencil, Muna, Sulawesi. Credit: Supplied by Max Aubert

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Map showing the island of Muna, Sulawesi. Credit: Generated by M. Kottermair and A. Jalandoni using ArcGIS.

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Cave entrance, Muna, Sulawesi. Credit: Supplied by Ratno Sardi

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Dr Adhi Agus Oktaviana illuminates another hand stencil found on Sulawesi. Credit: Supplied by Max Aubert

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Article Source: Griffith University news release.

New 2.6-million-year-old Paranthropus fossil reshapes understanding of early hominins

University of Chicago Medical Center—In a new paper published in Nature, a team led by University of Chicago paleoanthropologist Professor Zeresenay Alemseged reports the discovery of the first Paranthropus specimen from the Afar region of Ethiopia, 1000 km north of the genus’ previous northernmost occurrence. This finding offers significant new information about when and where Paranthropus existed, its adaptation to diverse environmental conditions, and how it may have interacted with other ancient relatives of modern humans including our genus Homo.

“If we are to understand our own evolutionary trajectory as a genus and species, we need to understand the environmental, ecological, and competitive factors that shaped our evolution,” said Alemseged, the Donald N. Pritzker Professor of Organismal Biology and Anatomy at UChicago. “This discovery is so much more than a simple snapshot of Paranthropus’ occurrence: It sheds fresh light on the driving forces behind the evolution of the genus.”

Paranthropus previously “missing” among hominins in the Afar and northeast Africa

Since the human and chimpanzee lineages diverged around 7 million years ago, human ancestors went through a dramatic evolutionary process that ultimately led to the emergence of Homo sapiens around 300,000 years ago.

“We strive to understand who we are and how we became to be human, and that has implications for how we behave and how we are going to impact the environment around us, and how that, in turn, is going to impact us,” Alemseged said.

In the fossil record, the human lineage is represented by over 15 hominin species that generally fit into four groups:

  1. Facultative bipeds, e.g. Ardipithecus — Occasionally bipedal but mostly living in trees and walking on all four limbs.
  2. Habitual bipeds: Australopithecus — Retained arboreality to some degree but mostly practiced upright walking and experimented with stone tools.
  3. Obligate bipeds: Homo — The genus to which modern humans belong, characterized by a larger brain, sophisticated tools and obligate bipedalism.
  4. Robust hominins: Paranthropus (also known as robust australopithecines) — Habitually bipedal like Australopithecus but distinguished by extremely large molars capped by thick enamel and facial and muscular configurations that suggest a powerful chewing apparatus.

Alemseged said: “Hundreds of fossils representing over a dozen species of ArdipithecusAustralopithecus, and Homo had been found in the Afar region of northern Ethiopia, so the apparent absence of Paranthropus was conspicuous and puzzling to paleoanthropologists, many of whom had concluded the genus simply never ventured that far north.”

He added, “While some experts suggested that dietary specialization restricted Paranthropus to southern regions, others hypothesized that this could have been the result of Paranthropus’ inability to compete with the more versatile Homo.” However, Alemseged said, “neither was the case: Paranthropus was as widespread and versatile as Homo and the new find shows that its absence in the Afar was an artifact of the fossil record.”

Rethinking hominin biogeography, adaptation, and competition

The 2.6-million-year-old partial jaw reported in Nature comes from the Mille-Logya research area in the Afar and is one of the oldest Paranthropus specimens unearthed to date. After recovering as many fragments as possible from the field site, the team brought them back to Chicago to analyze internal anatomy and morphology with powerful micro-CT scanning.

“It’s a remarkable nexus: an ultra-modern technology being applied to a 2.6-million-year-old fossil to tell a story that is common to us all,” Alemseged said.

This new find shows that Paranthropus was as widespread and versatile as Homo and was not necessarily outcompeted by Homo.

Paranthropus was previously nicknamed the “nutcracker” genus, highlighting the very large molars, thick enamel, and heavy jaws and reflecting assumptions that this chewing apparatus caused Paranthropus to occupy a highly specialized and narrower dietary niche. But the new Paranthropus from Afar reveals that starting from its earliest origins, Paranthropus was widespread, versatile, and able to crack more than just nuts.

“The new discovery gives us insight into the competitive edges that each group had, the type of diet they were consuming, the type of muscular and skeletal adaptations that they had, whether they were using stone tools or not — all parts of their adaptation and behavior that we are trying to figure out,” Alemseged said. “Discoveries like this really trigger interesting questions in terms of reviewing, revising, and then coming up with new hypotheses as to what the key differences were between the main hominin groups.”

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Top: Multiple views of MLP-3000-1, the newly discovered Paranthropus partial left mandible and molar crown. Bottom: MLP-3000-1 in side-by-side comparison with mandible fossils from other species — Australopithecus afarensis (A.L. 266-1), Paranthropus aethiopicus (OMO-57/4-1968-41 and OMO-18-1967-18), and early Homo (LD 350-1). Credit: Image courtesy of Alemseged Research Group

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Two fragments of the newly discovered mandible specimen in the location they were originally found. Credit: Image courtesy of Alemseged Research Group

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The fragments of the Paranthropus mandible after being assembled in the field by Professor Zeresenay Alemseged.
Credit: Image courtesy of Alemseged Research Group

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Article Source: University of Chicago Medical Center news release.

Research in the field and at the National Museum of Ethiopia is conducted with permission and under the auspices of the Ethiopian Heritage Authority of the Ministry of Tourism. Field work is undertaken with additional permission from the Afar Regional State Tourism and Culture Bureau. Funding to support field work was provided by Margaret and Will Hearst and the University of Chicago.

*“First Afar Paranthropus fossil expands the distribution of a versatile genus” was published in Nature in January 2026. Co-authors are Zeresenay Alemseged, Fred Spoor, Denné Reed, W. Andrew Barr, Denis Geraads, René Bobe and Jonathan G. Wynn.

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Researchers find the earliest known elephant bone tool in Europe, dating back to 480,000 years ago

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Scientists have uncovered the earliest known elephant bone tool in Europe – found in a site in the United Kingdom where Pleistocene elephant remains are scarce. The discovery* spotlights the local Paleolithic society’s resourcefulness in acquiring materials and their mastery of tool manufacturing. “This find marks the earliest known instance of elephant bone being utilized as a raw material in Europe, as well as the earliest unambiguous reported use of elephant bone as a knapping percussor,” Simon Parfitt and Silvia Bello write. Paleolithic bone, wood, and antler tools for knapping – the process of chipping away at stones to create sharp edges – are rare artifacts, because their organic nature makes them prone to disintegrating. Here, Parfitt and Bello present a 480,000-year-old knapping tool made from elephant bone found in Boxgrove, in southern England. Their archaeological examination revealed that people shaped and flaked the cortical bone fragment into a “retoucher,” which they used to thin, resharpen, and lightly hammer stone tools. Based on the paucity of elephant bones found in the UK, Parfitt and Bello intuited that this tool – which most likely came from the straight-tusked elephant (Palaeoloxodon antiquus) – came from raw material sourced elsewhere. “This find provides further evidence of the strategic selection and curation of organic tools among early hominins, implying a high level of resourcefulness, adaptability, and a nuanced understanding of their environment and available materials,” the authors write.

How Do Modern Archaeologists Communicate Discoveries to the Public in the Digital Age?

Anna Karapetyan is a community manager and portfolio strategist who brings people and projects together to drive meaningful outcomes. She focuses on fostering collaboration and turning team interactions into actionable results. Connect with Anna on LinkedIn:  https://www.linkedin.com/in/anna-karapetyan-tikunts/

Modern archaeology is no longer confined to dusty journals or quiet museum halls. In the digital age, archaeologists have revolutionized how they communicate their discoveries to the public. With the advent of social media, blogs, livestreams, interactive tools, and even the online meme generator, the field has expanded beyond academia, captivating younger and broader audiences. This evolution is not just about staying current — it’s about making cultural heritage accessible, engaging, and relatable in a connected world.

The Shift from Print to Digital Platforms

Traditionally, archaeological discoveries were shared through academic journals, books, and conferences. These methods, while credible, limited access to information to a niche audience. Today, digital platforms have transformed how archaeologists reach the public, removing barriers and enabling instant access to groundbreaking finds.

Digital channels such as websites, YouTube, Twitter (now X), Instagram, and TikTok allow archaeologists to share their work in real-time. Short videos of excavations, before-and-after artifact restoration images, and behind-the-scenes stories attract millions of viewers globally.

Digital platforms have democratized archaeological communication, making it easier and faster to share discoveries with the global public.

Embracing Social Media Storytelling

Storytelling is central to archaeology. Social media offers a dynamic way to craft stories around discoveries. By using platforms like Instagram or TikTok, archaeologists create short, compelling narratives accompanied by visuals and hashtags to boost engagement.

For instance, projects like “Archaeology in the City” use Instagram Stories to document urban digs, combining maps, photos, and commentary. Some researchers even use Twitter threads to break down discoveries step-by-step, making complex findings easy to understand.

Additionally, archaeology memes often created using an online meme generator, have become an unexpected yet effective way to engage younger audiences. A meme featuring a Roman mosaic with a humorous caption can spark curiosity about ancient cultures.

Social media storytelling, including memes, humanizes archaeology and brings complex discoveries to a wider audience in engaging, digestible formats.

Open Access Databases and Digital Archives

Another important advancement is the rise of open-access archaeological databases and virtual archives. Universities, museums, and heritage organizations have digitized records, allowing users to explore ancient texts, photos of artifacts, and excavation data from their devices.

Projects like the Digital Archaeological Record (tDAR) and Europeana Archaeology provide interactive platforms for both professionals and the public. These tools support transparency, education, and citizen science, allowing amateur archaeologists to contribute or learn.

Open-access archives foster transparency and education, enabling global audiences to explore archaeological data firsthand.

Virtual Reality (VR) and Augmented Reality (AR)

VR and AR have opened new dimensions in archaeological communication. Virtual reconstructions of historical sites let users “walk” through ancient cities, explore tombs, or interact with digital artifacts. These experiences are particularly valuable for students or individuals who cannot visit physical sites.

The British Museum and the Getty have launched AR apps that overlay digital reconstructions onto real-world locations, blending education with entertainment.

Virtual and augmented reality allow users to experience ancient worlds interactively, enhancing public engagement and learning.

YouTube Channels and Livestreamed Excavations

Archaeological YouTube channels have gained popularity for offering documentary-style content. Channels like “DigVentures” and “Time Team” produce engaging videos on dig sites, conservation techniques, and artifact discoveries.

Live excavation broadcasts, sometimes streamed via YouTube or Twitch, allow viewers to witness digs as they happen. These streams often include commentary from experts and live Q&A sessions, creating an immersive, participatory experience.

Livestreamed excavations and YouTube content turn viewers into virtual dig participants, making archaeology more interactive and inclusive.

Collaborations with Digital Artists and Influencers

To reach broader audiences, archaeologists are teaming up with digital creators. Digital artists help visualize reconstructions of ruins or artifacts, making historical contexts easier to grasp. Influencers, particularly those focused on history or science communication, often amplify archaeological content to their large followings.

This collaboration not only boosts visibility but also builds bridges between academia and pop culture, increasing respect and interest in the field.

Partnering with digital creators helps archaeologists amplify their message and connect with diverse online communities.

Educational Games and Interactive Tools

Gamification has made learning about archaeology fun. Educational games, interactive timelines, and mobile apps provide engaging ways to explore ancient cultures and historical events.

Games like “Dig It!” or “Heurist” allow users to simulate excavations, solve ancient puzzles, or explore reconstructed ruins. These tools appeal especially to students and younger audiences, helping them build interest and knowledge through play.

Interactive tools and games make archaeological education enjoyable and accessible, especially for younger generations.

Responsible Communication and Ethical Considerations

While the digital age has unlocked many opportunities, it also raises ethical concerns. Sensitive discoveries, such as human remains or sacred objects, require careful handling. Misrepresentation or sensationalism can disrespect cultures or spread misinformation.

Responsible communication involves consulting with descendant communities, avoiding clickbait headlines, and providing accurate, respectful context. Institutions like UNESCO emphasize the importance of protecting cultural heritage in digital outreach.

Ethical communication ensures respect for cultural heritage and avoids the pitfalls of sensationalizing sensitive discoveries.

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FAQ: Archaeology and Digital Communication

How do archaeologists use social media today?

Archaeologists use social media to share updates, tell stories, and engage the public with images, videos, and even memes.

Social media helps archaeologists connect with global audiences in real-time using visuals and storytelling.

Can anyone access archaeological data online?

Yes. Many institutions offer open-access databases where users can explore excavation records, images, and digital maps.

Open-access platforms make archaeological data available to anyone with internet access.

What is the role of online meme generators in archaeology communication?

Online meme generators are used to create humorous and engaging content that helps spark interest in archaeological topics, especially among younger audiences.

Memes created with online tools make archaeology fun, relatable, and shareable.

Why are ethical considerations important in digital archaeology?

Because digital content can be widely shared, it’s crucial to respect the cultural and emotional value of artifacts and sites, ensuring responsible storytelling.

Ethical communication protects cultural heritage and prevents misrepresentation.

Are VR experiences of historical sites accurate?

Many are built using accurate archaeological data, but they also include artistic interpretation. They aim to educate while providing an immersive experience.

VR reconstructions balance data accuracy with engagement to bring the past to life.

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Conclusion: The Future of Public Archaeology in the Digital World

Modern archaeologists are not just scientists, they’re storytellers, educators, and digital innovators. From livestreams to memes, they’re reshaping how we learn about our past. Technology has made archaeology more engaging, transparent, and accessible than ever before.

For the field to grow, archaeologists must continue embracing digital tools while upholding ethical standards. Whether you’re a student, a history lover, or just curious, there’s now a world of archaeological discovery just a click away.

Digital innovation is transforming archaeology into an inclusive, engaging, and accessible field for everyone online.

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Cover Image, Top Left: Firmbee, Pixabay

The Archaeological Survey of India: Protecting the Nation’s Past

Sujain Thomas is a passionate freelance writer with a deep love for uncovering the past. Fascinated by archaeology, history, and the hidden stories of ancient civilizations, she enjoys bringing timeless knowledge to life through her writing. When she isn’t exploring historical topics, Sujain is often reading, traveling to heritage sites, or researching the cultural roots of modern life. She also contributes to resources like Plomberie 5 Étoiles that highlight expertise in modern plumbing and water systems.

India is a land of immense historical depth, home to some of the world’s oldest civilizations, monumental architecture, and rich cultural traditions. Preserving this vast heritage is a challenging yet essential task, and the responsibility largely rests with the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). As the premier organization for archaeological research and conservation in the country, the ASI plays a crucial role in safeguarding India’s past for present and future generations.

Origins and Establishment of the ASI

The Archaeological Survey of India was established in 1861 during the British colonial period, under the leadership of Sir Alexander Cunningham, who is often regarded as the father of Indian archaeology. Initially, the organization focused on documenting ancient monuments and conducting surveys across the Indian subcontinent. Over time, its role expanded significantly, especially after India gained independence in 1947, when heritage preservation became a national priority.

Today, the ASI operates under the Ministry of Culture, Government of India, and functions as the principal authority responsible for archaeological research, conservation, and protection of cultural heritage.

Core Functions of the Archaeological Survey of India

One of the ASI’s primary responsibilities is the conservation and maintenance of centrally protected monuments. At present, the organization protects more than 3,600 monuments and archaeological sites across the country. These include iconic landmarks such as the Taj Mahal, Qutub Minar, Ajanta and Ellora Caves, Sanchi Stupa, and numerous temples, forts, mosques, and ancient ruins.

In addition to conservation, the ASI conducts archaeological excavations and explorations to uncover India’s ancient past. These excavations help historians and researchers understand early human settlements, trade routes, religious practices, and cultural evolution. Discoveries related to the Indus Valley Civilization, ancient Buddhist sites, and early medieval temples have significantly enriched historical knowledge.

Preservation and Conservation Efforts

Preserving centuries-old structures is a complex task that requires scientific methods and skilled expertise. The ASI employs conservation techniques such as structural stabilization, chemical preservation, stone cleaning, and environmental monitoring. Special attention is given to monuments facing threats from pollution, climate change, urbanization, and tourism pressure.

For example, the ASI has taken extensive measures to protect the Taj Mahal from air pollution and environmental damage by restricting industrial activity around the site and implementing regular conservation practices. Similar efforts are undertaken at other World Heritage Sites to ensure their long-term survival.

Legal Protection and Heritage Laws

The ASI also plays an important role in enforcing heritage-related legislation. The Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958, empowers the organization to regulate construction activities near protected monuments and prevent encroachments. This legal framework is vital in safeguarding archaeological sites from illegal mining, vandalism, and unauthorized development.

Through surveys and documentation, the ASI identifies and notifies sites of historical importance, bringing them under legal protection. This ensures that valuable heritage assets are not lost to neglect or exploitation.

Research, Documentation, and Education

Beyond conservation, the ASI is deeply involved in research and academic work. It publishes excavation reports, research journals, and historical studies that contribute to national and global scholarship. The organization also maintains museums at various sites, displaying artifacts such as sculptures, inscriptions, coins, and pottery uncovered during excavations.

Educational initiatives, guided tours, and awareness programs conducted by the ASI help connect the public with India’s heritage. By fostering appreciation and understanding, the organization encourages citizens to take pride in and responsibility for preserving historical sites. In today’s digital age, online knowledge platforms and interactive learning communities—such as initiatives highlighted through the 55 Club—also play a role in encouraging curiosity, general knowledge, and cultural awareness among younger audiences.

Challenges Faced by the ASI

Despite its achievements, the ASI faces numerous challenges. Rapid urban expansion, limited funding, environmental degradation, and increasing tourist footfall put immense pressure on protected sites. Additionally, balancing development needs with heritage conservation remains a complex issue in a growing nation like India.

To address these challenges, the ASI collaborates with state governments, international organizations, and local communities. Public participation and heritage awareness are increasingly recognized as essential components of successful conservation efforts.

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The Archaeological Survey of India stands as a guardian of the nation’s rich and diverse past. Through its dedicated efforts in excavation, conservation, research, and legal protection, the ASI ensures that India’s historical legacy continues to inspire and educate future generations. In preserving ancient monuments and archaeological sites, the organization not only protects physical structures but also safeguards the cultural identity and collective memory of the nation. As India moves forward in the modern world, the role of the ASI remains vital in bridging the past with the present.

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Cover Image, Top Left: prasanna_devadas, pixabay

The North Wall: A Gateway to the Lost Tomb of Queen Nefertiti?

For decades, archaeologists and Egyptologists have wondered, theorized and ruminated about the whereabouts of the elusive tomb of ancient Egypt’s Queen Nefertiti, wife of Akhenaten and, for a short time, ruler of Egypt after Akhenaten’s demise. Egyptologist Dr. Zahi Hawass has been leading excavations in the Valley of the Monkeys, an area considered potentially important because Nefertiti’s father-in-law’s tomb is a short distance away. Hawass expressed confidence in 2022 that he is close to identifying her mummy, possibly among two unidentified female mummies (KV21A and KV21B) found in another tomb in the Valley of the Kings, but this is yet to be confirmed. Another theory suggests that Nefertiti’s mummy has already been found and is one of the unidentified female mummies (known as the “Younger Lady”) resting in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. DNA evidence has linked this mummy to Tutankhamun as his biological mother, but definitive identification as Nefertiti remains unproven and controversial. What follows are two additional, debatable suggestions that provide scholars with tantalizing working hypotheses to test in the ongoing search for Queen Nefertiti’s intended resting place. The first presents the views of an independent researcher based in Cairo. The second, a republication of a premium article that appeared previously in Popular Archaeology Magazine (available in the premium version of this article, see below), details some more widely known suggestions made by a notable Egyptian archaeologist…..
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Searching for Nefertiti

Is Tutankhamun’s Tomb the Entrance to a Hidden Royal Burial?

By Menna Tallah Salah Eldin

 

With the inauguration of the Grand Egyptian Museum, global attention has once again turned toward Ancient Egypt. Alongside international fascination, a renewed local pride has emerged, accompanied by calls for the repatriation of iconic artifacts removed from Egypt under questionable circumstances—most notably the famous bust of Queen Nefertiti, now displayed in Berlin.

While much of the world searches for Nefertiti’s image abroad, this article poses a different question: where is Nefertiti herself?

Through historical context, architectural analysis, funerary precedents, and direct field observations in the Valley of the Kings, this writer proposes a coherent hypothesis: that the tomb known today as KV62—conventionally attributed to Tutankhamun—may originally have been designed as Queen Nefertiti’s royal tomb, with Tutankhamun later buried within it under exceptional circumstances.

Who Was Nefertiti?

Queen Nefertiti—whose name means “The Beautiful One Has Come”—was the Great Royal Wife of Amenhotep IV, better known as Akhenaten, a pharaoh of Egypt’s Eighteenth Dynasty. Far from a ceremonial consort, Nefertiti ruled as Akhenaten’s political and ideological partner, appearing in reliefs performing royal rituals traditionally reserved for kings.

She bore six daughters and played a central role in Akhenaten’s religious revolution, which elevated the sun disk Aten above all other deities.

The Mystery of Nefertiti’s Disappearance

Nefertiti vanished abruptly from historical records toward the later years of Akhenaten’s reign. Scholars have proposed numerous explanations: exile, death, a change of royal name, or even a brief reign as a female pharaoh.

This article adopts a more pragmatic hypothesis: Nefertiti withdrew from public rule after Akhenaten’s death, transferring authority to Tutankhamun—her son-in-law—and living the remainder of her life away from political power in order to stabilize relations with the priesthood and restore religious balance.

Such withdrawal would naturally explain the absence of her name from later inscriptions without implying disgrace or erasure.

How Old Was Nefertiti at Death?

If Nefertiti withdrew from power around age 35 and lived through most of Tutankhamun’s reign, her age at death would likely have been approximately 44 years, placing her well within the age range of royal burials prepared long in advance.

Why Tutankhamun’s Tomb Raises So Many Questions

KV62 is anomalous. Despite Tutankhamun ruling for nearly ten years—a period sufficient to complete a substantial royal tomb—his burial chamber is notably small and architecturally inconsistent with other Eighteenth Dynasty kings.

The steep descent into the tomb suggests an originally ambitious design, yet the interior abruptly narrows, implying that KV62 may represent only a portion of a much larger original plan, or that it was adapted from a tomb intended for someone else of higher status.

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The author at the entrance of Tomb KV62 (Tutankhamun), documenting on-site observations during field inspection.

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Nefertiti and the Original Tomb Design

Akhenaten and Nefertiti ruled jointly for 17 years. It was customary for Egyptian rulers to begin constructing their tombs at the start of their reigns. While Akhenaten chose Amarna as his burial site, political and religious tension may have prompted Nefertiti to commission her tomb in the traditional royal necropolis: the Valley of the Kings.

At that early stage, since Akhenaten and Nefertiti ruled during the middle of Egypt’s Eighteenth Dynasty, few kings had yet been buried there, and no queens possessed independent royal tombs. Nefertiti may therefore represent the first queen for whom such a tomb was planned—following the precedent of Hatshepsut, who shared a tomb with her father.

The link between Akhenaten’s royal tomb and the Tutankhamun Tomb

Although Akhenaten’s royal tomb at Amarna was conceived as a large, multi-chambered complex intended for the king and possibly members of the royal family, there is no direct archaeological or textual evidence indicating that Queen Nefertiti was ever buried there. While side chambers within the Amarna tomb have been interpreted by some scholars as potentially reserved for royal relatives, none bear inscriptions, iconography, or burial equipment explicitly naming Nefertiti. Her absence from the tomb’s dedicatory texts is particularly striking given her prominence during Akhenaten’s reign.

In contrast, the scale disparity between Akhenaten’s royal tomb and the tomb of Tutankhamun in the Valley of the Kings is significant. Akhenaten’s tomb extends deep into the cliffs of the Royal Wadi at Amarna and was clearly designed as part of a large, long-term funerary project, whereas Tutankhamun’s tomb (KV62) is remarkably small and architecturally constrained for a king who ruled nearly a decade. This contrast raises the possibility that KV62 does not represent a complete, standalone royal tomb, but rather a repurposed or truncated section of a larger, pre-existing funerary plan—potentially one originally prepared for a figure of higher status, such as Queen Nefertiti. The absence of any indication that Nefertiti was buried alongside Akhenaten at Amarna further strengthens the argument that her intended burial place may instead lie within the Theban necropolis, concealed within an unfinished or later-adapted royal monument.

How Does Tutankhamun’s Tomb Fit into This Narrative?

Following Akhenaten’s death, Egypt faced instability: religious reversal, weakened central authority, and labor shortages. Tutankhamun ascended the throne as a child and died unexpectedly.

Under such conditions, constructing a new royal tomb was impractical. The most viable solution was to inter Tutankhamun within an already prepared royal tomb—Nefertiti’s—by modifying its entrance and adding a subsidiary burial space.

Precedents for Shared Royal Tombs

Shared burials were not unusual in the Valley of the Kings:

  • Thutmose I and Hatshepsut (KV20): The tomb was modified decades later to accommodate Hatshepsut, with corridors reworked and decoration altered.
  • Ramesses V and Ramesses VI (KV9): Ramesses VI reused the tomb, erasing his predecessor’s cartouches and redecorating walls.

These cases establish reuse, modification, and architectural compromise as accepted royal practices.

How Does Multiple Burial Affect Tomb Design?

  • Redistribution of chambers
  • Addition of side annexes
  • Alteration or removal of earlier inscriptions
  • Variations in artistic style within the same tomb

All of these features are observable in Tutankhamun’s tomb.

Architectural Clues from Field Observation

Direct observation in the Valley of the Kings reveals:

  • All tombs feature carved reliefs—except KV62, whose walls are painted rather than carved.
  • Ramesses III (KV11): Construction was redirected to the east to avoid an existing tomb, demonstrating how architectural obstacles shaped royal burials.
  • Most royal tombs descend deeply into the mountain, while KV9 (Ramesses V & VI) is unusually shallow yet fully completed.
  • KV9 lies directly north of KV62, while KV62 descends far deeper.

This spatial relationship suggests that, similar to what happened in KV11 where the construction was redirected to avoid the existing tomb, KV9’s shallow design may have resulted from encountering an underground obstacle and the proximity of KV9 north of KV62, combined with the greater depth of KV62, supporting the hypothesis that KV9 was constructed above an earlier tomb, avoiding it.

In other words, KV9 may have been built over the original tomb of Nefertiti and Tutankhamun, with the northern wall serving as a structural boundary.

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Hypothetical cross-sectional illustration showing KV62 beneath KV9, with a proposed extension beyond the northern wall.

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The North Wall of KV62

In 2015, British Egyptologist Nicholas Reeves proposed that the north wall of the main burial chamber of KV62 conceals a sealed doorway leading to a hidden chamber—potentially Nefertiti’s burial.

Ground-penetrating radar surveys conducted by Japanese, American, and Italian teams between 2015–2018 produced conflicting results, prompting Egyptian authorities to suspend further investigation.

Why the Northern Wall Opposite the Descent Corridor Deserves Investigation from an architectural perspective

There are moments when physical presence reveals what documents and data cannot. Entering a space allows patterns, inconsistencies, and structural logic to emerge instinctively—not as intuition alone, but as informed spatial reasoning shaped by observation and experience. It’s as if the place speaks in its own language and reveals secrets and you just have to listen carefully to know the hidden secrets.

When observing the northern wall facing the descent corridor in KV62, it raised significant questions. In royal tomb design, corridors typically continue along a main axis toward the burial chamber, with subsidiary chambers branching off laterally. The presence of a solid wall directly opposing the descent corridor interrupts this expected spatial logic. Such an architectural anomaly suggests the possibility of a blocked continuation of the original axis, rather than a terminal wall by design. This deviation from standard tomb planning warrants focused investigation, as it may indicate an intentionally sealed passage rather than a structural endpoint.

Based on the above, from the observation of the tomb, this writer agrees with Reeves proposal that there may be a hidden burial room, but it differs regarding the place of the hidden passage for the burial room.

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Inside KV62, photographed by the author during fieldwork.

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Why Radar May Have Failed

Howard Carter documented that upon entering KV62 in 1922, he initially mistook the massive wooden shrine for a wall. If a similar shrine and other artifacts exist behind the north wall, radar signals would likely be distorted—explaining inconsistent readings.

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The author inside the tomb of Ramesses IV, standing beside the massive granite sarcophagus lid. The scale of the lid illustrates how such large stone elements—if present in a hidden chamber—could significantly interfere with radar-based void detection.

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An Alternative Proposal for better results: Metal Detection

Rather than searching for voids, this writer proposes non-invasive metal detection.

If we are to expect a complete royal burial behind the wall, then a complete royal burial would normally contain:

  • A gold funerary mask
  • Gilded coffins or shrines
  • Dense concentrations of precious metals

So, advanced electromagnetic or magnetometric scanning could detect such materials without breaching the wall, providing a clearer indicator than radar.

Conclusion

This article does not claim discovery. Instead, it presents a structured hypothesis grounded in:

  • Historical chronology
  • Architectural precedent
  • Funerary practice
  • Field observation
  • Scientific plausibility

Where the question remains open—but legitimate:

Does the Tutankhamun tomb cover up the visible entrance to the real tomb of the great Queen Nefertiti?

And more importantly:

Does Nefertiti’s complete burial still lie hidden behind the northern wall?

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The north wall within the tomb. Diego Delso, delso.photo, License CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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References & Sources

  • Reeves, Nicholas. The Burial of Nefertiti? (2015)
  • Carter, Howard. The Tomb of Tutankhamun (1923)
  • Wilkinson, Richard H. The Complete Valley of the Kings
  • Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities (Egypt), radar survey reports 2015–2018
  • KV20, KV62, KV9 architectural plans (Theban Mapping Project)
  • Wilkinson, Richard H. The Complete Valley of the Kings
  • Valley of the Kings architectural surveys
  • Personal field observation, Valley of the Kings (2025)
  • Dodson, Aidan. Amarna Sunrise
  • Arnold, Dieter. Building in Egypt

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The author, Menna Tallah Salah Eldin, is an independent Egyptian researcher based in Egypt, with a focus on ancient Egyptian civilization. 

 

 

 

Read the full premium article, The Lost Tomb of Queen Nefertiti, for much more.

Cover Image, Top Left: Interior view of the tomb showing the north wall.  ولاء, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

Living in Stone — Matera’s Enduring Ascent

Anastasia Adeler is a writer and contributor to Popular Archaeology Magazine on travel and museums. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

We landed in Bari the way many travelers do—through the modern airport, bright signage, the small rituals of baggage claim and espresso—and then left almost immediately, trading the coast for the interior. The shuttle pulled away from the terminal and the landscape began to change in slow increments: olive groves repeating like a private alphabet, low hills, pale rock, the kind of winter light that makes southern Italy look older than it is.

For nearly fifty minutes, the road from Bari offered little in the way of drama. We talked as traveling companions—Dan, Tatiana, and I—about the usual things travelers talk about when they’re moving between places: what we had already seen, what we hoped this next stop would reveal, and the quiet calculations of time and light. The shuttle threaded along smaller roads, through a landscape that felt deliberately restrained. Olive groves appeared now and then—patient, silvery, repetitive—but nothing announced a city of myth. Nothing prepared you for a place so often described as biblical, petrified, impossible.

And then Matera emerged.

It wasn’t a gradual arrival, the way most towns introduce themselves with suburbs and gas stations and modern sprawl. Matera arrives the way a revelation does: one moment you’re in “not much,” and the next you’re staring at a stone body so dense with history that it feels like time has compacted into architecture. The first sightline catches you off guard. The city doesn’t sit politely on the land; it appears to be the land, folded into dwellings, terraces, stairways—an inhabited geology.

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Matera panorama. Image courtesy Dan McLerran

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Matera panorama. ebilotta0505, Pixabay

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We checked into Sant’Angelo Hotel, and the transition from road to stone to welcome happened quickly. Hospitality in places like this can feel performative, but here it felt like continuity—another layer in a city built on layers. The hotel’s general manager, Biagio Spagnuolo, greeted us with the kind of calm competence that makes you instantly stop worrying about logistics. He took care of everything, but more importantly, he did what great local hosts do: he translated a place, not into clichés, but into context. Over the course of a conversation that moved easily between practical advice and local memory, Matera began to shift from “spectacle” into “story.”

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Sant’Angelo, front entrance. Image courtesy Dan McLerran

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View of Matera from the Sant’Angelo facility.

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That distinction matters—especially for an archaeological audience—because Matera can seduce you into treating it as scenery. It looks like a set. It has the lighting. It has the angles. It has the aura of antiquity that makes every photograph feel already historical. But Matera’s real power isn’t aesthetic. It’s structural. It’s the rare kind of urban environment that forces you to ask not simply what you are looking at, but how it was made possible—and at what cost.

There are places you visit and places that feel as if they were waiting for you. Matera belongs to the second category. Long before you learn the names—Sassi, Gravina, Basilicata—you sense the governing rule of the city: here, architecture is not built so much as revealed. Houses are not placed on the land; they are carved from it. Streets are not simply drawn across terrain; they become part of a vertical puzzle of terraces, stairways, roofs that double as courtyards, doorways that open into darkness that once held families, animals, tools, and the unglamorous machinery of daily survival.

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Matera is often introduced with nicknames that try to do the work of description: the “second Jerusalem,” the “European Petra,” an ancient city that looks like a set built for Scripture. Film crews have agreed—Pasolini staged his severe, haunting Gospel here; Mel Gibson turned its ravines into a theater of suffering; even James Bond found a chase-ready backdrop among these stone folds. But the cinematic language can flatten what matters most. Matera is not merely photogenic. It is archaeologically profound because it is not a single monument or a neatly bounded ruin. It is a continuous human landscape—occupied, reshaped, and reinterpreted across millennia—whose core infrastructure was designed not for spectacle, but for persistence.

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Author scans the majesty of Matera’s intensely rock-imbued face.

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The astonishing fact is not simply that people lived in caves here in the distant past. In many parts of the world, caves sheltered Paleolithic and Neolithic communities. What makes Matera startling is continuity: those earliest decisions—someone, thousands of years ago, choosing a cave as a “good enough” home—did not remain an episode. Over time, settlement on the steep slopes of a river valley grew into an actual city. Its cave dwellings were inhabited, in one form or another, until the mid-twentieth century. Matera is ancient not only in origin but in habit. It is an urban organism whose oldest spaces refused to become obsolete, even when the rest of the world moved on to palaces, towers, and glass.

To understand how such continuity is possible, you have to start with the material itself. Matera is shaped by stone that is at once resilient and workable. The local rock—soft enough to excavate with determination, stable enough to hold form—made it possible for generations to sculpt homes, cisterns, storerooms, and churches into the hillsides. That geological permission produced a city with an unusual spatial logic: it is layered, nested, and efficient. Roofs become streets; streets become terraces; terraces become thresholds into interiors that are partly natural void and partly human design. In summer, the stone offers coolness; in winter, it holds warmth. The landscape becomes a climate system, a structure, a shelter, and—crucially—a storage device for the one resource that can determine whether a settlement thrives or fails: water.

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Matera’s most impressive achievement may be the one that remains largely invisible from postcard viewpoints. The city does not sit beside a generous river like Rome or Florence; it occupies a terrain where water management requires ingenuity. Yet Matera historically avoided chronic water scarcity, not through luck, but through engineering. Beneath the main civic space—Piazza Vittorio Veneto—lies a vast subterranean reservoir known as Palombaro Lungo, a space that feels less like plumbing and more like a cathedral turned inside out. Descending into it is like entering the city’s secret memory: an immense hand-excavated chamber, carved into the rock, built to collect and store rainwater drawn down from the surrounding slopes.

The scale is difficult to grasp until you are inside. The reservoir plunges roughly eighteen meters deep and, according to local accounts, could hold millions of cubic meters of water. What matters archaeologically is not the number alone but the concept: a collective system of capture and conservation that required coordination, maintenance, and trust over time. Rainwater was guided into storage through channels and cisterns; the city became a machine for harvesting weather. This was not merely a technical solution but a cultural one—evidence that long-term habitation in a marginal environment can be sustained when engineering, habit, and social organization align.

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Palombaro Lungo on Piazza Vittorio Veneto. Bernard Gagnon, CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Palombaro Lungo cistern. Holger Uwe Schmitt, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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And Palombaro Lungo was not an isolated marvel. In Matera, water was distributed through a network of smaller cisterns and channels—many integrated directly into domestic spaces. Homes often possessed their own collection points, fed by larger accumulators. In a region where resources were limited, efficiency became a form of architecture. The city’s multi-level form was not just an aesthetic accident; it enabled controlled flow and reuse, turning gravity into a civic tool. In that sense, it also demonstrates something modern cities often forget: infrastructure is not separate from identity. In Matera, infrastructure is identity – built into the landscape, maintained by communal necessity, and remembered even now with a kind of collective pride.

Above ground, the city’s social life also begins in civic space. Piazza Vittorio Veneto (see more about this below), the standard launching point for visitors, offers a snapshot of layered history: fountains that once served as essential water sources and, inevitably, social centers; palaces and churches whose façades display Romanesque and Gothic vocabulary; and a dense concentration of institutions that signal Matera’s role not only as a wonder of survival but as an administrative and cultural hub. Here, the “official” city touches the older, carved city—the moment when you step from a typical Italian square into the labyrinthine descent of the Sassi, and the centuries begin to stack more visibly. 

From this point, the story can go in many directions—into markets and bread ovens, into castle ruins born of ambitious taxation, into underground churches and private “excavation museums” that reveal how stone rooms were used to store wine, grain, and water. But every route returns to the same core theme: Matera is not a city built on top of an ancient past. It is a city built into it.

Markets, Bread, and the Archaeology of Daily Life

The easiest way to understand a place is often through its ordinary needs: food, water, storage, shelter. Matera’s beauty can distract you from those fundamentals, so we started where locals start—among produce, fish, and the morning rhythm of a small city feeding itself. The market may not be grand in scale, but it is a living reminder that Matera is not an open-air museum. It is a functioning community, and its continuity has always depended on the practical intelligence of daily life.

One detail that seems minor at first becomes an entry point into the city’s social archaeology: Matera’s bread. The traditional loaf is distinctive—large, rugged, shaped in a way that some locals claim echoes the region’s undulating terrain. More interesting than its silhouette, though, is what the bread tells you about scarcity and planning. Historically, families prepared dough at home but relied on communal ovens. To avoid confusion, each household used a personalized stamp—often wooden, sometimes decorated with symbolic figures, always marked with family initials. If a stamp was forgotten, the loaf could be claimed by the city.

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Pane di Matera, the signature Matera bread. Kars Alfrink, CC BY 2.0, Wikimedia Commons

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It’s an elegant system: communal infrastructure supported by individual accountability, with a built-in mechanism for redistribution. In archaeological terms, that stamp is a signature of social organization. It suggests a society where resources were limited, where storage mattered, where waste was morally and economically unacceptable. Bread in Matera is not simply cuisine. It’s a material archive of adaptation.

The Castle That Never Became What It Wanted to Be

Not all of Matera’s monuments speak the language of survival. Some speak the language of ambition—and its failure. Castello Tramontano, begun in the late fifteenth century, is often introduced as a ruined castle. But “ruin” implies a completed thing that decayed. This was different. The fortress stands as an unfinished project, a symbol of a political imagination that outran its own legitimacy.

Count Tramontano, inspired by architecture beyond Basilicata, attempted to build something that would signal power in the most direct way: through stone, scale, and dominance of the skyline. But power has a price. According to local history, the count was assassinated by citizens angered by excessive taxation. What one sees—two side towers and a central structure—feels less like a romantic ruin and more like a cautionary tale preserved in masonry: a reminder that Matera has never been a passive backdrop for authority. Even in stone, the city records resistance.

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Castello Tramontano. Anna Nicoletta Menzella, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Piazza Vittorio Veneto: Where the Official City Meets the Rock-Cut City

Most journeys through Matera pass through Piazza Vittorio Veneto, and not just because it’s convenient. The square sits at a threshold between two kinds of urban reality: the “official” city of civic buildings, libraries, memorials, and façades—and the older, deeper city of rock-cut homes and subterranean systems.

Here, architecture becomes a kind of public language. The Church of San Domenico, with its Romanesque roots and Gothic elements, offers one of those moments when iconography collides with daily life: a rose window that evokes the Wheel of Fortune, figures suggesting fate’s rotation, and the archangel Michael defeating a dragon—an image that appears repeatedly in the city, as if Matera needs to keep reminding itself that the spiritual must, eventually, triumph over the brutal realities of material life. Nearby, the simpler façade of Mater Domini may not compete for attention, but the view beside it does: an overlook where you suddenly realize you’re standing at the edge of something far older than the square itself.

Piazza Vittorio Veneto also holds a clue to Matera’s most sophisticated achievement. Because beneath the feet of tourists, beneath the café tables and the casual conversations, lies an engineered void—Palombaro Lungo—that turns the city into an argument about water.

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A view of Piazza Vittorio Veneto

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It also demonstrates something modern cities often forget: infrastructure is not separate from identity. In Matera, infrastructure is identity – built into the landscape, maintained by communal necessity, and remembered even now with a kind of collective pride.

Stone Interiors: Storage, Survival, and the Archaeology of Domestic Space

Once you understand Matera’s relationship with water, the interiors begin to speak more clearly. What looks, at first glance, like a poetic arrangement of caves quickly reveals itself as a carefully calibrated system of domestic spaces—each carved volume assigned a function dictated by necessity rather than comfort. In Matera, archaeology does not begin with temples or palaces. It begins with storage.

Small, privately run excavation museums scattered through the Sassi offer a rare opportunity to see how deeply these interiors were integrated into daily life. In spaces that once lay buried or forgotten, visitors encounter the anatomy of survival: wine cellars cut directly into stone, grain storage areas protected from humidity, ventilation shafts engineered to circulate air naturally, and channels designed to guide rainwater into cisterns below. These were not ad hoc solutions. They were standardized responses refined over generations.

The geological history of the area adds another layer of meaning. Fossilized seashells embedded in the stone walls—silent witnesses to a time when this land lay beneath the sea—coexist with stalactites formed through slow mineral accretion. Matera’s domestic archaeology is therefore doubly stratified: human habitation carved into rock that itself carries the memory of ancient oceans. Few cities make geological time so visibly present in everyday architecture.

What emerges from these interiors is not a narrative of primitiveness, but of precision. Ventilation openings in ceilings regulated airflow; separate chambers managed different types of storage; proximity between living quarters and animals reflected both economic necessity and thermal logic. In many homes, livestock were housed deeper within the cave, their body heat contributing to warmth during winter months. Light entered primarily through doorways. Smoke escaped through carefully placed openings. Comfort was secondary. Function was everything.

From a modern perspective, these spaces can feel oppressive. From an archaeological perspective, they are extraordinary examples of environmental adaptation. They demonstrate how architecture can evolve not exclusively from abstract ideals but from the slow negotiation between human bodies, available materials, and climate.

A Vertical City and the Intelligence of Layers

Walking through Matera is an exercise in spatial disorientation. Streets descend and ascend without warning; stairways lead to rooftops that double as courtyards; a door at ground level may open into a space several stories above another home. This multi-level structure is not decorative. It is the physical consequence of cutting, slicing and shaping rather than building.

The Sassi—divided primarily into Sasso Barisano and Sasso Caveoso—are often described as neighborhoods, but that term feels insufficient. They function more like interlocking strata of habitation. Roofs become roads. Roads become thresholds. Each layer supports another. The result is a city where verticality replaces horizontal expansion, and density is achieved not through height but through depth.

Archaeologically, this matters because it challenges conventional urban models. Matera did not grow outward; it grew inward and upward simultaneously. Each new generation adapted existing spaces rather than abandoning them. This continuity explains why the city remained inhabited for so long: it was endlessly modifiable. New rooms could be carved. Old ones repurposed. Infrastructure expanded incrementally rather than through rupture.

Crucially, water systems mirrored this vertical intelligence. Domestic cisterns fed into larger reservoirs. Channels followed gravity rather than resisting it. The city’s architecture was not imposed on the environment—it cooperated with it. Few historic settlements demonstrate such a sustained dialogue between human intention and natural constraint.

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Sacred Stone: Churches Carved, Not Built

If domestic spaces reveal Matera’s pragmatism, its rock churches reveal something more complex. Throughout the Sassi, sacred spaces were carved directly into stone, evolving organically over centuries. Some were modest chambers; others expanded into multi-level sanctuaries with added chapels, altars, and eventually façades that attempted to reconcile the underground with the aboveground world.

Churches like San Pietro Barisano illustrate this layered evolution vividly. Initially excavated as a simple rock church sometime between the early medieval centuries, it expanded inward as needs changed, its interior deepening into the stone. Later additions—including bell towers and external architectural elements—attempted to give the church a recognizable silhouette from the outside. The result is neither purely subterranean nor fully conventional: a hybrid structure that records its own architectural hesitation.

Inside—or rather, below—San Pietro Barisano lies one of the city’s more unsettling archaeological realities. Due to chronic humidity and spatial constraints, the lowest levels of the church were used for mortuary practices now difficult to contemplate. Deceased monks and priests were placed in wall niches, seated and left to decompose naturally—a practice meant to symbolize prolonged presence among the living. The intention was spiritual continuity. The effect, by modern standards, is profoundly disturbing.

Such practices remind us that Matera’s beauty is inseparable from hardship. Stone preserves not only ingenuity but suffering. Moisture, darkness, disease—these were constant companions. Sacred spaces did not exist apart from these conditions; they absorbed them.

Nearby churches, such as Sant’Agostino or San Pietro Caveoso, offer different perspectives. Perched dramatically above ravines or integrated into cliff faces, they underscore how sacred architecture in Matera often relies on landscape to complete its meaning. Views across the Gravina valley transform stone into symbol. The city’s religious life was inseparable from its topography.

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San Pietro Barisano. Sailko, CC BY 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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San Pietro Caveoso. Image courtesy Dan McLerran

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Interior view of Rock Church of Sant’Agostino al Casalnuovo, 13th – 17th century. Image courtesy Dan McLerran

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Cinema, Scripture, and the Reinvention of Image

Matera’s visual power has not gone unnoticed by filmmakers. Long before mass tourism arrived, directors recognized that the city could stand in for something larger than itself. Pier Paolo Pasolini’s The Gospel According to Matthew used Matera’s stark landscapes to strip biblical narrative of sentimentality. Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ later transformed nearby ravines into sites of cinematic suffering, drawing global attention—and controversy.

These films did more than use Matera as a backdrop. They reframed the city’s image. What had long been associated with poverty and neglect began to be seen as authenticity, austerity, and historical gravity. Cinema did not create Matera’s importance, but it helped redirect the world’s gaze.

Yet long before Hollywood arrived, one book had already forced Italy to look at Matera differently.

“Christ Stopped at Eboli”: Exposure and Rupture

In 1945, Carlo Levi published Christ Stopped at Eboli, an account of his political exile to southern Italy under Mussolini’s regime. Levi’s observations were unflinching. He described Matera not as a picturesque relic but as a humanitarian crisis: overcrowded cave dwellings, rampant disease, lack of sanitation, endemic malaria, and extreme poverty.

The book triggered national outrage. Matera was labeled “the shame of the nation.” What followed was a decisive—if deeply ambivalent—intervention. In the 1950s, the Italian government initiated a mass relocation of residents from the Sassi into newly constructed modern housing. From a public health perspective, the move was necessary. From a cultural perspective, it was traumatic.

Many residents resisted leaving homes that, despite their hardships, were familiar and deeply rooted in identity. In some cases, authorities sealed cave entrances to enforce relocation. The Sassi were emptied—not abandoned through decline, but vacated by decree.

Archaeologically, this moment represented a rupture rather than an end. Matera’s long continuity was interrupted, but not erased.

From Abandonment to Reinterpretation

For years, the emptied Sassi hovered between ruin and erasure. At one point, there were proposals to demolish them entirely and pour concrete over the site—to remove the “problem” once and for all. That this did not happen is perhaps Matera’s greatest stroke of fortune.

Gradually, attitudes shifted. What had been seen as backwardness began to be reevaluated as resilience. Restoration efforts focused not on sanitizing the Sassi into a theme park, but on reactivating them—carefully, selectively, with an eye toward preservation rather than spectacle. Museums, residences, hotels, and cultural spaces began to return life to the carved city.

In 2019, Matera was named European Capital of Culture—a designation that symbolized not triumph, but rehabilitation. The city had not reinvented itself by rejecting its past, but by confronting it directly.

Matera as a Living Archaeological Landscape 

Today, Matera resists simple definition.

It is neither a ruin nor a replica, neither a preserved relic nor a fully modern city. It is something rarer — a living archaeological landscape, shaped by time rather than frozen by it.

Here, people still inhabit spaces carved by hands that understood stone as shelter, storage, and strategy. Infrastructure follows ancient logic. Water still moves where gravity allows it. The city breathes according to rules written long before the modern world arrived.

Matera survived not because it was beautiful, but because it worked. And perhaps that is why its appearance still feels so arresting when it finally emerges from the road — sudden, uncompromising, inevitable.

A city that never stopped living in stone, and in doing so, learned how to begin again.

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Above and below, four views on foot in the ancient city by the author.

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Author Anastasia Adeler

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The author conversing with Biagio Spagnuolo, manager of the fabulous Sant’Angelo resort. Details of this conversation can be reached at Living Rooms: A slow journalism project by Anastasia Adeler. Singular stories – The Extraordinary in the Ordinary.

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Images by Anastasia Adeler, where not credited.