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Deformed skulls in an ancient cemetery reveal a multicultural community in transition

PLOS—The ancient cemetery of Mözs-Icsei d?l? in present-day Hungary holds clues to a unique community formation during the beginnings of Europe’s Migration Period, according to a study* published April 29, 2020 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Corina Knipper from the Curt-Engelhorn-Center for Archaeometry, Germany, István Koncz, Tivadar Vida from the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary and colleagues.

As the Huns invaded Central Europe during the 5th century, the Romans abandoned their Pannonian provinces in the area of modern-day Western Hungary. Pannonia’s population entered a period of continuous cultural transformation as new foreign groups arrived seeking refuge from the Huns, joining settlements already populated by remaining local Romanized population groups and other original inhabitants. (Later, the Huns themselves would fall to an alliance of Germanic groups.) To better understand this population changing rapidly under chaotic circumstances, Knipper and colleagues turned to the cemetery of Mözs-Icsei d?l? in the Pannonian settlement of Mözs, established around 430 AD.

The authors conducted an archaeological survey of the cemetery and used a combination of isotope analysis and biological anthropology to investigate the site’s previously-excavated burials.

They found that Mözs-Icsei d?l? was a remarkably diverse community and were able to identify three distinct groups across two or three generations (96 burials total) until the abandonment of Mözs cemetery around 470 AD: a small local founder group, with graves built in a brick-lined Roman style; a foreign group of twelve individuals of similar isotopic and cultural background, who appear to have arrived around a decade after the founders and may have helped establish the traditions of grave goods and skull deformation seen in later burials; and a group of later burials featuring mingled Roman and various foreign traditions.

51 individuals total, including adult males, females, and children, had artificially deformed skulls with depressions shaped by bandage wrappings, making Mözs-Icsei d?l? one of the largest concentrations of this cultural phenomenon in the region. The strontium isotope ratios at Mözs-Icsei d?l? were also significantly more variable than those of animal remains and prehistoric burials uncovered in the same geographic region of the Carpathian Basin, and indicate that most of Mözs’ adult population lived elsewhere during their childhood. Moreover, carbon and nitrogen isotope data attest to remarkable contributions of millet to the human diet.

Though further investigation is still needed, Mözs-Icsei d?l? appears to suggest that in at least one community in Pannonia during and after the decline of the Roman Empire, a culture briefly emerged where local Roman and foreign migrant groups shared traditions as well as geographical space.

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Upper part of the body of grave 43 during excavation. The girl had an artificially deformed skull, was place in a grave with a side niche and richly equipped with a necklace, earrings, a comb and glass beads. The girl belonged to a group of people with a non-local origin and similar dietary habits, which appeared to have arrived at the site about 10 years after its establishment. Wosinsky Mór Museum, Szekszárd, Hungary.

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Artificially deformed skull of an adult woman. Permanent binding during childhood caused the elongation of the braincase and the depressions in the bone. Balázs G. Mende. Research Centre for the Humanities, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest, Hungary

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Knipper C, Koncz I, Ódor JG, Mende BG, Rácz Z, Kraus S, et al. (2020) Coalescing traditions–Coalescing people: Community formation in Pannonia after the decline of the Roman Empire. PLoS ONE 15(4): e0231760. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0231760

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Evidence of Late Pleistocene human colonization of isolated islands beyond Wallace’s Line

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY—A new article published in Nature Communications applies stable isotope analysis to a collection of fossil human teeth from the islands of Timor and Alor in Wallacea to study the ecological adaptations of the earliest members of our species to reach this isolated part of the world. Because the Wallacean islands are considered extreme, resource poor settings, archaeologists believed that early seafaring populations would have moved rapidly through this region without establishing permanent communities. Nevertheless, this has so far been difficult to test.

This study, led by scientists from the Department of Archaeology, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History (MPI SHH), alongside colleagues from the Australian National University and Universitas Gadjah Mada, used an isotopic methodology that reveals the resources consumed by humans during the period of tooth formation. They demonstrate that the earliest human fossil so far found in the region, dating to around 42,000-39,000 years ago, relied upon coastal resources. Yet, from 20,000 years ago, humans show an increasing reliance on tropical forest environments, away from the island coasts. The results support the idea that one distinguishing characteristic of Homo sapiens is high ecological flexibility, especially when compared to other hominins known from the same region.

Pleistocene hominin adaptations in Southeast Asia

Over the last two decades, archaeological evidence from deserts, high-altitude settings, tropical rainforests, and maritime habitats seem to increasingly suggest that Late Pleistocene humans rapidly adapted to a number of extreme environments. By contrast, our closest hominin relatives, such as Homo erectus and Neanderthals, apparently used various mixtures of forests and grasslands, albeit from as far apart as the Levant, Siberia, and Java. However, this apparent distinction needs testing, especially as finds of another closely related hominin, the Denisovans, have been found on the high-altitude Tibetan Plateau.

As one of the corresponding authors on the new paper, Sue O’Connor of Australian National University says, “The islands beyond Wallace’s Line are ideal places to test the adaptive differences between our species and other hominins. These islands were never connected to mainland Southeast Asia during the Pleistocene, and would have ensured that hominins had to make water crossings to reach it.” Tropical forest settings like those in Wallacea are often considered barriers to human expansion and are a far cry from the sweeping ‘savannahs’ with an abundance of medium to large mammals that hominins are believed to have relied on.

Fossils and stone tools show that hominins made it to Wallacean islands at least one million years ago, including the famous ‘Hobbit,’ or Homo floresiensis, on the island of Flores. When our own species arrived 45,000 years ago (or perhaps earlier), it is thought to have quickly developed the specialized use of marine habitats, as evidenced by one of the world’s earliest fish hooks found in the region. Nevertheless, as co-author Ceri Shipton puts it “the extent of this maritime adaptation has remained hotly debated and difficult to test using snapshots based on, often poorly preserved, animal remains.”

Stable isotope analysis and Late Pleistocene humans

This new paper uses stable carbon isotopes measured from fossil human teeth to directly reconstruct the long-term diets of past populations. Although this method has been used to study the diets and environments of African hominins for nearly half a century, it has thus far been scarcely applied to the earliest members of our own species expanding within and beyond Africa. Using the principle ‘you are what you eat,’ researchers analyzed powdered hominin tooth enamel from 26 individuals dated between 42,000 and 1,000 years ago to explore the types of resources they consumed during tooth formation.

The new paper shows that the earliest human fossil available from the region, excavated from the site of Asitau Kuru on Timor, was indeed reliant on maritime resources, suggesting a well-tuned adaptation to the colonization of coastal areas. “This fits with our existing models of rapid human movement through Wallacea on the way to Australia,” says co-author Shimona Kealy of the Australian National University.

From around 20,000 years ago, however, human diets seem to have switched inland, towards the supposedly impoverished resources of the island forests. Although some individuals maintained the use of coastal habitats, the majority seemingly began to adapt to the populations of small mammals and tropical forest plants in the region. As co-author Mahirta at Universitas Gadjah Mada puts it, “Coastal resources such as shellfish and reef fish are easy to exploit and available year-round, however growing populations likely forced early island occupants to look inland to other resources.”

A species defined by flexibility

This study provides the first direct insights into the adaptations of our own species as it settled in a series of challenging island environments in Wallacea. “Early human populations here, and elsewhere, could not only successfully use the enormous variety of often-extreme Pleistocene environments,” suggests Patrick Roberts, lead author of the study and Group Leader at MPI SHH, “they could also specialize in them over substantial periods of time. As a result, even if some local populations did fail, the species as a whole would go on to become tremendously prolific.”

As dense tropical rainforests replaced mixed grass and woodlands, other hominins in Southeast Asia went extinct. Ecological flexibility, supported by unique technologies and the capacity for social relationships and symbolism, seem to have carried Homo sapiens through the climactic fluctuations of the Late Pleistocene, however. The authors concede that more work is needed to conclusively test the ecological distinction between hominin species. The discovery of Denisovan populations in the tropical environments of Asia or application of this isotopic approach to other hominins in the tropics could yet show Homo sapiens to be less exceptional. Nonetheless, for the time being it seems that it was our species that could best adapt to the variety of environments across the face of the planet, leaving it, by the end of the Pleistocene, the last hominin standing.

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The site of Makpan, Alor. Sue O’Connor

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Shell fish hook recovered from the site of Lene Hara dating to 11,000 years ago. An earlier, less complete example was recovered from Asitau Kuru, indicating an early marine specialization for humans arriving on these islands. Sue O’Connor.

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Maps showing the location of the sites studied within Wallacea. Asitau Kuru, Lene Hara, Matja Kuru 1 and 2 (Timor), Makpan, and Tron Bon Lei (Alor). Roberts, et al., (2020), Australian National University CartoGIS 19-282 KD

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Article Source: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY news release

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Genetic research links Koban culture people with ancient and modern ethnic groups of the Northern Caucasus

A group of scientists from the Institute of Archaeology RAS, NRC “Kurchatov Institute” and other scientific organizations for the first time have conducted a genetic analysis of the remains from cemeteries of the Koban culture, dated between the 9th and 5th centuries AD. The analysis of paleo- DNA of mitochondrial and Y-chromosome haplogroups has confirmed genetic succession of cultures of the ancient Caucasus and its relation both with ancient and with modern ethnic groups that inhabited this region. The results of the research were published in the Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports.

The skeletal remains of fourteen representatives of the Koban archaeological culture were selected for the research. Five were excavated from burials of barrow ‘Klin-Yar 3’ in the vicinity of modern Kislovodsk between 1994-1996, and nine others from a complex of archaeological sites near the village Zayukovo in Kabardino-Balkaria, which has been studied systematically since 2014 by the co-operative expedition of the State Historical Museum and Kabardino-Balkaria State University with participation of the IA RAS.

The samples of paleo DNA were extracted from teeth and bones in the laboratory of NRC “Kurchatov Institute” to identify maternal and paternal haplogroups, the groups that unite men who have common ascendants with similar mutation in the core or mitochondrial genome.

The analysis of the ancient DNA of the individuals from the burials of the Koban archaeological culture revealed the predominance of some mitochondrial and Y-chromosome haplogroups that spread in ancient Europe and Caucasus.

The main haplogroups of Y-chromosomes studied by the researchers are common for Caucasus and Europe in the period of the Iron Age: E1a2a, G2a1a, R1b and R1a.

The haplogroup G2a1a, which now is widely spread among the Ossetians, Balkars and Svans, is usually associated with Middle Eastern and European Neolithic cultures. Of special interest is the haplogroup discovered earlier during the examination of the buried in T-shape catacombs, which are traditionally related to the Alans inhabited Ciscaucasia and the Northern Caucasus in the period from the 1st to the beginning of the 2nd millennium.

The haplogroups R1a and R1b are usually associated with Indo-European migrations, described as the Scythes and Sarmatians. Today, these haplogroups together with the haplogroup E1a2a are identified as modern Northern Caucasian ethnic groups: the Balkars, the Karachi, the Darghins, the Lezghians and the Abkhazians. Therefore, the genetic researches have confirmed the theory about the Scythian influence on the Koban culture, which until the present has been based solely on archaeological material.

The haplogroups of the mitochondrial DNA of the humans who were buried in the cemeteries of Klin-Yar-3 and Zayukovo-3 are related to groups that were discovered earlier both as ancient and modern ethnic groups of the Northern Caucasus.

Among the burials, the male individual from the burial Zayukovo-3 stands out with a rare HV mitochondrial haplogroup that penetrated Europe through the territory of Caucasus after the last Ice Age Maximum (26.5 – 19 thousand years ago) and in the Neolithic period (10 – 3 thousand years ago). Moreover, this man was different with an unusual genetic origin and the paternal line, the haplogroup of the Y-chromosome of this sample D1a2a1, has been widely described in Eastern Asia.

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The places of the burials of the Koban archaeological culture (1 – Klin-Yar 3; 2 – Zayukovo-3). Institute of Archaeology RAS

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Bronze items from the barrow Zayukovo-3. Photo by A. Kadieva (SHM) and S. Demidenko (IA RAS)

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Article Source: Institute of Archaeology RAS news release

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X-ray analysis sheds light on construction and conservation of artifacts from Henry VIII’s warship

UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK—21st century X-ray technology has allowed University of Warwick scientists to peer back through time at the production of the armor worn by the crew of Henry VIII’s favored warship, the Mary Rose.

Three artifacts believed to be remains of chainmail recovered from the recovered hull have been analyzed by an international team of scientists led by the Universities of Warwick and Ghent using a state-of-the-art X-ray facility called XMaS (X-ray Materials Science) beamline.

They analyzed three brass links as part of continuing scientific investigations into the artifacts recovered during the excavation of the wreck in the Solent. These links have often been found joined to make a sheet or a chain and are most likely to be from a suit of chainmail armor. By using several X-ray techniques available via the XMaS beamline to examine the surface chemistry of the links, the team were able to peer back through time to the armor’s production and reveal that these links were manufactured from an alloy of 73% copper and 27% zinc.

Emeritus Professor Mark Dowsett from the University of Warwick’s Department of Physics said: “The results indicate that in Tudor times, brass production was fairly well controlled and techniques such as wire drawing were well developed. Brass was imported from Ardennes and also manufactured at Isleworth. I was surprised at the consistent zinc content between the wire links and the flat ones. It’s quite a modern alloy composition.”

The exceptionally high sensitivity analysis revealed traces of heavy metals, such as lead and gold, on the surface of the links, hinting at further history to the armor yet to be uncovered.

Professor Dowsett explains: “The heavy metal traces are interesting because they don’t seem to be part of the alloy but embedded in the surface. One possibility is that they were simply picked up during the production process from tools used to work lead and gold as well. Lead, mercury and cadmium, however, arrived in the Solent during WW2 from the heavy bombing of Portsmouth Dockyard. Lead and arsenic also came into the Solent from rivers like the Itchen over extended historical periods.

“In a Tudor battle, there might be quite a lot of lead dust produced by the firing of munitions. Lead balls were used in scatter guns and pistols, although stone was used in canon at that time.”

The Tudor warship the Mary Rose was one of the first warships that Henry VIII ordered not long after he ascended to the throne in 1509. Often considered to be his favorite, on 19 July 1545 it sank in the Solent during a battle with a French invasion fleet. The ship sank to the seabed and over time the silts covered and preserved its remains as a remarkable record of Tudor naval engineering and ship board life.

In 1982 the remaining part of the hull was raised and is now housed in the Mary Rose Museum in Portsmouth alongside many thousands of the 19,000 artifacts that were also recovered, many of which were remarkably well preserved by the Eocene clays.

After recovery, the three artifacts were subjected to different cleaning and conservation treatments to prevent corrosion (distilled water, benzotriazole (BTA) solution, and cleaning followed by coating with BTA and silicone oil). This research also analyzed the surface chemistry of the brass links to assess and compare the levels of corrosion between the different techniques, finding that all had been effective at preventing corrosion since being recovered.

Professor Dowsett added: “The analysis shows that basic measures to remove chlorine followed by storage at reduced temperature and humidity form an effective strategy even over 30 years.”

XMaS is owned by the Universities of Liverpool and Warwick and is located in Grenoble, France, at the European Synchrotron Radiation Facility (ESRF). It works with over 90 active research groups, representing several hundred researchers, in diverse fields ranging across materials science, physics, chemistry, engineering and biomaterials and contributes to societal challenges including energy storage and recovery, tackling climate change, the digital economy and advances in healthcare.

It is a National Research Facility and is currently undergoing a major upgrade thanks to £7.2million funding from the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills through the Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council (EPSRC).

Professor Mieke Adriaens, Head of the Electrochemistry and Surface Analysis Group at Ghent University said: “XMaS is extremely versatile and flexible in the analytical strategies which can be devised and implemented. What’s more, the beamline scientists are amongst the best we’ve encountered anywhere. It is fascinating to examine ancient technology using specially developed analytical methods which can then be applied to modern materials too. It was also a real privilege to be allowed access to these unique artifacts and to play a part in unravelling their story.”

Professor Eleanor Schofield, Head of Conservation at the Mary Rose: “This study clearly shows the power of combining sophisticated techniques such as those available at a synchrotron source. We can glean information not only on the original production, but also on how it has reacted to being the marine environment and crucially, how effective the conservation strategies have been.

Co-author Professor Pam Thomas, Pro-Vice-Chancellor for Research at the University of Warwick, said: “We are very pleased that researchers at Warwick are continuing to put our expertise in Analytical Sciences at the forefront of research on important historical artifacts. The long tradition of X-ray scattering and diffraction science within the Department of Physics at Warwick continues to give high-quality data and leads to penetrating insight across a wide range of scientific problems. It is testament both to the expertise at the XMaS beamline of ESRF and in the X-Ray Diffraction Research Technology Platform (RTP) at Warwick.”

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A cleaned and conserved link. Mark Dowsett with permission from the Mary Rose Trust

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The conserved Mary Rose at the Mary Rose Museum in Portsmouth. ©Johnny Black

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK news release

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Icelandic DNA jigsaw puzzle brings new knowledge about Neanderthals

AARHUS UNIVERSITY—An international team of researchers has put together a new image of Neanderthals based on the genes Neanderthals left in the DNA of modern humans when they had children with them about 50,000 years ago. The researchers found the new pieces of the puzzle by trawling the genomes of more than 27,000 Icelanders. Among other things, they discovered that Neanderthal women gave birth when they were older than the Homo sapiens women at that time, and Neanderthal men became fathers when they were younger.

It is well-known that a group of our ancestors left Africa and, about 50,000 years ago, met Neanderthals in Europe, and then had children with them.

Now, a new analysis shows that the Neanderthals may have had children with another extinct species of human (Denisovans), before they met Homo Sapiens, and that these children have been fertile and transferred genes from both species further on to modern people.

The analysis also shows that the Neanderthal women living 100,000 – 500,000 years ago on average became mothers at a later age than the contemporary Homo sapiens women living in Africa. On the other hand, Neanderthal men fathered at a younger age than their Homo sapiens cousins in Africa.

How can an analysis show all that?

Neanderthals may well be extinct, but small pieces of their DNA live on in us. All living people outside Africa have up to two per cent Neanderthal genes in their DNA.

However, this two per cent is scattered as small fragments in our genomes, and not all individuals have inherited the same fragments. The fragments are like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle, and if they are put together correctly, they will show a picture of the genome in the Neanderthal population that the modern Homo sapiens had children with.

New method to find the pieces

First, of course, we have to find these pieces. And this is precisely what the group of researchers from Denmark, Iceland and Germany did to produce their results, published today in the scientific journal Nature.

One of them, Laurits Skov, postdoc from the Bioinformatics Research Centre (BiRC) at Aarhus University, has developed a method for tracing Neanderthal fragments in our DNA. Laurits and PhD student Moisès Coll Macià took the method to Iceland, where the genetics firm deCODE has amassed genetic data and health information for more than half of the Icelandic population.

“We spent several months at deCODE in Reykjavik on what can be called field studies for a computational biologist. By combining my method with deCODE’s data and expertise, we have analyzed 27,566 genomes, and this makes our study 10 times larger than previous studies of Neanderthal genes in human DNA,” says Laurits Skov.

Together, the many fragments account for approximately half of a complete Neanderthal genome.

Denisovan genes gone astray?

However, the researchers also found significant fragments of genetic material from another archaic species of human, Denisovans, in the DNA of the Icelanders, and this was something of a surprise. Up to now, Denisovan genes have primarily been found in Australian Aborigines, East Asians and people in Papua New Guinea. So how did these genes end up in Islanders’ DNA? And when?

Based on the distribution of genes and mutations, the researchers came up with two possible explanations.

Neanderthals may have had children with Denisovans before they met the Homo sapiens. This would mean that the Neanderthals with whom Homo sapiens had children were already hybrids, who transferred both Neanderthal and Denisovan genes to the children.

“Up to now, we believed that the Neanderthals modern people have had children with were “pure” Neanderthals. It’s true that researchers have found the remnants of a hybrid between Denisovans and Neanderthals in a cave in East Asia, but we have not known whether there were more of these hybrids and whether, thousands of years later, they had children with modern humans,” explains Professor Mikkel Heide Schierup from BiRC.

Or, Homo sapiens met Denisovans long before they met Neanderthals. So far, it has been thought that modern humans met Neanderthals and had children with them first, and not until tens of thousands of years later did they have children with Denisovans.

“Both explanations are equally likely, and both explanations will be scientific news,” says Mikkel Heide Schierup.

Neanderthal genes of little importance

The study also shows that the Neanderthal DNA has no great importance for modern humans.

“We have previously thought that many of the Neanderthal variants previously been found in modern human DNA were associated with an increased risk of diseases. However, our study shows that the human gene variants located directly beside the Neanderthal genes are better explanations for the risk. We have also found something that can only be explained by Neanderthal genes, but this doesn’t mean that much,” says Mikkel Heide Schierup.

The properties and risks of diseases that can be linked to Neanderthal DNA are: slightly lower risk of prostate cancer, lower levels of hemoglobin, lower body length (one millimeter) and slightly faster blood plasma clotting.

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DNA of Icelanders provides new knowledge about extinct human species. Astrid Reitzel, Aaarhus University

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Article Source: AARHUS UNIVERSITY news release

Examining heart extractions in ancient Mesoamerica

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS JOURNALS—Sacrificial rituals featuring human heart extraction were a prevalent religious practice throughout ancient Mesoamerican societies. Intended as a means of appeasing and honoring certain deities, sacrifices served as acts of power and intimidation as well as demonstrations of devotion and gratitude. Human sacrifices were highly structured, complex rituals performed by elite members of society, and the ceremonies included a myriad of procedures imbued with symbolic significance.

The specific techniques performed, the instrumentation utilized, and the underlying mythology motivating sacrifices varied across civilizations. Given the diversity of sacrificial rituals throughout Mesoamerica, Vera Tiesler and Guilhem Olivier assert an interdisciplinary approach incorporating scientific and humanistic evidence is needed in order to gain more nuanced insights into the procedural elements and the religious implications of human sacrifice during the Classic and Postclassic periods.

In the study, “Open Chests and Broken Hearts: Ritual Sequences and Meanings of Human Heart Sacrifice in Mesoamerica,” published in Current Anthropology, Tiesler and Olivier conduct an anatomical analysis of skeletal evidence and compare it with systematically checked historical sources and over 200 instances of ceremonial heart extraction in codices. Focusing on the location of openings created in the chest to allow for the removal of a victim’s heart and blood, the authors examine the resulting fractures and marks in articulated skeletons to infer about the nature of the entry wound and the potential instrumentation used.

The breadth of source material and the multitude of disciplinary approaches has led to debate among scholars. While the archaeological record provides evidence of these ceremonies, less tangible elements of the rituals–such as the symbolism of these processes–may be harder to discern. Descriptions of human sacrifice and heart extraction can likewise be found in written witness testimonies and in Mesoamerican iconography. However, witness accounts were often inconsistent, especially concerning the position of the extraction site.

Utilizing forensic data in conjunction with an analysis of ethnohistorical accounts, the authors detail three distinct heart extraction methods: cutting directly under the ribs (subdiaphragmatic thoracotomy); making an incision between two ribs (intercostal thoracotomy); or by horizontally severing the sternum in order to access the heart (transverse bilateral thoracotomy). While previous research indicates subdiaphragmatic thoracotomy was a common practice, Tiesler and Olivier expand upon the existing literature by providing reconstructions of intercostal thoracotomy and transverse bilateral thoracotomy.

In addition to providing a more comprehensive understanding of extraction techniques and devices, the study reveals new interpretations of the relationship between thoracotomy procedures and conceptualizations of the human body as a source of “vitalizing matter,” or food for the gods. Hearts and blood were offered as sustenance to deities representing the sun and the earth in recognition of their sacrifices during the creation of the universe. Data–including linguistic analysis of ancient Mesoamerican terminology–reinforce suggestions that these rites served as acts of obligation, reciprocation, and re-enactment.

The interdisciplinary nature of the study enables future research by offering a framework for analyzing sacrificial rituals in other ancient societies, including ancient civilizations in the Andes and India.

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Human heart sacrifices in Mesoamerica. CINVESTAV Unidad Mérida

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Ritual official holding a dripping heart, pierced with a large curved knife, Atetelco murals, Teotihuacan. Courtesy of the authors, Tiesler and Olivier

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS JOURNALS news release

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Study sheds light on unique culinary traditions of prehistoric hunter-gatherers

UNIVERSITY OF YORK—Hunter-gatherer groups living in the Baltic between seven and a half and six thousand years ago had culturally distinct cuisines, analysis of ancient pottery fragments has revealed.

An international team of researchers analyzed over 500 hunter-gatherer vessels from 61 archaeological sites throughout the Baltic region.

They found striking contrasts in food preferences and culinary practices between different groups – even in areas where there was a similar availability of resources. Pots were used for storing and preparing foods ranging from marine fish, seal and beaver to wild boar, bear, deer, freshwater fish hazelnuts and plants.

The findings suggest that the culinary tastes of ancient people were not solely dictated by the foods available in a particular area, but also influenced by the traditions and habits of cultural groups, the authors of the study say.

A lead author of the study, Dr Harry Robson from the Department of Archaeology at the University of York, said: “People are often surprised to learn that hunter-gatherers used pottery to store, process and cook food, as carrying cumbersome ceramic vessels seems inconsistent with a nomadic life-style.

“Our study looked at how this pottery was used and found evidence of a rich variety of foods and culinary traditions in different hunter-gatherer groups.”

The researchers also identified unexpected evidence of dairy products in some of the pottery vessels, suggesting that some hunter-gatherer groups were interacting with early farmers to obtain this resource.

Dr Robson added: “The presence of dairy fats in several hunter-gatherer vessels was an unexpected example of culinary ‘cultural fusion’. The discovery has implications for our understanding of the transition from hunter-gatherer lifestyles to early farming and demonstrates that this commodity was either exchanged or perhaps even looted from nearby farmers.”

Lead author of the study, Dr Blandine Courel from the British Museum, added: “Despite a common biota that provided lots of marine and terrestrial resources for their livelihoods, hunter-gatherer communities around the Baltic Sea basin did not use pottery for the same purpose.

“Our study suggests that culinary practices were not influenced by environmental constraints but rather were likely embedded in some long-standing culinary traditions and cultural habits.”

The study, led by the Department of Scientific Research at the British Museum, the University of York and the Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen, Germany), used molecular and isotopic techniques to analyze the fragments of pottery.

Senior author, Professor Oliver Craig from the Department of Archaeology at the University of York, said: “Chemical analysis of the remains of foods and natural products prepared in pottery has already revolutionized our understanding of early agricultural societies, we are now seeing these methods being rolled out to study prehistoric hunter-gatherer pottery. The results suggest that they too had complex and culturally distinct cuisines.”

Organic residue analysis shows sub-regional patterns in the use of pottery by Northern European hunter-gatherers is published in Royal Society Open Science. The research was funded by the European Research Council through a grant awarded to the British Museum.

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Pottery fragments found at the Havnø kitchen midden, Northern Denmark. Harry Robson, University of York

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF YORK news release

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Neolithic genomes from modern-day Switzerland indicate parallel ancient societies

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY—Genetic research throughout Europe shows evidence of drastic population changes near the end of the Neolithic period, as shown by the arrival of ancestry related to pastoralists from the Pontic-Caspian steppe. But the timing of this change and the arrival and mixture process of these peoples, particularly in Central Europe, is little understood. In a new study published in Nature Communications, researchers analyze 96 ancient genomes, providing new insights into the ancestry of modern Europeans.

Scientists sequence almost one hundred ancient genomes from Switzerland

With Neolithic settlements found everywhere from lake shore and bog environments to inner alpine valleys and high mountain passes, Switzerland’s rich archeological record makes it a prime location for studies of population history in Central Europe. Towards the end of the Neolithic period, the emergence of archaeological finds from Corded Ware Complex cultural groups (CWC) coincides with the arrival of new ancestry components from the Pontic-Caspian steppe, but exactly when these new peoples arrived and how they mixed with indigenous Europeans remains unclear.

To find out, an international team led by researchers from the University of Tübingen, the University of Bern and the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History (MPI-SHH) sequenced the genomes of 96 individuals from 13 Neolithic and early Bronze Age sites in Switzerland, southern Germany and the Alsace region of France. They detect the arrival of this new ancestry as early as 2800 BCE, and suggest that genetic dispersal was a complex process, involving the gradual mixture of parallel, highly genetically structured societies. The researchers also identified one of the oldest known Europeans that was lactose tolerant, dating to roughly 2100 BCE.

Slow genetic turnover indicates highly structured societies

“Remarkably, we identified several female individuals without any detectable steppe-related ancestry up to 1000 years after this ancestry arrives in the region,” says lead author Anja Furtwängler of the University of Tübingen’s Institute for Archeological Sciences. Evidence from genetic analysis and stable isotopes suggest a patrilocal society, in which males stayed local to where they were born and females came from distant families that did not carry steppe ancestry.

These results show that CWC was a relatively homogenous population that occupied large parts of Central Europe in the early Bronze Age, but they also show that populations without steppe-related ancestry existed parallel to the CWC cultural groups for hundreds of years.

“Since the parents of the mobile females in our study couldn’t have had steppe-related ancestry either, it remains to be shown where in Central Europe such populations were present, possibly in the Alpine mountain valleys that were less connected to the lower lands” says Johannes Krause, director of the Department of Archaeogenetics at MPI-SHH and senior author of the study. The researchers hope that further studies of this kind will help to illuminate the cultural interactions that precipitated the transition from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze age in Central Europe.

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Top view of the Dolmen of Oberbipp, one of the largest burial sites in the study. In this study, researchers analyze 96 ancient genomes to trace the arrival and demographic structure of peoples with Steppe-related ancestry into late Neolithic, early Bronze Age Switzerland and povide new insights into the ancestry of modern Europeans. Urs Dardel, Archäologischer Dienst des Kanton Bern (Switzerland)

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Article Source: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY news release

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Evolutionary history of Samoans

A study* examines Samoans’ evolutionary history. Prior research estimates that the initial settlement of Samoa occurred approximately 2,750–2,880 years ago. However, several studies have found that Samoa’s landscape underwent limited human modification until approximately 1,000–1,500 years ago. To better understand Samoa’s history, Timothy O’Connor and colleagues analyzed 1,197 Samoan genomes that were sequenced through the Trans-Omics for Precision Medicine Project and compared the genomes with a global reference set of 2,324 samples. Samoans were most closely related with other Oceanic populations, followed by East Asians, primarily from the Mekong Peninsula and South China. The majority of European ancestry came from West Europe, consistent with Samoa’s European colonial history. On average, Samoans had almost 25% ancestry from Papuan-speaking groups, which is less than other Polynesian cultures. Samoans from Savai’i Island were genetically different from those on Upolu Island, though there was a large overlap between both populations. The authors detected a significantly reduced population size beginning approximately 300 years ago on both islands, corresponding with the introduction of European diseases. However, an increase in effective population size of more than 10,000 individuals occurred approximately 900–1,050 years ago, coinciding with archaeological evidence of widespread landscape modification. The results suggest that the population structure in Samoa developed approximately 1,500–3,000 years ago, according to the authors.

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The population structure in Samoa developed approximately 1,500–3,000 years ago. Image courtesy Simon Steinberger, Pixabay

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Article Source: PNAS news release

*“Evolutionary history of modern Samoans,” by Daniel N. Harris et al.

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Inside the Vault

In an unprecedented move, world-renowned palaeoanthropologist Lee Berger of the University of Witwatersrand will, for the first time ever, lead the general public through video access into the university’s  backroom “Vault”, where many of Africa’s fossils bearing on human origins are stored and studied. The Vault is normally reserved for exclusive access by scientists and scholars.

The lectures, which will be roughly 30 minutes long, will be featuring some of the University’s most iconic fossils, including the Taung Child, Homo naledi, Australopithecus sediba and various other fossils from the Sterkfontein, Makapansgat and Swartkrans sites.

“We at the university decided to do something special,” says Berger, who is also an Explorer at Large at National Geographic.

“We decided to give people a behind-the-scenes look at our fossil vault, which holds over 50% of the entire record of human origins known on the continent of Africa.”

Starting with the discovery, history and a demonstration of the original Taung Child fossil (see first video below), discovered in 1924 in South Africa, Berger will use these original fossils and associated artifacts to tell the stories of how these fossils were discovered, studied and how they add to our knowledge of our origins as a species.

“We are extremely fortunate at Wits to have such a valuable collection of strategic assets that we can use, to share our knowledge of what makes us human,” says Berger.

“My vision with these videos is that they can be viewed by the general public to give them a glimpse of the world of palaeoanthropology and human origins, as well as to be used as a teaching tool for teachers and lecturers in their classrooms during these difficult times.”

Hosted on a special section of the Wits University website, and released on Youtube, the lectures will start off with more general stories and descriptions of some of the fossils, and progress into the finer details of the study of palaeoanthropology.

“With today’s online media being so engaging, I hope that with these videos we can create a whole new way of studying and sharing some of our exciting discoveries, and, hopefully stimulate engaging discussions related to human origins.”

Interested individuals can follow Lee Berger for more updates and continuing videos on Facebook at Prof Lee R Berger, or on Twitter @LeeRBerger.

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Article Source: Adapted and edited from the original news release from the University of Witwatersrand, issued by Schalk Mouton, Senior Communications Officer.

Cover image, top left: Courtesy Didier Descouens, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license, Wikimedia Commons

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The Jesus Family Tomb

Editor’s Note: The following is an adapted excerpt from the article, In Search of the Historical Jesus, published previously in Popular Archaeology Magazine. (Cover image courtesy Jeff Jacobs, Pixabay)

 

 

Nestled deep within a quiet residential community of apartments in southern Jerusalem lies a nondescript 5 x 5 square slab of concrete. It rests horizontally atop a small elevated garden plot or terrace of surrounding grass and other plants. To any stranger strolling by this slab, nothing would stand out to catch the eye. There are no decorative adornments. Other than the date ‘2005’ inscribed along its southern edge, there are no inscriptions or markings. 

But on one clear morning in early March, 2016, a group of tourists quietly approach and surround the slab with a reverence most might ascribe to a group of friends and family standing before the grave of a lost loved one. Clearly, it means something to them. Some of them place small stones on top of it, long a graveside Jewish tradition for honoring deceased family members and friends, (and a way of letting their deceased loved ones know that they are not forgotten). Some shed tears. Some bow their heads in silent prayer. Some touch it with their hands. Still others snap photographs of the place for memory and posterity, including a journalist traveling with the group. An elderly man with a thick white mane and beard leads the group. Quietly addressing the group, his energy and crisp voice belie his age. But he is not a rabbi or priest. He is Dr. James Tabor, a prominent scholar and historian, professor of Christian origins and ancient Judaism at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte. He is considered one of the world’s foremost authorities on ancient Late Second Temple Judaism and early Christianity. And few others know more than he does about what lies beneath the surface in this place. The slab actually caps an ancient subterranean 1st century C.E. tomb, the excavated contents of which drew media headlines across the world more than 20 years after its initial discovery. For Tabor and others, the find represents the most direct archaeological evidence for the person and life of Jesus, the man who arguably has impacted more lives than any person in human history. For him, this tomb, popularly known as the Jesus Family Tomb, has represented a major milestone in a lifelong quest. But the discovery and his claims have generated scholarly debate like few other archaeological finds in history. 

Final Hours, Death and Burial

More than any other part of the Jesus story, much has been written both anciently and in modern literature about the final days of Jesus’ life in Jerusalem. Summarized in a simple sentence, the gospel accounts describe Jesus being judged before the high priest Caiaphas, Herod Antipas, and then the responsible Roman prefect Pontius Pilate, followed by crucifixion at the hands of the Romans upon a cross at Golgotha (the “place of the skull”), and then laid in a nearby ‘new tomb’ under Joseph of Arimithea’s facilitation. Traditionally, the site of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, located today in the northwestern part of the Old City, is perhaps the most broadly accepted location of both the crucifixion and the nearby temporary new tomb in which the body of Jesus was, according to the gospel accounts, laid. Some Christian groups, particularly Protestant groups, maintain that the actual tomb should be identified with what has been called the ‘Garden Tomb’, located significantly north of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher site. Looking at the exterior of this tomb, it is easy to see what has been depicted by many illustrators as the imagined image of this iconic place in the gospel stories. But results of archaeological investigation, particularly the seminal investigation by famed Israeli archaeologist Gabriel Barkay of the Hebrew University, have cast doubt on the Garden Tomb area location. 

Tabor, based on his research, suggests yet a different location for the crucifixion and temporary burial. 

“According to Josephus, the Romans conducted crucifixions outside the gate of the city,” says Tabor. “Anciently, the gate of the city was known as the eastern gate, or gate of the tabernacle.”  

This would have placed the likely spot of the crucifixion to the east of the temple, as opposed to the traditionally accepted northwest location. 

Tabor elaborates further in his book, The Jesus Dynasty: “A  more likely site for Jesus’ crucifixion is on the Mount of Olives, east of the city, overlooking the Temple compound. One of our earliest  sources remembers Jesus’ crucifixion as ‘outside the camp’ (Hebrews 13: 12-13). The technical expression “outside the camp” was interpreted as a distance of at least two thousand cubits (about half a mile) east of the Temple sanctuary.”

It would have placed the crucifixion clearly on the Mount of Olives, says Tabor, far enough away from the Temple sanctuary to avoid ritual defilement and in a place that would have been high and clearly visible to travelers journeying into the city on the heavily traveled main roads just to the east. The Romans were known to prefer crucifixions on hills near main roads where the population would be able to clearly see the examples of the crucified as a warning.  

Where, then, was the temporary tomb, if not on the grounds where the Church of the Holy Sepulcher is located?

Given the gospel accounts of the tomb’s location very near to the site of crucifixion, this tomb would also, according to Tabor, have been located on the Mount of Olives. The Mount of Olives, as most scholars, historians and archaeologist know, does feature a relatively robust number of tombs, including tombs that have yielded commonly known gospel account names, based on archaeological investigation. But even under an assumption that the Mount of Olives was the true location of the crucifixion, which of these tombs could be identified as the temporary tomb? It remains a mystery. There is no evidence favoring any particular tomb. 

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 Above: To the right of the doorway of this building in Jerusalem, original Herodian period stones remain in place. This is the structure that tradition holds was the place where Jesus had his ‘last supper’ with his disciples.The upper room, as indicated by the window, is shown above the wall that contains the original Herodian stones. This is what one views while standing in the courtyard of the structure.

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 Above: A detailed view of the original Herodian stone in the structure that contains the upper room. Excavations by the Israel Antiquities Authority revealed a 1st century floor below this level. Destroyed in 70 CE by the Romans, the building that stood here housed the earliest followers of Jesus as the ‘headquarters’ of the movement after Jesus’ death, with James, the brother of Jesus, at the head and the other apostles and Jesus’ family all domiciled and/or meeting in this place, according to Tabor. James, as well as King David, are traditionally thought to have been interred there. It is thus considered to be a sacred structure and a destination for visitation by both Jews and Christians.

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Dr. James Tabor stands before the the Herodian wall/stone section remnant of the building that features the upper room. It shows the scale of the stones. Photo by Victoria Brogdon

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 Above and below: Located at a lower location on the Mount of Olives, the site traditionally designated as the Garden of Gethsemane, where Jesus spent his last hours with his disciples before being captured and arrested after betrayal by Judas. According to Tabor, it is not known archaeologically that this was indeed the famous garden spot, but it is representative of the olive tree vegetation and gardens that characterized this part of the Mount of Olives during the 1st century CE.

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Above and below: About three meters beneath the surface in the Jewish quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem lie the remains of ancient 1st century CE mansion homes of the wealthiest residents of Jerusalem living at the time of Jesus, known today as the Herodian Quarter. Above and below are examples of some of the exquisite remains of the foundations and basements of these mansion homes, which once stood at least two stories high, excavated by Nachman Avigad. This area included the residences of Jerusalem’s aristocratic and noble families and priestly upper class such as the ruling Sanhedrin, among whom were personalities known from the New Testament gospel accounts, such as Caiaphas.  

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Remains of wall fresco within a wealthy resident’s mansion. Photo by Victoria Brogdon 

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 Stone vessels excavated from the remains of the Herodian Quarter. Among the Jewish residents, stone vessels were used to ensure purity. Photo by Victoria Brogdon

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 Above and below, features excavated from the largest residential structure in the Herodian Quarter, dubbed the “Mansion House”. Tabor suggests that this structure may have been the palacial building where Jesus stood in judgment before Caiaphas.

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 Above and below: Remnants of lavish ornamental detail can still be seen on the walls of the Mansion House. Photo below by Victoria Brogdon

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 Above: The preserved stone paving within the Mansion House. Tabor suggests that this may possibly have been the very floor upon which Jesus stood in judgment before Caiaphas. 

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Pictured above and below: Just south and adjacent to the southern Old City wall, an archaeological team under the direction of Shimon Gibson and James Tabor is excavating another section of ancient homes that once belonged to Jerusalem’s aristocratic and noble families of the 1st century CE. Here, excavators have unearthed rooms, including an inscribed stone cup and a beautifully preserved bathtub. See more about this excavation here. Above photo by Victoria Brogdon 

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Above: Hugging the western Old City wall of Jerusalem, these structural remains in front of the Turkish-built wall are dated to the 1st century CE and, according to Tabor, are likely the vestiges of the famous ‘judgment seat’ area, just outside the Roman Praetorium, where Pontius Pilate sat in judgment of Jesus before the crucifixion. These structural features were exposed in archaeological excavations during the 1970’s. “They discovered these steps which appeared to be going up into the Turkish wall,” says Tabor. In the 1st century, there was a gate into the city at this place. “But it was completely destroyed,” continues Tabor. “Scholars do agree that beyond [behind] this wall stood Herod’s palace. But at the lower end of the palace [nearest to and just to the other side of the wall seen here] was the Praetorium, the military barracks where the soldiers were stationed. It was here, within the Praetorium and on the other side of the present wall, where Jesus was scourged.” Today, an Armenian parking lot occupies this space behind the wall. Tabor hopes to excavate it in the future with the prospect of possibly uncovering remains of the Praetorium.  Photo by Victoria Brogdon  

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 A detailed view of an excavated Herodian period wall in the area that Tabor proposes was the judgment seat of Pilate.

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The stones, still in place, where Tabor and some colleagues suggest Pilate may have stood in judgment of Jesus before the crucifixion. 

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Above: A thorny plant naturally grows near the ‘judgment seat’ stones depicted in the previous photograph. When the skin is exposed to the plant’s thorns, its toxic elements create an irritating rash or welts on the exposed skin. When the plant dies, however, this toxic element disappears, but the dead plant curls into a shape as shown in the example above. This particular example was picked in 2016 near the ‘judgment seat’ stones. It was found among a number of other thorny plants. Was this the type plant used by Roman soldiers to fashion the crown of thorns placed on Jesus’ head before the crucifixion? Any association at this point would be purely speculative.

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The view of the Eastern Gate from the elevated perspective of the Mount of Olives. According to Tabor, the more likely spot of the crucifixion was on the Mount of Olives. That location would also have afforded greater visibility to people as they passed by on the main roads to the east of the Old City walls, more consistent with the Roman practice of locating crucifixions and executions in places presenting maximum public exposure, while also being consistent in this instance with ensuring a sufficient distance from the sacred Temple sanctuary to minimize unrest among the Jewish population.

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 Peering up at the Eastern Gate from the perspective of the Kidron Valley.

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Above: One of the tombs near the Church of Dominus Flevit on the Mount of Olives. Tombs like this are scattered about on the Mount of Olives, and it was in one of these tombs, (the ‘new tomb’ according to the gospel accounts) where Tabor suggests Jesus was temporarily laid after his body was removed from the site of the crucifixion. The tomb shown above has been populated with a number of ossuaries, (limestone bone boxes in which 1st century Jewish families interred the bones of deceased family members one year after decomposition of the body) for public display purposes.

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Tombs, Early Followers, and the Family of Jesus?

Arguably no events have raised more attention and controversy for Tabor than the now famous discovery and investigation of the two tombs discovered in the East Talpiot, or Armon HaNetziv, community in Jerusalem, less than three kilometers south of the Old City. Popularly known respectively as the ‘Jesus Family Tomb’ or ‘Garden Tomb’ (because of an adjacent garden — not to be confused with the traditional Garden Tomb) and ‘Patio Tomb’, Tabor and some of his colleagues have argued that these tomb discoveries, along with the much-publicized ‘James ossuary’, may provide the most direct archaeological evidence and connection ever found bearing on Jesus, his family, and the earliest followers of Jesus, later known as Christians. 

The Garden Tomb

In a city like Jerusalem, construction work often inadvertently reveals historical treasures that might not ever otherwise be uncovered by surveying archaeologists. In 1980, this is exactly what happened. Dynamite detonation to pave the way for construction of a new apartment complex in the East Talpiot area of Jerusalem had exposed what appeared to be the entrance to a tomb. What would have been the outer courtyard area of the tomb had unfortunately been destroyed in the explosion. But the inner entrance, featuring a facade with a rock-cut chevron, a circle symbol, and rectangular opening, had been exposed, an inviting feature for anyone adventurous. As required by law, archaeologists of the Israel Antiquities Authority were called in to investigate the tomb as a quick salvage operation, and excavations began on March 28, 1980 with a team under the supervision of District archaeologist Amos Kloner, including archaeologists Joseph Gath and Eliot Braun, along with three or four excavators. Initial excavation revealed six burial niches, or kokhim, five of them containing ossuaries, two six-foot-long shelves or arcosolia (used to lay out corpses for decomposition before the bones were collected and stored in the ossuaries a year later), and bone fragments on the shelves as well as other skeletal remains, including skulls, on the ancient floor below the shelves. Ten ossuaries were recorded within the tomb.

But it wasn’t until 1996 when a report was compiled about the discovery, spurred by media attention about reports that the the tomb ossuaries featured inscriptions of names associated with Jesus, including Jesus himself. But by this time much information had been lost or unrecorded, and the bones within the tomb had presumably been turned over to the Orthodox religious authorities for reburial in unmarked common graves.

The biggest media splash about the tomb and its contents didn’t emerge, however, until after a re-investigation initiated by a team put together by filmmaker and investigative journalist Simcha Jacobovici in 2004, recruiting Tabor as an academic consultant. There were still some tantalizing outstanding questions about the tomb, not the least of which was the question of whether or not the tomb and its contents could reasonably be associated with the historical Jesus of Nazareth and his family. The names inscribed on each of five of the ossuaries raised a few eyebrows, to say the least — Yeshua bar Yehosef (Jesus son of Joseph); Maria (Mary); Mariamene Mara (interpreted from ancient sources to be another word for Mary Magdalene the Master or “the Lady”); Yosef (Joses – a brother of Jesus); and Yehuda bar Yeshua (Judah son of Jesus).

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 A concrete slab (shown above as one looks down from above, center of photo, and below, close up) now covers the entrance to the Garden Tomb, so-called because of the surrounding garden area.

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Above: A Workman removing the concrete slab covering of the tomb to acquire access for the investigative team. Photo courtesy William Tarant 

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 Entering the tomb after the slab was removed. The facade of the inner entrance to the tomb can be seen. Photo courtesy William Tarant 

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 The distinctive chevron and circle facade could be clearly seen as the investigators stood in front at the bottom of the shaft to the tomb. The rectangular entrance shows how the tomb had been filled with books and manuscripts, used as a genizah, since it was first investigated years earlier. Photo courtesy William Tarant 

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 Above and below: Discarded books and manuscripts had accumulated within the tomb over a number of years, obstructing the burial niches. Because of the sacred nature of the printed word for Yahweh (God), the documents are not burned so they are buried. Photos courtesy William Tarant 

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Above and below: Inside the tomb, the arcosolia, benches used to support shrouded bodies as they decomposed before being placed in ossuaries a year later, are still clearly defined. The niches below the arcosolia contained the ossuaries, which had been removed in the earlier investigation, at least some of which can now be viewed at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem.  Photos courtesy William Tarant 

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Was this in fact direct evidence for Jesus of Nazareth and members of his family? And did it provide proof that Jesus’ body was in fact placed in a second, permanent tomb after the first, temporary tomb? Moreover, and perhaps equally controversial, did it provide evidence that Jesus may have been married and fathered a child named Judah?

Needless to say, a broad array of scholars and ecclesiastical authorities have vociferously disputed these notions. They have presented a number of reasons why these finds could not be related to the Jesus of the gospels. The most prominent argument has advanced the suggestion that the names inscribed on the ossuaries were common names for people living in the 1st century CE Jerusalem area. Indeed, when the names were considered individually, some of the names clearly met that explanation. (Using known data about the 1st century CE population and applying statistical analysis studies, Maria, or Mary, for example, accounts for nearly 22 percent of known female names in the area for the period, according to studies — although Yeshua, the Greek equivalent being Jesus, only 3.9 percent). 

But the more convincing test, according to Tabor and some other scholars, lies in the unique combination of names in one place. When analyzed statistically in this way, they say, the probability that the tomb and its contents are those of the gospel account’s Jesus, and his family members, goes up significantly — so high, in fact, that it becomes likely, as opposed to possible. Enter two other major discoveries, and the likelihood rises still more: 

The James Ossuary

The story broke at an October 21, 2002 Washington press conference co-hosted by the Discovery Channel and the Biblical Archaeology Society, when the existence of a 2,000-year-old ossuary was announced, featuring on its side an inscription that purportedly provided the oldest known archaeological record of Jesus of Nazareth. The inscription on the ossuary presented, in Aramaic, the words Ya’akov bar-Yosef akhui diYeshua, which in English translates as “James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus”, originally translated by André Lemaire, a renowned Semitic epigrapher. Assuming that this was indeed the ossuary of James the Just of the gospel accounts — the brother of Jesus and the head of the early Christian movement in Jerusalem after the death of Jesus — the announcement created a media stir that reverberated worldwide and set in motion a chain of events which, like opening Pandora’s box, became a story that acquired far greater proportions than the initial players had initially intended.

But the ossuary had emerged from the antiquities market, not a controlled archaeological investigation, and a series of investigations by the Israel Antiquities Authority in 2003 led to a determination that the ‘James ossuary’ was a forgery. Oded Golan, collector and owner of the box, was charged with 44 counts of forgery, fraud and deception. However, after a seven-year trial with 120 sessions where the judge heard 126 witnesses and dozens of experts, producing 12,000 pages of testimony with a final 475-page verdict, Golan was acquitted of the forgery charges. 

Few argue today that the ‘James ossuary’ itself is not authentic, but the authenticity of the inscription, particularly the ‘brother of Jesus’ segment of the inscription, is still open to scholarly debate. A number of scholar/scientists have, however, supported the observation that an authentic ancient patina (the thin bio-chemical layer that forms on the surface of the material as the object ages) has been found within the inscription engravings, indicating that the entire line of the inscription is authentic, at least in terms of age. 

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The James Ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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The inscription on the James Ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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What then, one may ask, does this have to do with the Garden Tomb?

“A lot,” says Tabor. He points, for example, to the recent and much publicized 2006 study that concluded that the James ossuary actually originated from this tomb. That study was conducted by a team of scientists led by Amnon Rosenfeld of the Israel Geologic Society. The results, after careful testing, indicated that the ancient patina found inside the inscribed letters on the ossuary was indeed authentic, supporting the authenticity of the inscription. But in that study, the team also conducted tests and an evaluative analysis of the comparative chemical composition of the patina accretions on ossuaries and interior surfaces of 14 other burial caves, including the Garden Tomb. “The premise of the tests was that ossuaries accumulate distinctive and measurable biochemical “signatures” based on the cave environments in which they have spent the past two millennia,” writes Tabor. Even two caves in close proximity to each other would bear different chemical signatures. But the results showed that the James ossuary had the very same chemical signature as the ossuaries that were tested from the Garden Tomb, including the chemical signature of the walls and ceiling of that tomb. “In contrast,” writes Tabor, “the James ossuary patina signature differed considerably from the chemical composition of ossuaries from the other thirteen burial caves.”

According Tabor and some other colleagues, the James ossuary, therefore, originally came from the Garden Tomb. 

When and how the ossuary was separated from the tomb remains a mystery. But examination of the weathering on the surface of the ossuary, as compared to that of the other ossuaries of the Jesus tomb, suggested that the ossuary had been missing from the tomb, perhaps looted in antiquity, for at least two hundred years. 

Thus, according to Tabor (who is not alone in this assertion), adding the James ossuary to the ring of objects and names of the Garden Tomb statistically raises the likelihood of identification of the tomb with Jesus of Nazareth and his family to a near certainty. 

Does this prove that this tomb is in fact the tomb of Jesus of Nazareth and his family? 

Tabor qualifies his statements about the tomb. “We do not believe that statistics alone prove one  way or the other that the Talpiot Jesus tomb is that of Jesus of Nazareth but the statistics do show that the oft-repeated assertion that lots of tombs in Jerusalem would likely have a similar set of names is false.” 

But there is more to all of this…………

The Patio Tomb

Only one year after the initial discovery of the Garden Tomb, a dynamite blast, again associated with apartment complex construction work, exposed another ancient tomb only 60 meters north of the previously exposed Garden Tomb. Again, Amos Kloner was called in to investigate the tomb. He could enter the tomb only through a break in the ceiling. Its ancient square entrance was closed, sealed tight by a large “stopper” stone. What he first saw was a 3.5 by 3.5 meter rock-cut single square chamber. Cut into and along three of its sides were nine carved gabled burial niches, about 2 meters deep, three in each side. Each niche was sealed in front with a blocking stone. Kloner observed skeletal remains in the niches, with significant primary burial remains in four of them, meaning those skeletal remains had not yet been placed permanently into ossuaries. Also found were some cooking pots placed in three locations on the floor. 

Kloner wasn’t afforded much time to examine the tomb. Soon, he was forced to leave the tomb by protesting ultra-Orthodox Jews, determined to protect the sanctity of the tomb. But this was not before he was able to acquire one smaller ossuary for examination—a decorated ossuary with no inscription, fit for the remains of a child. He entrusted it to the custody of IAA authorities at their Rockefeller headquarters (The ossuary is now part of the State of Israel collections).  

Despite the protests, Kloner and the IAA were determined to investigate the find. Although he had to depart the country to fulfill another commitment, he entrusted two IAA archaeologists, the late Joseph Gath and Shlomo Gudovitch, to continue the investigation. Upon returning to the site, they were able to remove the blocking stones from the niches and examine ossuaries inside, a total of seven, taking photographs and recording their positions. All ossuaries but one were decorated and two were observed to have Greek inscriptions. They spent several days at the tomb location, removing the ossuaries from their niches and opening their lids for further examination. While preparing to raise the ossuaries up through the tomb ceiling to transport them to the IAA Rockefeller headquarters, they were again prevented from completing the task by a group of ultra-Orthodox Jewish protesters. The seven remaining ossuaries were returned to their niches, albeit not all in their original positions. There they remain to this day.

It was not until 2005, more than 25 years later, that a new archaeological team was assembled to take another look at the tomb (today known as the “Talpiot B” or “Patio” tomb) and its contents. This latest exploration and documentation was conducted by a team that included a mix of experts, including the well-known Canadian film producer and director Simcha Jacobovici, Tabor and noted archaeologist Rami Arav of the University of Nebraska, top Canadian film producer Felix Golubev, two key technical experts Walter Klassen and William Tarant, and Dr. James H. Charlesworth of Princeton Theological Seminary as an academic consultant. What prompted the new initiative was the proximity of the tomb to two other tombs, the first being the previously discovered Garden Tomb; and the second, a tomb mostly destroyed in 1980 by a dynamite blast during preparations for construction work.

“It was the proximity of these three tombs, and the possibility that they were clustered together on a wealthy estate in the 1st century CE that prompted us to request a permit to carry out further investigations,” reported Tabor in his Preliminary Report about the Patio Tomb exploration. The immediate vicinity of the three tombs also included the remains of a plastered ritual bath (or mikveh), water cisterns, and an ancient olive press. Joseph Gath, who surveyed the area, determined that they, including the tombs, belonged to a large, wealthy agricultural estate. They were likely the family tombs of the owner of the estate. “The object of our investigation was to determine whether the “patio” tomb, still intact, might contain names or other evidence that would provide for us further data that might conceivably shed light on the adjacent Garden Tomb with its intriguing cluster of names,” reported Tabor in the preliminary report.

But further exploration of the tomb now faced almost insurmountable hurdles, including the requirement by the Orthodox authorities that the tomb remains not be touched or disturbed, the challenge of obtaining permissions from several different sources, each of which had a different agenda and a different set of interests to consider and safeguard, and the extremely limited clearance space around the ossuaries within the burial niches of the tomb. What was necessary would be an unprecedented “hands-off” probe of the tomb contents. To accomplish this, the team came up with a unique robotic arm and camera/video assembly specially designed for the task. 

The results, after painstaking efforts and mid-course adjustments, were nothing less than astonishing. In addition to the findings of Kloner’s initial investigation, the team was able to distinguish the details of four ossuaries with ornamental engravings, one plain ossuary, and two ossuaries with unique markings and inscriptions. 

It was the latter two ossuaries, designated as ossuaries 5 and 6, that caused the stir. Ossuary 5 showed an ornamental front façade with twin rosettes and elaborate frieze border. Interestingly, between the rosettes was a four-line Greek inscription. The use of Greek would not necessarily be considered extraordinary. The translated text, however, reading as it were like an epitaph, was quite extraordinary under these circumstances. More unusual still was the use of the word for the name of God, Yahweh, written in Greek on a 1st century ossuary in what is clearly a tomb belonging to a Jewish family of the time, and words that expressed a raising up or resurrection (“rise up to God”, or “rise up to heaven”). Ossuary 6, originally (when explored by Kloner) in the first position closest to the tomb entrance, featured perhaps the most interesting markings. Its front showed what the team interpreted as the image of a fish, including tail, fins, and scales, with what appeared to be a stick-like human figure with a large head emerging from its mouth. Along the top border was a series of smaller, fish-shaped images. Incised on the left end was a bell-shaped circle that featured a cross inside. On the right end was an image that appeared to be a scaled body and tail of a fish, although only the lower portion of it is shown, upended. Within the head of the fish was inscribed what was interpreted to be the name “Jonah” — and it was this finding that Ossuary 6 became popularly known from this point forward as the “Jonah Ossuary”. 

“Rise up to heaven”, a fish, an image emerging from the ‘mouth’ of the fish, and the name “Jonah”. So what did these findings mean?

The findings of Ossuary 5 and Ossuary 6 became perhaps the most sensational and most controversial discovery emerging from the tomb. This was, according to the investigative team interpretation, not only because they could be images of a fish, an animal, on a 1st century Jewish ossuary (something that would have been prohibited by 1st century Judaism), but because the imagery was similar to that seen within the 3rd and 4th century CE Christian tombs of the catacombs in Rome—the “sign of Jonah” (as in Jonah and the big fish, or whale, of the biblical account), images that are known to have symbolized the resurrection among early Christians. According to Tabor and colleagues, these could now be the earliest known archaeological finds related to the early followers of Jesus, or Christians. 

Tabor’s interpretation has, needless to say, caused a firestorm of debate among scholars. Among them is Kloner himself, the initial IAA archaeologist who investigated the tomb upon its discovery, who now interprets the fish image on the Jonah ossuary not as a fish but as a funerary vase or amphora (joining a number of other scholars suggesting the same interpretation), and that the Greek inscription should not be interpreted to read as a ‘rising up’ or resurrection but actually as a warning expressing a prohibition against disturbing the bones of the tomb.    

Slam-Dunk?

Notwithstanding its controversy, the peculiar Patio Tomb’s iconography and proximity to the Garden Tomb could be saying something else, says Tabor. It could be one more indicator that the Garden Tomb is, indeed, the tomb of the family of Jesus of Nazareth, and, not without great controversy, the final resting place of the body of Jesus himself, Mary his mother, Mary Magdalene — considered Jesus’ close companion by both the biblical canon and other ancient accounts — and a child who was the “son of Yeshua, or Jesus. And now James, son of Joseph and brother of Jesus.

When all the pieces are put together—the Garden (“Jesus Family”) Tomb, the Patio (“Resurrection”) Tomb, and the James ossuary, maintains Tabor and his colleagues, then the findings and interpretations make the identification of the Garden Tomb as the tomb of Jesus of Nazareth a “slam-dunk” case.

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 The apartment complex patio today, under which its namesake Patio Tomb (or ‘Resurrection Tomb’) is located. Like the Garden Tomb, it is now sealed off from entrance.

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 View of niche with ossuary within the Patio Tomb, showing blocking stones. Photo credit: William Tarant, GE Inspection Technologies and Associated Producers, Ltd.

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 Remote camera view of one of the tomb niches containing ossuaries. The team could see that maneuvering cameras within the spaces would be a challenge, to say the least. Photo credit: William Tarant, GE Inspection Technologies and Associated Producers, Ltd.

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 The narrow gaps between the ossuaries and the walls of the niches presented a major problem for a camera probe. Photo credit: William Tarant, GE Inspection Technologies and Associated Producers, Ltd.

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 Above and below: Views of the inscribed images discovered on the “Jonah Ossuary”, made possible through the robotic arm camera system devised by the team engineers. Photo credit: William Tarant, GE Inspection Technologies and Associated Producers, Ltd.

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 Closeup view of ossuary 6 with YONAH inscription highlighted. Background photo credit: William Tarant, GE Inspection Technologies and Associated Producers, Ltd.   

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Article Supplement 

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 The Lost Primacy of James the Just

The discovery of the James Ossuary and its original provenance in the Garden Tomb has served to support and draw attention to an overlooked or, as Tabor would suggest, historically suppressed, point about the man James (otherwise known as ‘James the Just’), the brother of Jesus who was also an Apostle and a major player in the very earliest movement of the followers of Jesus. 

James, considered a significant figure associated with Jesus in the Apostolic period, was recorded by Josephus to have died in 62 CE, having been first hurled from the top of Jerusalem’s southeastern Old City wall by his adversaries and then bludgeoned to death after having barely survived the fall into the Kidron Valley below. He has often been referred to as ‘James the Just’, or James, brother of Jesus. Not to be confused with James, son of Zebedee, another apostle, Roman Catholic tradition holds that he was James, son of Alphaeus, or ‘James the Less’. Tabor argues that James was likely Jesus’ “beloved disciple” referred to in the gospel accounts, facilitated in no small measure by his close familial relationship with Jesus (“nursed with the same milk,” as recorded in the Second Apocalypse of James).

“Although Peter is [traditionally] remembered as the titular leader of the apostles, our earliest New Testament sources tell a somewhat different story,” writes Tabor.  He points to the Acts of the Apostles, for example, as making reference in several places to the primacy of James’ leadership. And he refers to other sources, such as Eusebius and the testimony of Hegesippus (a Jewish Christian of the early second century CE), as well as the Gospel of Thomas, the famous manuscript found among the Coptic texts in the Nag Hammadi library. “Although the Gospel of Thomas dates to the third century,” writes Tabor, “scholars have shown that it preserves, despite later theological embellishments, an original Aramaic document that comes to us from the early days of the Jerusalem church. It……provides us with our clearest evidence that James succeeded Jesus as leader of the movement.”

Tabor asserts that James was systematically, over time, written out or downplayed in the evolving Rome-centered Christian theology’s emphasis on Peter as the apostle through whom the ‘keys of the kingdom’ were to pass and to whom ecclesiastical authority was to be traced after Jesus.

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Article Supplement 

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Mary Magdalene — The Companion of Jesus?

Dan Brown’s popular novel, The Da Vinci Code, tells the sensational story revolving around the notion that Mary Magdalene was the wife of Jesus, giving birth to his child and thus leaving a legacy of physical ‘heirs’ to his lineage. A false and unthinkable circumstance, according to many scholars and certainly according to most theologians. There is little disputing, however, that she is considered one of Jesus’ inner circle of followers. It is clear from the canonized gospel accounts.

But a closer and broader examination of ancient writings could be depicting a significantly different portrait of the woman who, next to his mother Mary, figured so prominently in Jesus’ life — one that may not be too far removed from the fictional image so portrayed of Mary Magdalene in the Dan Brown book. Tabor writes about it in his blog and in his books, drawing from a variety of ancient texts, included among them the Coptic text of The Gospel of Mary and The Gospel of Philip. They describe a Mary who is closer to him than any of the other apostles, privy to his thoughts, and even his intimate companion, as would be typically ascribed to a wife:

“Peter saying to Mary: “Sister, we know the savior loved you more than any other woman. Tell us the words of the savior that you remember, which you know but we do not, because we have not heard them.” Mary answered and said, “What is hidden from you I shall reveal to you.” (Gospel of Mary)  

“The companion of the [savior] is Mary Magdalene. The [savior loved] her more than [all] the disciples, [and he] kissed her often on her [mouth]. The other [disciples] said to him, Why do you love her more than all of us?” (Gospel of Philip)  

“Taken together, these texts [to which he refers to a number of texts in addition to the gospels of Mary and Philip]…….provide us with a broader context in which the evidence from the Talpiot tombs can be read in a new light,” writes Tabor. 

By ‘evidence from the Talpiot tombs’ Tabor refers mostly to the Talpiot Garden Tomb which contained, according to him, an ossuary with an inscription identifying Mary Magdalene — an ossuary that contained ancient bone residue which, based on scientific DNA analysis, revealed a person interred in the tomb who bore no blood relationship to the person whose bone residue was found in the Jesus, Son of Joseph ossuary.

It brings us to the question: Was Mary Magdalene the wife of Jesus?

Given that no blood connection likely meant a family member through the relationship of marriage, based on what is known about the remains of individuals in ancient 1st century CE Jewish tombs, one has to consider the possibility, according to Tabor. And it would have been natural for a rabbi of the time, which Jesus was, to be married and the head of a family, he adds. He maintains that the ascetic concept of celibacy was introduced by church fathers interpreting the writings of Paul in later centuries, becoming a part of the accepted doctrine governing the behavior and circumstances of ecclesiastical authorities. 

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A Continuing Quest

Tabor’s quest to uncover the historical truth about Jesus has not ended with the tombs. His research into the ancient writings, both canonized and otherwise, lie at the core of his endeavors. However, equally significant for him are the onging archaeological investigations into the places and artifacts that could bear on the historicity of Jesus’ life and times. His co-directorship of the Mount Zion excavations in Jerusalem, where he and co-director archaeologist Shimon Gibson have been excavating for several seasons, has, and he hopes will continue to, shed additional new light on the lifeways and circumstances of members of the Jerusalem power elite during the crucial last days of Jesus, filling in new details in the backdrop that framed the events of his trial, death and its aftermath. He plans to conduct archaeological excavations in the area beneath the Armenian parking lot that lies on the other side of the Turkish Old City wall, adjacent to his suggested judgment seat of Pilate, where he suspects remains of the Roman Praetorium still lie buried. And there is still the future potential for conducting further DNA testing on any osteological/organic traces that may still exist within the interior porous limestone walls of the Garden Tomb ossuaries—leading, for example, to clarification of the relationship of the subject who was interred in the Judah son of Jesus ossuary to those who were interred in the Jesus son of Joseph and Maramene Mara (‘Mary Magdalene’) ossuaries.  

Given the sensitivity that surrounds any findings and scientific claims related to the historicity of Jesus of Nazareth, however, Tabor makes clear that his research does not discredit or destroy faith. Indeed, anyone who spends time with Tabor would clearly see that there is a man of deep faith behind the practicing scientist/historian. It can be seen particularly in how he personally views Jesus.

“I see the main focus of Jesus’ message summarized best in the prayer he taught,” he says: ‘Let your Kingdom come, let your will be done, on earth as it is in heaven.’ Jesus focused on the proclamation of the Kingdom of God, which he declared was at hand! This means more than just a future apocalyptic “end of the age,” as he makes clear, but a present transformation of all areas of human society toward justice and righteousness.”

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In addition to accompanying him throughout the ‘Holy Land’ and Jerusalem, Popular Archaeology interviewed Tabor. Below are his responses to some key questions related to his work. (Pictured left: Tabor looks on near the remains of the judgment seat of Pilate)

The Talpiot Tombs

Q: What in your mind is the most significant contribution or impact of the Jesus family (Talpiot A) tomb discovery on the scholarly quest to understand the historical Jesus and early Christianity? Why is this important?

A: There are several important contributions. If the Talpiot A tomb is truly the family tomb of Jesus of Nazareth, along with the “James ossuary” that we now believe was also removed from this tomb, this would give us the first direct material archaeological link to Jesus himself—not to mention his family. Further, that we would find the bones of Jesus preserved in an ossuary helps to advance our understanding of the nature of the earliest Christian faith in resurrection as expounded by Paul. The physical body, as Paul says, is shuffled off like old clothing, and the “naked” soul is then reclothed with a new spiritual body (2 Corinthians 5:1-10). This serves to reinforce for us that the earliest Christian faith in Jesus’ resurrection was not simply the resuscitation of his corpse, but a transformation into a new spiritual body, with the old “clothing” left behind. Finally, we learn from this tomb that Jesus was married and had at least one son—Judah, something our theologically oriented gospels, written decades after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, would not preserve or choose to mention in the interest of an emphasis on Jesus’ heavenly origins and divinity. 

Q: Do you have any reason to suspect or suggest that there may be more tombs with features/finds of similar import to be found in the area of the Talpiot tombs?  

A: There is a third tomb in the area but unfortunately it was destroyed completely in 1980 by the building blasts at the time. What we could eventually do is actually enter the “Patio” tomb, just 60 meters from the Jesus tomb, and examine in great detail all the evidence, especially settling some of the questions regarding the inscribed ossuaries and what they mean.

The Mount Zion Excavation

Q: Are there any significant finds, or potentially significant finds related to the Mount Zion excavations, that you think should be mentioned, but have not been mentioned or covered adequately thus far in the popular press? 

A: I think the main thing is that this area of the city in the time of Jesus was a priestly “district” or Quarter—running up the slope to the top of Mt Zion, and we know that Caiaphus and other priestly families lived in this exclusive area. That Jesus has connections through the patron that owned the “Upper Room” house [the scene of the ‘Last Supper] at the top tells us that he did move in a wide variety of circles. It helps to explain how Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, both members of the Jewish Sanhedrin, would have been sympathetic followers of Jesus.  

General

Q: Are there any other comments or observations you would like to make related to the historical Jesus and John the Baptizer? 

A: I believe it is important to see the two of them as a powerful team, united in purpose and cause, with John given his proper role as “greater” than any of those born of women. He went before Jesus but was his Teacher and inspiration. Later Christian theology totally reverses this by marginalizing John and exalting Jesus as the preexistent God in the flesh. This is totally alien to things as they were and act as a barrier to appreciating these two towering figures in terms of what they truly stood for.

Q: Given the controversial and sensitive nature of some of the hypotheses and suggestions that you have advanced about the historical Jesus, what has given you the courage to continue to speak out in defense of your views and findings? 

A: I don’t in fact find any of the things I have suggested as properly “controversial” or “sensitive.” I am simply trying to see Jesus in a realistic way—as he actually was—rather than through the veil of Christian theology. He was a Jew, not a Christian and he knew nothing of the theological propositions that came to be propagated in his name. In fact I think he would be quite horrified at the whole transformation. 

Q: When your life and work is finished, what would be the personal legacy you hope to leave in our understanding of the historical Jesus? 

A: That Jesus was the man in whom God was well pleased and who unleashed a movement that centered on seeing the “will of God done on earth as it is in heaven”—still inspiring millions with his program and his cause.

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Not all of Tabor’s suggestions about the historical Jesus have been covered within the limitations of this article. However, more detailed information about the results of Dr. Tabor’s decades of research can be obtained from his books, The Jesus Dynasty, and The Jesus Discovery, both published by Simon and Schuster. Also of interest would be Tabor’s blog, which is updated frequently with new posts.

                                                                         —Ed.

Unless otherwise noted, all images courtesy of the author.

For more articles like this, subscribe to Popular Archaeology Premium. Available on all laptops and mobile devices, and still the industry’s best value at only $9.00 annually.

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New Revelations at Lachish

Arianna Zakrzewski is an intern and writer for Popular Archaeology. She is also a graduate from Rhode Island College with a Bachelor’s degree in Anthropology. She has had an interest in archaeology since elementary school, specifically Egyptology and the Classics. In recent years, she has also gained an interest in historical archaeology, and has spent time in the field working in St. Mary’s City, Maryland, participating in excavation and archival research. Most recently, she completed her MA in Museum Studies from Johns Hopkins University. She is currently focused on collections management and making archaeological discoveries accessible and exciting to the public.

It was a desperate time. Knowing that the massive army of Babylonia’s King Nebuchadnezzar was decisively making its way through the countryside, he could see that, one by one, the defensive strongholds of the Kingdom of Judah were falling.

“Let my lord know that we are watching over the beacon of Lachish, according to the signals which my lord gave, for Azekah is not seen,” wrote officer Hoshaiah to Yaush.

Yaush was the commanding officer of Lachish. At the time Hoshaiah was writing, Lachish was a major city within the Kingdom of Judah. Azekah, the other town mentioned by Hoshaiah, was another fortified settlement in the region. The statement was written about 2600 years ago with carbon ink in ancient Hebrew upon a clay fragment of pottery. This artifact is among those that testify to the days just before the fall of the ancient Kingdom of Judah to Nebuchadnezzar’s fateful military campaign. Like other ancient sites in what is today modern Israel, the ancient city paints for us through its archaeological remains a compelling and tumultuous historical narrative.

Located near the present-day Israeli city of Kiryat Gat, it is arguably one of the most famous sites in the ancient Near East. Not only has it been referenced in the Bible, but in the Amarna tablets and other Egyptian and Assyrian sources, as well. “We have the iconography, and the Biblical text, and of course the site describes itself as we excavate it,” says Professor Yosef Garfinkel of Hebrew University of Jerusalem’s Institute of Archaeology. Garfinkel has been leading an excavation project at Tel Lachish (the tel or mound that contains its ancient remains), along with Professor Michael Hasel at Southern Adventist University and a team of archaeologists, for five years. “It’s a meeting point between everything: history, iconography, and archaeology.”

Off and on for well over 80 years, since the first expedition under James Leslie Starkey in the 1930’s, Tel Lachish has yielded hundreds of thousands of artifacts, including structural features such as massive fortification walls, ramparts, palaces and temples — and Garfinkel’s recent expedition has uncovered some remarkable new findings, particularly as they relate to the ancient Canaanite occupation of the site.

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Remains of the commanding officer’s house or palace at Lachish. Wilson44691. Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License. Wikimedia Commons

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Lachish Letter III, one of the Lachish letters written on a potsherd (ostrocon) discovered at Tel Lachish during earlier excavations. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The Canaanite Temple

According to the Biblical tradition, Joshua conquered and destroyed the Canaanite city of Lachish. Subsequently, the ancient Israelites rebuilt and transformed the ancient city into a major stronghold of their own.

“We know that Lachish was the second most important city in the kingdom of Judah,” Garfinkel explains. “Today you have Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. In ancient times you had Jerusalem and Lachish. One of the interests we have in the Canaanite culture is that the Biblical text is against the Canaanite cult. When the people of Israel come, they destroy the Canaanite high places, they break the standing stones, they break and destroy the altars, and the rest. We see that the [writers of] the Bible really hate this Canaanite religion because it was more pagan, and the Biblical text—the theology at least—is [documenting the creation of] a new religion: monotheism. They [the Canaanites] created an iconic kind of religion, so they [the ancient Israelites] were against the pictures and statues of the Canaanites, and everything the Canaanites did was forbidden.”

Garfinkel and his team hope to shed additional light on this ancient culture. During excavations beginning in 2013, Garfinkel and colleagues began to uncover the remains of what they identified as a Canaanite temple rich in artifacts, a relatively rare find in the archaeology of the Levant. Lachish was a city that was built, destroyed, and rebuilt several times in its history under varying occupations. Garfinkel explains: “The Canaanite temple [we uncovered] is from the last Canaanite city occupation. This city was destroyed first around 1200 BCE; this is Level 7. Then the local Canaanites rebuilt it again; this is Level 6. Our temple is from Level 6 and was destroyed about 50 years later at around 1150 BCE. After the destruction of Level 6, the whole area was deserted for about 200 years before being rebuilt again. A Canaanite temple in Nablus was excavated in the beginning of the 20th century, and then a second in a different location was excavated by the Oriental Institute in the 1920s and 1930s. Both temples were found empty, with almost no meaningful objects found within. In the 1950s, another type of Canaanite temple was discovered, but again yielded very little helpful information. Since then, we haven’t really had much information.” 

Until Garfinkel’s recent excavation.

“The Canaanite city was destroyed, and the temple was completely destroyed, but it’s amazing because it was not heavily looted,” he explains. “We found gold artifacts, silver artifacts, bronze artifacts, pottery and stone vessels… We have a lot of wonderful discoveries. This temple was loaded with objects—cultic objects and other kinds of objects—so not only is the architecture important here, but what we find inside as well.”

Garfinkel explains that he and his team came to Lachish to investigate Level 5 (a later time period) and found a new city wall in their excavations. “We used carbon dating that placed it at the end of the 10th century BCE,” he goes on. “This fits very nicely with the Biblical tradition. Now, I’m not a religious person. For me, the Bible is not a holy script; I’m not trying to prove it. We have the historical tradition, though, and we need to see if the archaeology can support it or not. Sometimes it does, and sometimes it doesn’t. In this case, we know that Level 5 was fortified at the same time described in the Biblical text.”

“Excavating the Canaanite temple has nothing to do with the Biblical tradition in this case, but it is a very important discovery to understand the Canaanite culture,” continues Garfinkel. “Every culture is important. This is part of the big puzzle of understanding the human past. And this is what I’m trying to do.”

The overall design of this temple compares similarly to other Canaanite temples in northern Israel, such as Nablus, Megiddo and Hazor. The structural layout consists of two columns and two towers in front, leading into a large hall. The inner space featured four columns and several “standing stones” interpreted to be possible representations of gods. Its shape and side room features resemble the typical design of later temples, such as Solomon’s Temple.

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Above and below: Canaanite Temple at Tel Lachish. Archaeologists work to excavate the Biblical city of Lachish. (Yosef Garfinkel) Courtesy of the Fourth Expedition to Lachish

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The Finds Within

Among the artifacts uncovered during excavations were two fully intact cauldrons made of bronze. This was a rare occurrence, making them the first complete cauldrons to be found in the region. Prior to this discovery, Garfinkel explains that it is common to find small fragments or the handles of cauldrons, but never a complete piece.  In addition to the two cauldrons, a silver pendant with an Egyptian-style naked goddess holding flowers, Egyptian scarabs, and silver earrings were uncovered, as well as a small, boat-like object made from bronze and covered in gold with an inscription of Ramses II.  Two bronze figurines depicting smiting gods were also found in the temple’s ‘Hall of Holies’, holding a mace in their hands in a fighting stance. “We’ve also discovered gold,” Garfinkel says. “Gold earrings, gold sheets, gold beads… I’ve never found so much gold in my life!”

Perhaps the most interesting discovery, however, was a pottery sherd, or ostracon, engraved with ancient Canaanite script. It includes the letter “samekh”, which is characterized by a vertical line crossed by three perpendicular shorter lines. As such, it is the oldest known example of this letter and important to research on ancient alphabets.

“What do we know about the alphabet, really?” asks Garfinkel. “It was invented by the Canaanites under Egyptian influence at around 1800 BCE. The number of Canaanite inscriptions is very small. In all these years [since we’ve been excavating Canaanite sites] there’s less than twenty inscriptions. Most of them are very short, with only a few words. Over the years, we’ve found most of the letters, like L, F, A, B, C, D, F, and so on, but one letter was never found until now.” Samekh is not found in the English language, but it is a major letter in Semitic script.

In early civilizations like Mesopotamia and Egypt, difficult systems of writing were developed, like cuneiform and hieroglyphics. These were complicated systems, inaccessible and requiring special training to understand. Typically, only scribes could read and write in these societies. The Canaanite alphabet, on the other hand, started at 32 letters but was eventually reduced to 22 letters in total. This writing system was much more accessible, and soon anyone could learn how to read and write, much like today. “This is the most important contribution of the Canaanites to world culture,” Garfinkel says.

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A Canaanite storage jar sherd with an inscription bearing the letter “samekh.” T. Rogovski

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Two smiting gods uncovered at the Canaanite temple at Lachish. T. Rogovski

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Going Forward

Prof. Yosef Garfinkel, head of the Institute of Archaeology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, at the Khirbet a-Ra‘i excavation, on July 8, 2019. Times of Israel

Next year, Garfinkel and his team will not be returning to Lachish. “We are moving to another important Canaanite site, Tel Hazor,” he explains. “Hazor was the largest Canaanite city in the region. Just to give an example, Lachish is 7.5 hectares. Hazor is 80 hectares. It is more than ten times bigger than Lachish; it was like New York, or Tokyo. It was the largest city in the Near East [for its time]—not just there, but in the Southern Levant, in this region of Israel, Lebanon, Syria, and so on.” Hazor was a major cultural center, and Garfinkel and his team hope this new expedition will shed more light on the Canaanite culture.

Professor Garfinkel invites anyone who might be interested to join him in helping to excavate the past: “Every summer, there are twenty to thirty excavations [in Israel], and volunteers can join and work for anywhere from two to six weeks.”

 

 

African Treasure

Arianna Zakrzewski is an intern and writer for Popular Archaeology. She is also a graduate from Rhode Island College with a Bachelor’s degree in Anthropology. She has had an interest in archaeology since elementary school, specifically Egyptology and the Classics. In recent years, she has also gained an interest in historical archaeology, and has spent time in the field working in St. Mary’s City, Maryland, participating in excavation and archival research. Most recently, she completed her MA in Museum Studies from Johns Hopkins University. She is currently focused on collections management and making archaeological discoveries accessible and exciting to the public.

On November 16, 2019, the Penn Museum in Philadelphia, PA unveiled a number of newly renovated exhibits, including their newly designed African Galleries. The exhibit covers a 4,000 square-ft space where visitors have the opportunity to trace the paths of artifacts from their African beginning to their current location in Philadelphia.

“Unlike many of our other collections, many of these materials were either purchased or collected in Africa as opposed to excavated, but it is a really significant collection,” says Dr. Julian Siggers, director of the Penn Museum. He says this for several reasons. For one thing, this unique experience opens up the floor for conversations surrounding colonialism and its lasting effects — the Museum is shining a light on these objects and the often illicit means by which they were brought from Africa to the western world.

Dr. Tukufu Zuberi, the Lead Curator of the Africa Galleries, has led the changes in this exhibit, meeting with five different museum directors in Africa to establish a conversation and a partnership surrounding these collections. The museums he has contacted are relatively new, with great ambitions and aspirations; the Penn Museum hopes to establish a partnership and loan program with them soon, according to Siggers.  “I think one of the things that really separates this one out from other galleries is that it sort of puts it in a more anthropological context,”says Siggers. “We’re not treating these objects as art objects, but objects with a great deal of significance in how they operated.”

A Window on Benin

Perhaps one of the most notable artifact sets in the exhibit is from the royal kingdom of Benin. These objects were acquired after the British Punitive in 1897 and entered the art market between 1910-1920, where the Penn Museum purchased a number of works. “We have court art and regalia on display for visitors to consider the histories of the kingdom – the pre-colonial, colonial  and post-colonial histories,” says Dwaune Latimer, Keeper of African Collections. “Visitors will have an opportunity to reflect on the power and longevity of the kingdom and its colonial and current interpretation.”

The story of Benin, like other African countries, is one that is deeply rooted in the effects of colonialism. Siggers emphasizes, “To actually tell the story of the exhibition, to acknowledge that these objects were taken by force, we wanted to be transparent. We actually placed in the gallery a copy of the letter from the director for the museum to the art dealers in London to show how we acquired them. We wanted to be that transparent because we want to use this as a dialogue of what these museums should be doing with objects from Benin when their context is so clearly known.”

Although the Museum is using this exhibit to address issues of colonialism, it is also shining a light on the cultural and historical aspects of Africa, often not explored in the mainstream media. In addition to the topic of enslavement, the African Galleries focus on African commerce. Siggers explains, “Africa was not cut off from the rest of the world. It was heavily involved with trade in Europe, the Middle East, and India so [the exhibit] tells the story of Africa in its global position as well.” Continues Siggers, “[So] the Benin objects are really spectacular. They’re typical of African art, so I think people will respond to those. These are objects that influenced a whole generation of western artists as well, with people like Picasso having their world view shifted after seeing these objects.”

When asked what she hopes visitors will take away from their experience in the gallery, Latimer says, “I hope that the exhibition will illustrate that the cultural artifacts on display are only an example of the long and complex history of Africa and that it will offset whatever vague or stereotyped constructs visitors may harbor about Africa.”

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Above and below: Views of the new Africa Galleries. Courtesy Eric Sucar, University of Pennsylvania

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Ethiopian Cross, among the artifacts on exhibit in the new Africa Galleries. Courtesy Penn Museum

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The Stories Behind The Material Culture

In addition to the Benin collection, there is a mix of ancient artifacts and modern art throughout the exhibit, including beautiful ivory artifacts, combs, manuscripts, contemporary art, and African currency. “There is a great celebration of the ingenuity of African design as well,” Siggers says. “From the 1970s, but also a number of really amazing contemporary artworks that we commissioned.” The new galleries are working to elevate the stories of these cultures, and the voices inspired by these works. Latimer explains, “Material culture communicates to us in many ways but this particular exhibit aims to provide the context under which the artifacts were collected as well as tell visitors about the people that produced the artifacts and the collectors of the artifacts.  So, the galleries will allow people to reflect on African material culture through a cultural and historical perspective.”

Since the topic of colonialism is at the forefront of the conversation in the African Galleries, issues of repatriation are also being addressed head on. “The people to talk to about repatriation are not so much ourselves, but these other museums,” says Siggers. “So that’s what we want to do. This is part of a much larger conversation that’s happening in many museums across the United States and also Europe as well.”

 

The newly renovated African Galleries are part of the Penn Museum’s efforts to redesign their space and bring more global stories to Philadelphia. The African Galleries opened at the same time as the new Mexico and Central American Galleries. Visitors can also view the museum’s famous Sphinx, now on display in the main gallery.

Visitors can explore the African Galleries at the Penn Museum Tuesday through Sunday between 10am and 5pm.

Marxism, Analogy, and Poststructural Theories in Classical Archaeology

P. J. DeMola is a postgraduate of the School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of Leicester in England.
His principle areas of interest are Roman history, archaeology, and politics, as well as Bronze Age Mesopotamia, and the political history of Middle Kingdom through Late Period Ancient Egypt. He has broad general interests in both Classic and Postclassic Mesoamerican sociopolitical structures.
Paul has studied Ancient Greek and Latin under Professor Graham Shipley, FRHistS, FSA (University of Leicester, British School at Athens), and researched Roman military history with Professor Simon James, FSA (University of Leicester).

Classical disciplines have made use of theoretical insights from anthropology, archaeology, history, literature, politics, geography, and sociology for many years (ECW 2013: 97-99). Each of these areas of endeavor contain or constitute a ‘body of theory’. Bodies of theory are groupings of explanatory ideas formulated by humans who critically reflect upon — or systemically interrogate — phenomena, events, and facts or data. For example, in dealing with ancient cultures, the dynamics of sociocultural interaction are locked in past processes, whilst the residual of those processes are visible to us in the present day in the form of data (e.g. artifacts, records, ruins, etc.). Through interpretive hypotheses, the intention of bridging a gap between historical ‘data’ and past social ‘dynamics’ is the focus of certain anthropological and archaeological models (Cf. Johnson 2010: 50-67).

However, do we really need theory in the classical world? Why should one speculate, theoretically, about how ancient Athenians perceived a statue of Zeus when all we need to do is read their writings? Prehistory is one thing, but with classical cultures we have textual based evidence to help us ‘understand’ past dynamics. And yet, can historical writings be trusted as ‘objective’? In other words, are historical writings devoid of subjective influences and equally representative of the masses of people? After all, texts are essentially tools of persuasion; pieces of rhetoric tuned to a specific audience (Pelling 1999; Potter 1999). The motivations governing the construction of ancient historical texts and literary writings is questionable (See TMC 2015: 36-40). Furthermore, what about the ‘little people’ — those whose voices are silent in the historical record? What can be said of their individual thoughts, ideas, beliefs, and customs if the veracity and motivations behind textual sources is called into question? To all of these problems, theory offers solutions — but also poses more questions.

How important is theory to the classical disciplines? To answer this I shall draw from four main bodies of theory: anthropology, archaeology, sociology, and politics. Specifically, I will narrow my focus to four theoretical frameworks: 1) Marxism, 2) Comparative Studies, Analogy, and Cultural Evolution, and 3) Poststructuralism and the American Polis. All the while, I shall attempt to underscore how deeply classical disciplines have been influenced by these theories and attempt to demonstrate how certain disciplines, such as Ancient History and Classical Archaeology, have been more deeply affected by them than others. Moreover, I will seek to answer the question: Do we really need theory to understand classical antiquity? Please note that several hypothetical frameworks have been imparted to classical studies (e.g. reception theory, historiography, feminist and gender studies), and I have only selected a few that I utilize in my archaeological studies.

Part I: Marxism

One such theoretical framework which has had enormous impact to nearly all branches of classical studies is Marxist theory. An import from Sociology, Marxism — or historical materialism — is one of the most transcending and influential bodies of theory (Johnson 2010: 95). In earlier forms of historical research, historians focused more on descriptive narratives of history instead of explanatory analysis. Culture history models of archaeology are an example of this (Johnson 2010: 15-21). Descriptive narratives, while theoretical in nature, do not emphasize explanatory methods as to ‘how’ or ‘why’ dynamics in the past occurred (ECW 2013: 98; See Johnson 2010: 97). Marxist approaches, however, seek to explain these cultural (and subcultural) dynamics as the product of ‘dialectic exchange’ and ‘social contradictions’ between groups of people which are categorized, traditionally, as materialistic or economically based ‘classes’ (Renfrew and Bahn 2008: 478-80). History is explained as a series of interactions between social groups in contention with each other, where one ‘class’ oppresses another which in turn ‘struggles’ against it (Fig.1) (Johnson 2010: 95-97).

In historical materialistic (pure Marxist) ideology, the two principal groups are the wealthy (ruling) and labor (subservient) classes — with the former exploiting the latter. Today, these classes are further subdivided along ethnic, racial, gender, sexual, and religious lines within theoretical bodies, such as Poststructuralism and Post-Processualism (Johnson 2010: 102-42). That being said, Marx’s thoughts on class and struggle — whether one is conscious of it or not — permeate most applications to classical inquiry with regards to interpretation of basic structures and how they are presented. For example, the layout of the workbook for this course (AR7553) critically enquires into the definition of the word ‘classical’ by emphasizing the word ‘class’ and associating it with an economic subsect of Roman élite society: the classici (ECW 2013: 16).

Hence, not only is a ‘class’ of Roman society divided along historical materialistic lines, but our understanding of how ‘classical antiquity’ is defined as a subject is interpreted through a prism of Marxist thought. The same can be said about the boundaries of ‘classical antiquity’ when the limits of its social-geographical parameters are questioned in light of ‘ethno-cultural associations’ between Classical and non-Classical communities (ECW 2013: 20-22). Here, Marxist interpretation identifies the use of cultural (Græco-Roman v ‘others’) and physical (i.e. Mediterranean) boundaries as a means of discriminating against non-Classical societies. Hence, a ‘struggle between classes’ is outlined in the textbook. This underscores the degree to which Marxist theory has influenced classical disciplines.

An interesting use of Marxism in classical studies regards the somewhat abstract distinctions between rural and urban cultures in the Greek speaking Eastern Mediterranean (Boer 1997). A case in point is the work of Ste. Croix (1981: 9-16) and his identification of the χώρα and its distinct socioeconomic characteristics. The χώρα, or khôra, was the rural periphery of a πόλις, or polis. By Roman times, this distinction took on a legal connotation which distinguished the two areas — khôra and polis — as two distinct sociocultural communities. According to Ste. Croix’s treatise, by the 1st century AD, the people who inhabited the khôra were economically exploited — if not politically subservient — to the citizens of the polis.

In other words, the rural hinterland was the ‘labor’ class that lived in direct contention to the ruling people of the polis. However, Ste. Croix goes further and asserts that a reexamining of the Gospels of the New Testament in light of this Marxist interpretation may shed new meaning on the social dynamics of Jesus’ ministry.  For example, Ste. Croix (1981: 427-32) describes the ministry of Jesus Christ as centering mainly around the khôra and that Christ’s work reflected an association with the common or ‘country folk’ or ‘poor’ as opposed to the élite of the city. Ste. Croix further reduces the Gospels as the story of a struggle between ‘rich v. poor’ with the rich inhabiting the city (polis), while the poor are exploited in the country (khôra). In other words, according to Ste Croix, Jesus’ mission is to be a voice of the poor or ‘less propertied’ people, leading an opposition to the urban wealthy classes of the city who oppress them. Therefore, according to Marxist theory, Jesus was a ‘revolutionary’.

While this is an interesting exercise in Marxist interpretation of ancient history, I would contend that Christ was merely railing against a ‘corrupt establishment’ which is the essence of His message to the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Scribes in Jerusalem and that the ‘wealthy classes’ in of themselves were not a target (See Gospel of Mathew 23:3). For example, contradicting Ste. Croix’s Marxist reinterpretation of the New Testament, Jesus clearly associated with more citified persons, such as the Pharisee Nicodemus, and had dinner with ‘tax collectors’ who were part of the Romano-Jewish plutocracy from the cities (Gospel of John 3; Gospel of Luke 5:27-32). Fascinatingly, Jesus was addressed as ‘rabbi’ by the Pharisees; that is to say a teacher of rabbinic law (Gospel of John 3:2; See also 1:38, 1:49, 6:25). Now, to be called ‘rabbi’ by Pharisees meant that in their eyes, Christ was one of them (See Falk 2003). How could this be if Christ was a proto-Marxist revolutionary? After all, these were the élite of the polis — the wealthy classes — who St. Croix clams Jesus was contentious with.

Later, another Pharisee, St. Paul of the city of Tarsus, became an apostle of Jesus (Acts 9:3-9, 26:5; Philippians 3:5). Paul was sanctioned by the original disciples who were themselves from the khôra. Yet, based upon the book of Acts, Paul maintained a status among the wealthier ‘citified’ members of the Sanhedrin. This may be deduced from the fact that Paul not only attended the Temple festivals and participated publicly in their rituals, but had studied law under Gamliel, and sponsored the religious rites of other Jews (an expensive process) at the behest of the original disciples (Acts 21:21-16; 22:3). Consequently, dividing Christ’s work into a city:rural or wealthy:poor theoretical dichotomy may lead to erroneous interpretations of early Christian doctrine. During the 1st century AD, Christian society along with its tenants were more ideologically complex.

There is an argument that can be made here that excessively applying Marxist theory to find ‘class struggles’ within a Christian community is not useful. Reverse projecting one’s ideology onto a past culture may inadvertently lead to ‘politicizing’ the past in ways alien to the people who were living it (See ECW 2013: 101). Another example may be the issue of slavery in the ancient world. For instance, Urbainczyk (2008: 32-33) argues that ancient Roman slaves wanted to abolish slavery, not just gain freedom. In other words, they were not revolting against their masters for individual freedom but seeking to overthrow the system. Urbainczyk (2008: 33-35) interprets their ‘struggle’ as a ‘revolution’ (whether the individuals understood that or not) (See ‘false consciousness’ in Morley 2004: 87). In other words, from Urbainczyk’s point of view, it may be argued that their ‘slave class’ contained the same characteristics as modern slavery and the impact of their revolts challenged existing institutions (Urbainczyk 2008: 118). Such extreme Marxist interpretations may distort reasonable interpretations of past social histories because they take ostensibly subjective interpretations of past actions.

Part II: Comparative Studies, Analogy, and Cultural Evolution

A statistical tool often utilized by archaeologists is comparative analogy. But I must give some background first. Probably the most intuitive model in archaeology of comparative studies is Middle-range Theory, a model pioneered by Lewis Binford in which he utilized ethnographic studies to draw analogous comparisons with living (present day) cultures to interpret dynamics of past (prehistory) cultures (Johnson 2010: 50-64; Cf. ECW 2013: 100). This Processual driven approach to archaeological study, rooted in anthropology, became a pillar of ‘New Archaeology’ and is interrelated with Cultural Evolutionary and Structuralist approaches, as well as scientific methodology (ECW 2013: 102. Today, the use of comparative analogy is a tool employed in comparative history and archaeology (See ECW 2013: 99-102; Cf. Kim 2009 and Scheidel 2011).

In Classical antiquity, the purpose of comparative studies is to elucidate answers for missing facts in the historical or archaeological record by inferring plausible explanations from parallel societies, living or dead, thus expanding our understanding (Scheidel 2013). For example, Humphreys’ (1978: 23-24, Cf. 17-18) notes comparative studies of ancient Greek socio-economies have helped to infer what role ecologies may have played in ancient demographics. The result was an anthropological hypothesis which augmented the historical record. Of course, the underlining assumption is that analogous trajectories are shared by the cultures being compared (See Johnson 2010: 151).

In this manner, comparative studies appear somewhat similar to intertextuality. A recent example of this can be seen in the analysis of early Imperial China (221 BC – AD 220) and the late Roman Republic/Imperial periods (c. 100 BC – AD 100) by Walter Scheidel (2011). Broadly speaking, the two cultures appear analogous in many socioeconomic, political, and ecological aspects. For example, both empires had similar environmental systems, chiefly because they lay in the North Temperate Zone (Scheidel 2011: 11-12). In both cases, the suggestion being that wetter climates to the south were responsible for surplus food production which would be transported north to imperial centers (e.g. Rome, Xianyang, Chang’an), thereby giving rise to ‘complex polities’ in otherwise divergent states (See also Whitley 2001: 166-67). The keyword here being ‘transportation’ and how both empires achieved it.

However, geographic differences are also noted, such as the lack of a ‘temperate sea core’ in China and a geography which hindered transportation of food and goods (Scheidel 2011: 13-14). In short, China did not have a Mediterranean Sea at its geopolitical center. If sea-lanes are essential for the dissemination of food and goods, let alone the political networking of disparate communities within a society, how did the Early Imperial Chinese achieve centralized unification? At this point, instead of comparison, we have contrast. This creates a problem because it becomes difficult to explain how a state maintained sociopolitical unity while not possessing a strategic waterway advantage for the transportation of goods, ideas, and military personnel.

Moreover, it may undermine emphases placed on Roman transportation networks in historical records. For example, in Geography 4.1.2, Strabo elaborates on the manner in which rivers in Gaul are interconnected with the Mediterranean and how these were exploited by the Romans. Elsewhere, Strabo (Geography 17.1.13) describes how Roman sea-lanes included the extensive use of the Red and Arabian Seas and their adjoining straits, thereby connecting the Southern and Eastern regions of the Empire. But could Strabo be exaggerating? Historical texts are literary constructions and should not be accepted at face value. After all, ancient authors did have audiences they wrote for (See Pelling 1999; Potter 1999).

Another theoretical approach will be necessary to further bridge a physical gap in the comparative analogy. Borrowing from Neo-evolutionary theory, the Chinese might have utilized overland transportation to greater extent than waterways to unify the country. This might be supported by the fact that both the Qin and Han Dynasties constructed thousands of miles of roads to link their empire (Fig.2) (Bulliet et al. 2014:164; See Scheidel 2011:13-14; Cf. Johnson 2010:155-56). For instance, at Wushan, a state-maintained plank road was utilized extensively to transport goods between north and south, buoyed by bridge supports over inhospitable topography such as mountainous regions (Chetham 2002: 41). In addition, Sanft (2014: 101-21) has argued that the construction of the ‘Direct Road’ was part of an elaborate highway system which may have aided the bureaucratic concentration of the state, and the cultural unification of Imperial China by the Qin Dynasty.

What can be said then? For the classicalist, this comparative study strengthens our understanding of the role transportation played in the formation of Mediterranean state polities. Additionally, by contrasting Early Imperial Chinese overland routes with Roman seaways, one may deduce that each society made technological adaptations in an independent (bilinear) fashion (Cf. Johnson 2010: 151). For the Romans, this may be exemplified in their shipbuilding techniques (Cf. 1986: Green 17-35). For example, the Madrague de Giens, a Roman mercantile ship which sank off the coast of ancient Gaul (modern France), has provided an interesting look into Roman nautical sophistication. Based on analysis from underwater archaeology, the ship’s design contained a heavy keel and wide frames for stability in rough waters, while possessing staggered planking along the hull to enhance its displacement (See Greene 1986: 26-27). This would make it ideal for carrying large cargos through turbulent waters.

Regardless, in the case of Roman and Chinese societies, technological adaptation occurred to overcome physical geography. Thus, differing conveyance methods were created to achieve a singular purpose: transportation. Why? Because both the Chinese and Romans understood that transportation was necessary for the building of an empire. This fact substantiates Strabo’s claim of Rome’s exploitation of sea-lanes from the Mediterranean to the Arabian Sea. Moreover, this example showcases how a variety of theories enhance our understanding of Classical Antiquity. Here, comparative analogy, cultural evolution, and archaeological analysis of material remains, helped to critically evaluate the historical texts and illuminate a small portion of the political history of the Roman Empire.

Part III: Poststructuralism and the ‘American Polis’

Marxism, with its emphases on the identification of social classes, dialectic exchanges and intersocial and intra-social ‘contradictions’ identified the underlining causes of social change in history and reduces them to competing classes. While analogy, with its emphasis on comparative analyses and quantitative methods, interprets dynamics within and between classes by inferring explanations from unrelated sources. Different approaches that work, sometimes in conjunction with each other, to explain classical antiquity. While these bodies of theory have clearly influenced the classical disciplines, the question must be asked: do we really need theory to understand classical antiquity? In short, yes. Is it infallible? No.

One must be cautious when approaching past peoples from a modern theoretical position. Returning to Ste. Croix’s theory on ‘polis v. khôra’ above, people are going to act based on many individual — not necessarily class or group — needs. Both Jesus and Paul interacted with a variety of individuals from outside their social ‘class’. Indeed, it may be argued that they did not fit into any specific ‘class’. And here lies the problem with class distinctions being applied to historical dynamics: the individual — their ideas, desires, beliefs, understandings, emotions, impulses, passions — is overlooked in favor of a ‘group’ identity superimposed upon him or her through expert consensus. In other words, one risks categorizing people according to the sum of their parts, which may lead to incorrect assumptions regarding past dynamics.

For example, a case in point may be the 2016 Presidential Elections in the United States. The general consensus by experts relied on inferential statistics and historical trends of demographic groups (classes) based upon probability models from the 2008 and 2012 electorates. All of it pointed to a theoretical victory for the Democratic Party candidate (See Sabato et al. 2016a). However, demographic groups voted contrary to historical patterns in many regional areas. Arguably against their own special interests, many voted along parallel lines with other ‘classes’ defying their social groups (Barone 2016; Trende 2016). The only way to explain this is the individual was overlooked in the analysis of data. Humans are not monolithic beings. People are not necessarily herded or subscribe to ‘group mentality’ (Cf. Fromm 1941: 203, 253).

Blinded by probability, pundits forgot people are individuals — independent agents — who may act outside of ‘character’ and divorce themselves from their ‘class’ in decision (Sabato et al. 2016b; Cf. Johnson 2010:108). This is because class distinctions are subjective ideas; a product created by humans for the sake of convention. Grippingly, Foucault suggested that any form of analysis of individual identity which inferred characteristic groups — whether ‘status, class, or gender’ based — was a form of social oppression (Morley 2004:97-99; Johnson 2010:202-03). From this perspective, one may argue against the reduction of human behavior into any interpretive ‘trend’. For instance, Ste. Croix’s khôra and any (perceived) similarities between Imperial Chinese and Roman cultures are merely human invention. Taken to its natural conclusion, the entire premise of interpreting past cultures through theoretical frameworks which involve social classes contending with each other — let alone comparing such groups — dissolves. That being said, if scholars cannot correctly infer present day dynamics from more recent data, how can they accurately ascertain past dynamics from ancient data? As nihilistic as it may sound, they probably cannot.

Conclusions

Theory does not involve making arbitrary conclusions from abstract hypotheses, rather it is about interrogating data (what is known) and drawing sound deductions (or inductions) regarding sociocultural dynamics that are unknown. In this essay, I focused on theoretical frameworks lifted from three bodies of theory: anthropological, sociological, and archaeological. Specifically, I selected Marxism, Comparative Studies and Analogy, Cultural Evolution, and Poststructuralism, with ancillary methods directly or indirectly touched upon (e.g. quantification, probability, Maritime archaeology). At every turn, I attempted to illustrate how theory works to illuminate the dynamics of classical antiquity through an analysis of present day data. I ended with the brief deconstruction of theoretical frameworks to highlight how theorizing is a subjective endeavor, while still being necessary for perspective and to expand our knowledge. After all, knowledge is inferred (contra Ashenden 2005:202-06).

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Ancient Author Cited

Strabo. Geography, trans. H. L. Jones. Cambridge: Loeb Classical Library. 1923.

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Chetham, D., 2002. Before the Deluge: The Vanishing World of the Yangtze’s Three Gorges. New York: Macmillan.

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Falk, H., 2003. Jesus the Pharisee. Eugene: Wipf and Stock Publishers.

Fromm, E., 1941. Escape From Freedom. New York: Henry Holt and Company, LLC.

Greene, K., 1986. The Archaeology of the Roman Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Humphreys, S. C., 1978. Anthropology and the Classics. In: London: Routledge, pp. 17-31.

Johnson, M., 2010. Archaeological Theory: An Introduction. Second ed. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell.

Kim, H. J., 2009. Ethnicity and Foreigners in Ancient Greece and China. London: Duckworth.

Morley, N., 2004. Theories, Models and Concepts in Ancient History. London: Routledge.

Pelling, C., 1999. Literary Texts and the Greek Historian. London: Routledge.

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Neanderthal cord weaving

CNRS—Contrary to popular belief, Neanderthals may have been no less technologically advanced than Homo sapiens. An international team, including researchers from the CNRS, have discovered the first evidence of cord making, dating back more than 40,000 years (1), on a flint fragment from the prehistoric site of Abri du Maras in the south of France (2). Microscopic analysis showed that these remains had been intertwined, proof of their modification by humans. Photographs revealed three bundles of twisted fibers, plied together to create one cord. In addition, spectroscopic analysis revealed that these strands were made of cellulose, probably from coniferous trees. This discovery highlights unexpected cognitive abilities on the part of Neanderthals, suggesting they not only had a good understanding of the mathematics involved in winding the fibers, but also a thorough knowledge of tree growth. These results, published on 9 April 2020 in Scientific Reports, represent the oldest known proof of textile and cord technology to date.

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Photograph of the cord fragment taken by digital microscopy (the fragment is approximately 6.2 mm long and 0.5 mm wide). © C2RMF

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Detail of the cord fragment showing twisted fibers, observed by scanning electron microscopy. © MNHN

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Article Source: Edited from the CNRS news release

(1) Neanderthals lived between 350,000 and 28,000 years BC.
(2) Archaeological site in southeastern France (Ardèche). The team led by Marie-Hélène Moncel has previously shown that Neanderthals occupied this shelter.

The following laboratories contributed to this work: Histoire naturelle de l’Homme préhistorique (CNRS/Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle/Université de Perpignan Via Domitia), De la molécule aux nano-objets : réactivité, interactions et spectroscopies (CNRS/Sorbonne Université), along with the Centre de recherche et de restauration des musées de France (ministère de la Culture).

The excavations at the Abri du Maras have in particular benefited from funding from the French Ministry of Culture and the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes Regional Archaeology Service.

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Advertisement

Bristol leads archaeologists on 5,000-year-old egg hunt

UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL—An international team of specialists, led by the University of Bristol, is closer to cracking a 5,000-year-old mystery surrounding the ancient trade and production of decorated ostrich eggs.

Long before Fabergé, ornate ostrich eggs were highly prized by the elites of Mediterranean civilizations during the Bronze and Iron Ages, but to date little has been known about the complex supply chain behind these luxury goods.

Examining ostrich eggs from the British Museum’s collection, the team, led by Bristol’s Dr Tamar Hodos, were able to reveal secrets about their origin and how and where they were made. Using state-of-the-art scanning electron microscopy, Dr Caroline Cartwright, Senior Scientist at the British Museum was able to investigate the eggs’ chemical makeup to pinpoint their origins and study minute marks that reveal how they were made.

In the study, published today in the journal Antiquity, the researchers describe for the first time the surprisingly complex system behind ostrich egg production. This includes evidence about where the ostrich eggs were sourced, if the ostriches were captive or wild, and how the manufacture methods can be related to techniques and materials used by artisans in specific areas.

“The entire system of decorated ostrich egg production was much more complicated than we had imagined! We also found evidence to suggest the ancient world was much more interconnected than previously thought,” said Dr Hodos, Reader in Mediterranean Archaeology in Bristol’s School of Arts.

“Mediterranean ostriches were indigenous to the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa. Using a variety of isotopic indicators, we were able to distinguish eggs laid in different climatic zones (cooler, wetter and hotter, drier). What was most surprising to us was that eggs from both zones were found at sites in the other zone, suggestive of more extensive trade routes.”

Dr Hodos and colleagues believe eggs were taken from wild birds’ nests despite evidence of ostriches being kept in captivity during this period. This was no ordinary egg-hunt – ostriches can be extremely dangerous so there was a tremendous risk involved in taking eggs from wild birds.

“We also found eggs require time to dry before the shell can be carved and therefore require safe storage. This has economic implications, since storage necessitates a long-term investment and this, combined with the risk involved, would add to an egg’s luxury value,” said Dr Hodos.

The study is part of an ongoing research project into ancient luxury goods, Globalizing Luxuries.

Dr Hodos explains: “We are assessing not only how ancient luxuries were produced but also how they were used by different peoples. These questions are incredibly important for our own society today, in which the same object may have different social or symbolic meanings for different groups. Such knowledge and understanding helps foster tolerance and mutual respect in a multi-cultural society. If we can understand these mechanisms in the past, for which we have long-term outcomes in terms of social development, we can use this knowledge to better inform our own society in a number of ways.”

Dr Caroline Cartwright, Senior Scientist, Department of Scientific Research, British Museum, said

“The British Museum is delighted to collaborate with colleagues at the universities of Bristol and Durham on this ongoing research. Using state-of-the-art scanning electron microscope facilities in the British Museum’s Department of Scientific Research, our experts were able to study these beautiful objects and cast new light on their significance in history. We look forward to continuing to work with university partners and furthering the knowledge and understanding of the Museum’s collection.”

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A decorated egg from the Isis Tomb, Vulci, Italy. Tamar Hodos, University of Bristol (with the permission of the Trustees of the British Museum)

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A decorated egg from the Isis Tomb, Vulci, Italy, under examination. Tamar Hodos, University of Bristol (with the permission of the Trustees of the British Museum)

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Areas of study. Tamar Hodos, University of Bristol

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL news release

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Earliest humans in the Amazon created thousands of ‘forest islands’ as they tamed wild plants

UNIVERSITY OF EXETER—The earliest human inhabitants of the Amazon created thousands of artificial forest islands as they tamed wild plants to grow food, a new study shows.

The discovery of the mounds is the latest evidence to show the extensive impact people had on the area. From their arrival 10,000 years ago they transformed the landscape when they began cultivating manioc and squash.

This led to the creation of 4,700 of the forest islands in what is now Llanos de Moxos in northern Bolivia, the team has found. This savannah area floods from December to March and is extremely dry from July to October, but the mounds remain above the water level during the rainy season allowing trees to grow on them. The mounds promoted landscape diversity, and show that small-scale communities began to shape the Amazon 8,000 years earlier than previously thought.

The research confirms this part of the Amazon is one of the earliest centers of plant domestication in the world. Using microscopic plant silica bodies, called phytoliths, found well preserved in tropical forests, experts have documented the earliest evidence found in the Amazon of manioc -10,350 years ago, squash – 10,250 years ago, and maize – 6,850 years ago. The plants grown on the forest islands were chosen because they were carbohydrate-rich and easy to cook, and they probably provided a considerable part of the calories consumed by the first inhabitants of the region, supplemented by fish and some meat.

The study, in the journal Nature, was conducted by Umberto Lombardo and Heinz Veit from the University of Bern, Jose Iriarte and Lautaro Hilbert from the University of Exeter, Javier Ruiz-Pérez from Pompeu Fabra University and José Capriles from Pennsylvania State University.

The study involved an unprecedented large scale regional analysis of 61 archaeological sites, identified by remote sensing, now patches of forest surrounded by savannah. Samples were retrieved from 30 forest islands and archaeological excavations carried out in four of them.

Dr Lombardo said: “Archaeologists, geographers, and biologists have argued for many years that southwestern Amazonia was a probable centre of early plant domestication because many important cultivars like manioc, squash, peanuts and some varieties of chili pepper and beans are genetically very close to wild plants living here. However, until this recent study, scientist had neither searched for, nor excavated, old archaeological sites in this region that might document the pre-Columbian domestication of these globally important crops.”

Professor Iriarte said: “Genetic and archaeological evidence suggests there were at least four areas of the world where humans domesticated plants around 11,000 years ago, two in the Old World and two in the New World. This research helps us to prove South West Amazonia is likely the fifth.

“The evidence we have found shows the earliest inhabitants of the area were not just tropical hunter-gatherers, but colonizers who cultivated plants. This opens the door to suggest that they already ate a mixed diet when they arrived in the region.”

Javier Ruiz-Pérez said: “Through an extensive archaeological survey including excavations and after analyzing dozens of radiocarbon dates and phytolith samples, we demonstrated that pre-Columbian peoples adapted to and modified the seasonally flooded savannahs of south-western Amazonia by building thousands of mounds where to settle and by cultivating and even domesticating plants since the beginning of the Holocene.”

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Forest islands seen from above. (photo Umberto Lombardo).

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Forest Island Isla Manechi (left) in the Barba Azul Nature Reserve. Here is where the oldest evidence for cassava and squash was found. Umberto Lombardo

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF EXETER news release

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Revolutionary new method for dating pottery sheds new light on prehistoric past

UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL—A team at the University of Bristol has developed a new method of dating pottery which is allowing archaeologists to date prehistoric finds from across the world with remarkable accuracy.

The exciting new method, reported in detail* today in the journal Nature, is now being used to date pottery from a range of key sites up to 8,000 years old in Britain, Europe and Africa.

Pottery and the dating game

Archaeological pottery has been used to date archaeological sites for more than a century, and from the Roman period onwards can offer quite precise dating. But further back in time, for example at the prehistoric sites of the earliest Neolithic farmers, accurate dating becomes more difficult because the kinds of pottery are often less distinctive and there are no coins or historical records to give context.

This is where radiocarbon dating, also known as 14C-dating, comes to the rescue. Until now, archaeologists had to radiocarbon date bones or other organic materials buried with the pots to understand their age.

But the best and most accurate way to date pots would be to date them directly, which the University of Bristol team has now introduced by dating the fatty acids left behind from food preparation.

Professor Richard Evershed from the University of Bristol’s School of Chemistry led the team. He said: “Being able to directly date archaeological pots is one of the “Holy Grails” of archaeology. This new method is based on an idea I had going back more than 20 years and it is now allowing the community to better understand key archaeological sites across the world.

“We made several earlier attempts to get the method right, but it wasn’t until we established our own radiocarbon facility in Bristol that we cracked it. There’s a particular beauty in the way these new technologies came together to make this important work possible and now archaeological questions that are currently very difficult to resolve could be answered.”

How the method works

The trick was isolating individual fat compounds from food residues, perhaps left by cooking meat or milk, protected within the pores of prehistoric cooking pots. The team brought together the latest high resolution nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy and mass spectrometry technologies to design a new way of isolating the fatty acids and checking they were pure enough for accurate dating.

The team then had to show that the new approach gave dates as accurate as those given by materials commonly dated in archaeology, such as bones, seeds and wood. To do this the team looked at fat extracts from ancient pottery at a range of key sites in Britain, Europe and Africa with already precise dating which were up to 8,000 years old.

From the famous Sweet Track site in Somerset and several sites in the Alsace region of France, to the World Heritage site of Çatalhöyük in central Turkey and the famous rock shelter site of Takarkori in Saharan Africa, the new method was proven to date sites incredibly accurately, even to within a human life span.

Professor Alex Bayliss, Head of Scientific Dating at Historic England, who undertook the statistical analyses, added: “It is very difficult to overstate the importance of this advance to the archaeological community. Pottery typology is the most widely used dating technique in the discipline, and so the opportunity to place different kinds of pottery in calendar time much more securely will be of great practical significance.”

Using the pottery calendar to better understand London’s pre-history

In London, England, the new dating method has been used on a remarkable collection of pottery found in Shoreditch, thought to be the most significant group of Early Neolithic pottery ever found in the capital. The extraordinary trove, comprising 436 fragments from at least 24 separate vessels weighing nearly 6.5 kilos in total, was discovered by archaeologists from MOLA (Museum of London Archaeology).

The site appeared to date from the time when the first farmers came to Britain but accurately dating it was difficult until the Bristol team, using their new dating method on traces of milk fats extracted from the pots, showed the pottery was 5,500 years old. The team were able to date the pottery collection to a window of just 138 years, to around 3600BC.

The results indicate that around 5600 years ago the area around what is now Shoreditch High Street was used by established farmers who ate cow, sheep or goat dairy products as a central part of their diet. These people were likely to have been linked to the migrant groups who were the first to introduce farming to Britain from Continental Europe around 4000 BC – just 400 years earlier.

Jon Cotton, a consultant prehistorian working for MOLA, said: “This remarkable collection helps to fill a critical gap in London’s prehistory. Archaeological evidence for the period after farming arrived in Britain rarely survives in the capital, let alone still in-situ. This is the strongest evidence yet that people in the area later occupied by the city and its immediate hinterland were living a less mobile, farming-based lifestyle during the Early Neolithic period.”

The results from this site are a prime example of where pottery survives in circumstances that other organic materials do not, so using this revolutionary new method will unlock important information about our prehistoric past.

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Using radiocarbon dating to date fat compounds within the pores of pottery provides revolutionary, accurate method of dating. Bluebudgie, Pixabay, Public Domain

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*’Accurate compound-specific 14C dating of archaeological pottery vessels’ by R. Evershed, E. Casanova, T. Knowles, A. Bayliss, J. Dunne, M. Baranski et al in Nature

Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL news release

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