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Pushing Back the Timeline on the Earliest Stone Tools

Rising to nearly 6,000 feet above sea level, Mount Homa dominates a Kenyan landscape that features sediments as old as the Miocene epoch a geologic time period that ended more than 5 million years ago. This mountain’s real name, however, is Got Uma or God Marahuma, meaning “famous mountain,” bestowed by the Luo fishing people who have inhabited the surrounding region for centuries. Considered an inactive volcano, Got Uma, or Mount Homa, defines its namesake Peninsula, which extends into Africa’s massive Lake Victoria and helps to define the lake’s Winam Gulf, which laps the peninsula’s shoreline from the north. Though the peninsula, like anywhere else, has a regional and local natural and cultural history that extends back thousands of years, its most recent claim to fame lies in ancient sediments featuring a rich array of fossils that have drawn paleontologists, geologists, archaeologists, and many other scientists to explore and study a remarkable mosaic of prehistory. It is a mosaic that has also included evidence of a hominin presence — deep-time human relatives that have long become extinct.  

Archaeologist Tom Plummer, Professor of Anthropology at Queens College, City University of New York, has been conducting field research on the Homa Peninsula since the 1990’s. Among other things, a record of significant fossil finds of Theropithecus oswaldi monkeys drew him and others to the area, as fossils of these monkeys have historically been frequently found near fossil evidence of hominins. Together with Richard Potts, who directs the Human Origins Program at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History, along with a team of other scientists and universities, he has uncovered robust evidence for hominin activity as far back as over 2 million years ago at key locations across this landscape.  

One of the first “eureka moments” of these discoveries emerged at a place on the northwestern shore of the peninsula.

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View of Mount Homa and surrounding landscape where investigations have taken place. Chip Clark (Smithsonian Institution), Public Domain

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Toolmaking and Butchery at Kanjera South

Early on, Plummer and a team of scientist specialists and excavators began investigating a site designated as Kanjera South, located near the margins of what was, at one time, an ancient lake. Digging methodically through fossil-bearing silts and fine sands, they penetrated several meters of sediment. In the process, they encountered stone artifacts and associated fauna, all revealed within three major beds. (A “bed” being a layer with a defined sequence of related or associated geologic events and fossil occurrences, such as what were initially described in excavations at Olduvai Gorge.) One 169-square meter excavation area alone yielded about 3,700 animal fossils and 2,900 artifacts in a sequence measured 1 meter in depth. Stone artifacts found during the excavation represented, according to Plummer, “one of the largest collections of Oldowan artifacts”* found to date, from anywhere in the world. The first Oldowan stone tools were discovered by archaeologist Louis Leakey in the 1930s at Olduvai Gorge. This very early technology usually consisted of simple cores, choppers, scrapers, awls and burins made of quartz, quartzitebasaltobsidianflint and chert. Early humans produced them by striking a core stone on the edge with a hammerstone to produce a conchoidal fracture with sharp edges and flakes that could be used for a variety of functions, such as cutting meat. Unmodified pieces, called manuports — stones transported from other locations —  have also been found at some sites. Though the quantity and concentration of the Kanjera South finds at this location was significant, it was not altogether precedent-setting, because the Oldowan stone tool industry is considered, Plummer saya, “the oldest geographically widespread and long-lasting technology.”  

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Location of Kanjera along the modern shoreline of Lake Victoria, East Africa. Joseph V. Ferraro, Thomas W. Plummer, Briana L. Pobiner, James S. Oliver, Laura C. Bishop, David R. Braun, Peter W. Ditchfield, John W. Seaman III, Katie M. Binetti, John W. Seaman Jr, Fritz Hertel, Richard Potts,  Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, Wikimedia Commons

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Artifacts made from a representative sample of raw materials from Kanjera. Photo credit: Tom Plummer. See The Hard Stuff of Culture: Oldowan Archaeology at Kanjera South, Kenya, by Tom Plummer, Popular Archaeology, May 30, 2016.

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But there was more. 

Notable from their analysis of the Oldowan artifacts, Plummer and colleagues observed that they had been fashioned from a great variety of raw material sources, including not only local sources of carbonate, limestone, iolite, nephelinite, and fenitized stone, but also from non-local, more remote sources for the quartzite, rhyolite, granite, basalt, and schistose stone. This led to an interesting implication. As stated by Plummer in a 2012 article published in Popular Archaeology Magazine:  

“What we found is that approximately 30% of the artifacts recovered from Kanjera were made from rocks that were transported to the site from conglomerates at least 10-13 km away (Braun et al., 2008)…The finding that there are not nearly enough cores to account for all of the flakes at the site further hints that the artifact sample at Kanjera was part of a larger transport system. It appears that cores were being carried by hominins, for use to dispense flakes…”*

In this sense, the Kanjera site is unusual compared to other Oldowan sites in East Africa and elsewhere. 

“The fact that hominins were investing energy in the transport of hard raw materials, and more efficiently reducing them, suggests that artifact manufacture was of great importance in their day-to-day lives,” wrote Plummer in The Hard Stuff of Culture.* 

But why?

Analysis of the faunal remains at the site has given some clues. The site investigators recorded a comparatively significant number of associated bones of small antelopes about the size of or slightly larger than today’s Grants Gazelles. Bone type representation accumulated at the location suggested complete carcasses were brought to the site. Moreover, use-wear analysis of the associated artifacts, as well as damage analysis of the bones, indicated intentional cut-marks using the stone tools.

“Damage to the fossils indicates that hominins were using stone tools to slice meat off of bones, and to break bones open for their fatty marrow,” wrote Plummer.* Carnivore toothmarks were also found on the bones but most of those marks were made after the cut marks, suggesting carnivore scavenging after the hominins had completed processing the carcasses.

“The overall pattern of hominin access to the complete carcasses of small antelopes may be the signal of hominin hunting,” suggests Plummer. “If so, this would be the oldest evidence of hunting to date in the archaeological record.”[statement made based on fossil and artifact discoveries made as documented in the record by 2015]*

Moreover, use-wear analysis of the artifacts also suggested that these hominins were not limited to a carnivorous diet. They were processing a variety of plant tissues, including tubers and wood. 

A new window on early hominin behavior was beginning to emerge.

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A small bovid metatarsal, bearing cut marks; from bed KS-2 of Kanjera, an archaeological and paleoanthropological site on the southern shores of the Winam Gulf of Lake Victoria, Homa Bay County, Kenya (scale: 1 cm). Joseph V. Ferraro, Thomas W. Plummer, Briana L. Pobiner, James S. Oliver, Laura C. Bishop, David R. Braun, Peter W. Ditchfield, John W. Seaman III, Katie M. Binetti, John W. Seaman Jr, Fritz Hertel, Richard Potts. Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, Wikimedia Commons

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A small bovid femur with numerous cut marks. From bed KS-2 of Kanjera. Joseph V. Ferraro, Thomas W. Plummer, Briana L. Pobiner, James S. Oliver, Laura C. Bishop, David R. Braun, Peter W. Ditchfield, John W. Seaman III, Katie M. Binetti, John W. Seaman Jr, Fritz Hertel, Richard Potts. Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International, Wikimedia Commons

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A shaft fragment from an ungulate leg bone showing a single, deep stone tool cutmark and carnivore toothmarks. One toothmark overlays the cutmark, indicating that the hominins had stripped meat off the bone prior to carnivore gnawing. Photo credit: Tom Plummer. See The Hard Stuff of Culture: Oldowan Archaeology at Kanjera South, Kenya, by Tom Plummer, Popular Archaeology, May 30, 2016.

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Retiming the Horizon at Nyayanga

While the discoveries and implications of Kanjera South were remarkable enough, Plummer and his colleagues soon found that there was much more to add to the story when they turned their attention to other sites west and south of Kanjera. Those efforts included a site known as Nyayanga (named after a nearby beach), located in the foothills of Mount Homa, a few hundred meters from the Lake Victoria shoreline. 

It came on a personal referral. “Peter Onyango, one of the excavators working with us [at Kanjera South], told us that there were tools and fossils like we were finding at Kanjera near his home at a place called Nyayanga,” said Plummer. “So he showed us the place, and we began to research the exposures there.”

Plummer knew he faced a few given complications with the site location. “Because the area is densely populated with people and livestock, trampling can damage and disperse bones and stone tools as they erode out of the outcrop,” he explained. “Also, heavy rain during the wet season(s) can rapidly erode sediments of interest and wash away important fossils and artifacts.”

With these challenges, excavations began in earnest in 2015. Digging in 1 meter squares, they recorded and mapped all objects and fossils measuring greater than 2 centimeters with a laser theodolite. “All of the artifacts from the most ancient sediments at Nyayanga (Nyayanga Beds 1-4) were Oldowan tools,” said Plummer. The team recovered a total of 330 identifiable Oldowan artifacts, 195 from the surface and 135 in situ within the stratigraphic context. Although the assemblage was generally similar to those found at other locations, this one was distinctly characterized with a high frequency (20.6 %) of cores and a comparatively larger percentage of artifacts showing signs of percussive activity. The tools were manufactured from a variety of different raw materials, including quartz, quartzite and rhyolite. 

A total of 1,776 bones were recovered and recorded, combined from two excavations (excavations 3 and 5). A large percentage of the bone remains were attributed to hippopotamids (hippos) at 57.1% and 61.9 %, respectively. Most significantly, Plummer’s team detected clear evidence of butchery among these large fauna. At least two hippos were recovered from excavation 3, the bones of one individual hippo associated with as many as 42 stone tools, including several in direct physical contact with the bones. One rib fragment featured a clear cut-mark with characteristics typically made by a stone tool, and three stone flakes exhibited use-wear patterns identifiable to butchery activity. In excavation 5, another array of bones attributable to a single individual hippo were recovered in association with 14 stone tool artifacts. Faunal remains of other animals were also found showing clear damage attributable to stone tools. Evidence pointed to hominin consumption of both meat and bone marrow. 

But stone tool use was not confined to butchery activity at the site. “Our team’s analyses of stone tool butchery marks on fossils, and microscopic wear formed on stone tools used to cut and pound things, indicate that a diverse array of plant and animal foods was acquired and processed by the Nyayanga toolmakers,” says Plummer. The hominins who occupied the site, in other words, did not subsist entirely on megafauna. They had a diverse diet. 

Moreover, analysis of soil carbonates, tooth enamel isotopes, and taxon in the area indicated that these hominins subsisted in a grassy woodland consisting of warm-season grasses along a stream channel and fresh-water springs within an overall savannah-like environment, a setting not unlike those found at other Oldowan sites such as Ledi-Geraru and Mille-Logya in Ethiopia. Such a habitat would have provided the hominins at this location with a diverse range of potable water, animal and plant food sources, and shelter.

What stood out most from the finds at Nyayanga, however, revolved around three eye-brow raising discoveries — the date range of the finds, the hominin fossil evidence, and the location of the finds… 

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Cover Image, Top Left: Examples of an Oldowan percussive tool, core and flakes from Nyayanga. T.W. Plummer, J.S. Oliver, and E. M. Finestone, Homa Peninsula Paleoanthropology Project

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Humans are born to run.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA – DAVIS—The 2024 Summer Olympics are in full swing. One of the marquee events is of course the marathon, a grueling test of fitness and athleticism. 

When it comes to endurance running, humans are among the very top mammals in their athletic prowess. While we may not be the best sprinters in the animal kingdom, we can run steadily for long distances, even in hot weather. Our locomotor muscles are dominated by slow-twitch, fatigue-resistant fibers and our unique ability to sweat allows our bodies to effectively dissipate heat.

Humans are so good at endurance running, it seems we were born to do it. But why?

A theory of endurance

In 1984, biologist David Carrier proposed the endurance pursuit hypothesis to explain why humans are such good long-distance runners. According to the theory, endurance running traits in humans evolved to allow us to run down large game animals through persistence hunting.

Twenty years later, Carrier’s theory was expanded upon by scientists Dennis Bramble and Daniel Lieberman, who highlighted the physiological traits conducive to endurance running. They proposed that such traits first appeared in the Homo genus nearly 2 million years ago and “may have been instrumental in the evolution of the human body form.”

The endurance pursuit hypothesis, however, isn’t without its skeptics.

“There are two reservations that have always clung to this hypothesis,” said Bruce Winterhalder, professor emeritus in the UC Davis Department of Anthropology and Graduate Group in Ecology. “One is that running is more costly than walking, so based on a simple cost-benefit analysis, it doesn’t look like an efficient way of hunting.”

“And then secondly, we have some examples of contemporary hunter-gatherers practicing endurance pursuits but probably less than a dozen cases,” he said. “For the skeptics, endurance pursuits can’t have been that important to hunting evolution in the Paleolithic if it’s not that important to hunter-gatherers now.”

But in a recent study* appearing in Nature Human Behaviour, Winterhalder and paleoanthropologist Eugène Morin, of Trent University, combine mathematical modeling and a multi-year, ethnohistoric investigation of first-hand accounts of endurance pursuits to bolster support for Carrier’s hypothesis.

Sifting through history

According to Winterhalder, the recent availability of thousands of digitized accounts written by explorers, missionaries and officials combined with analytical software capable of sifting through them was key to uncovering examples of endurance pursuits throughout history.

“We have software that allows us to search for information that dwarfs what we could do if we were trying to read through all the possible sources ourselves,” Winterhalder said.

Thanks to this technology, Winterhalder and Morin uncovered 391 descriptions of hunts, dating from 1527 through the early 20th century, that matched endurance pursuit tactics. Accounts originated from 272 locations around the world, which suggests that endurance pursuit hunting was widely practiced and occurred in diverse environments.

Analyzing the data

Across the historical data, endurance pursuits followed a similar trajectory: hunters encounter a prey animal; a pursuit occurs (with the prey animal rapidly outdistancing the hunters); the prey animal pauses to recuperate after exhausting themselves (allowing the slower-paced hunters to catch up); the prey animal flees again; and the cycle repeats until the animal is completely exhausted and overtaken.

Within that common pattern, tactics differed.   

“There are a fair number of cases in which these pursuits are done by teams, by relay. We also have cases where there’s an individual who will climb a hill nearby and use hand signals to indicate where the animal is going, so the person following can take shortcuts and save energy,” Winterhalder said.

This cooperation during endurance pursuit hunting hints at a social element related to running in humans. According to Winterhalder, exhibiting such athletic prowess could have been a way for males to showcase their value among the community, elevating their social status or chances of finding mates.  

In a follow-up study, Winterhalder and Morin plan to further examine female participation in endurance running. While instances of female participation only occurred in about 3-4% of the accounts in the study’s dataset, Winterhalder said that doesn’t necessarily mean females were not good runners.

“In a fair number of cases, we did find that there are festivals, feasts and ritual events that involve running contests,” Winterhalder said. “In cases where we find mentions of rituals or games, the participants generally are women, men and children.”   

It also doesn’t mean that women weren’t involved in hunts as recent research shows “evidence that early women were also hunting.”  

Backing it up with math

Since his graduate student days at Cornell University, Winterhalder has specialized in adapting mathematical models devised by biologists for calculating the value of pursuing game versus the time and energy costs.

For this latest study, Winterhalder and Morin used the models to account for increasing velocity during game pursuits. He and Morin then compared return rates from endurance pursuit hunts to other common foraging methods.

“We found that in contexts like high heat or a substrate that impedes the animal, such as crusted snow, the net return rate of food acquisition from endurance pursuits can match or exceed that of other methods of prey acquisition. The chance of pursuit failure appears to diminish, and exhausted prey are safer to approach. For early humans without ballistic weaponry, these are significant advantages,” Winterhalder said.

Winterhalder hopes the research will generate more interest in the scientific community about the origins of our running gait and, possibly, why some people find the activity to be incredibly satisfying, à la the proverbial “runner’s high.”

“To run long distances, to have an evolved gait that’s uniquely imbued with stamina is unusual in the animal world,” Winterhalder said. “If that inspires you to go for a run, great.”

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA – DAVIS news release.

The Great Maya Tombstone

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

The iconography of the Maya tombstone in the Temple of the Inscriptions has raised more questions than well-founded answers. A close look at the tombstone, its setting and history, may help understand the Maya timeless message about life and death. The Temple is the final resting place of K’inich Janahb’ Pakal Ahaw, Lord of the B’aakal kingdom at Lakamha’, near today’s Palenque in Chiapas, Mexico, where he was born on March 13, 603. From the end of the fifth to the late ninth century, Lakamha’ was an important metropolis and a major regional player in politics, trade, and architecture. Pakal ruled the kingdom from 615 to 682, making him one of the longest-reigning Maya monarchs in history………..

 

As holy lord of the B’aakal kingdom, Pakal was supreme in secular and religious matters, superseding the high priest and priestess, for the prefix K’inich means Lord, while Ahaw connotes Holy. The Maya called their kings ch’ul ahaw or “lords of the life force,” for the universal power vested in them by the gods. He, and he alone, was anointed by the gods of the unifying forces of light of the Otherworld and those of darkness of the Underworld. In the Maya cosmology, these “worlds” were understood as “complementary opposites” for, paradoxically, both were in turn friendly and hostile over humans and nature. For these reasons, they needed to be pacified through rituals at dedicated times such as, among others, planting and harvesting and important communal milestones. 

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Temple of the Inscriptions  @georgefery.com

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In the last decade of his life, Pakal and his architects worked on his funerary monument, the Temple of the Inscriptions, facing the ancient city’s central plaza.

The temple is the most remarkable sanctuary ever built in Mesoamerica. The eight-level funerary pyramid, and the temple at its summit making up its ninth level, was designed by Pakal and his architects, who started its construction around 675, when Pakal was seventy-two years old. The structure was completed about five years before his death on August 8, 683. The temple at its top was dedicated on December 23, 688, by his son and heir, K’inich K’an B’ahlam (635-702), in time for his father’s funeral. The stepped pyramid’s foundations reach over ten feet below the central plaza’s grounds. The structure was originally covered with plaster that may have been painted red, for remains of pigment were found; of note is the absence of carvings on its stones. The name Temple of the Inscriptions comes from three large limestone panels found on the walls of the temple’s front corridor. In the past, the stepped pyramid was known as “Temple of the Laws” because on those panels are 617-glyphs that narrate Pakal’s achievements and proclaim his place in eternity. 

The six piers atop the pyramid are adorned with stucco scenes. As noted by scholars, “we may never know what Pakal intended to display on the piers, for K’an B’ahlam, who completed the temple after his father’s death, took this public location to show the rituals in which he became heir to the throne and proved his divine nature.” In ancient Maya cosmology “the pyramid replicates the“First-True-Mountain of the World Rising out of the Primordial Waters of Creation” (Schele, Matthews, 1993, 1998). The crypt, located in the deepest recess of the pyramid, is associated with caves perceived as portals to the water world, for water is integral to the belief in the beginning of life in Maya cosmology, where the “Otherworld” points to a mythic world “above” the human plane, abode of the sun, beneficent gods, and life. Its opposite, the “Underworld” or world “below” is associated with sunset, the moon, malevolent gods, and death. The world of the living, between these two man-made worlds, is the “Middle World.” As Bassie-Sweet point out, “One of the most important structuring principles in Maya worldview was complementary or contrasting opposites, such as male/female, right/left, east/west, day/night, up/down or north/south” (2008). 

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Temple of the Inscriptions, Cutaway  @pueblosoriginarios.com

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To build the pyramid, not only did architects, master stonemasons and carvers answer Pakal’s architectural requirements, they also followed a sacred allegorical pattern that was beyond their professional expertise, helped in their tasks by calendar priests, knowledge keepers and wizards. For the burial ceremony, Pakal and his chu’lel – his “divine life force” or “blessed substance of the living universe” – were first brought from the palace up the pyramid’s front stairs. The stairs of the pyramid follow, as does the pyramid’s architecture, the four sacred directions of the Maya equilateral cross, the wacah chan or “world tree.” Each arm of the cross is associated with colors, deities, and functions. The pyramid faces northward onto Palenque’s main plaza. Climbing the stairway up to the temple, Pakal and his retinue faced South>yellow-Nohol (K’an Xib’Chac, germ of life, origin of the winds). After prayers, rituals, and invocations in the temple, Pakal’s body and his chu’lel’ were carried down the three sets of the intramural stairways leading down to the crypt. The first flight of stairs followed the path of the Sun, so Pakal and his retinue walked down heading East>redLakin (Chac Xib’Chac, sunrise, dawn). At mid-level, the second set of stairs sharply turns West>black-Ek (Ek Xib’Chac, sunset, dusk). Pakal’s last short five steps stairway into the crypt led him North>whiteXaman (Zac Xib’Chac, the resting place of the winds). 

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First Flight of Stairs  @georgefery.com

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When Pakal was placed in his coffin, his head pointing north, he transitioned from a divine king to a celestial ancestor. As the last rituals and invocations were completed, the crypt’s massive triangular stone door was closed. In his coffin, however, Pakal was never far from the living and, for this purpose, had a narrow conduit called the Tz’at Na Kan, or “Serpent of the Wise Ones,” built to fit the stairwells. It was called a psychoduct by the renowned Mexican archaeologist Alberto Ruz Lhuillier (1906-1979), who discovered the stairwells in 1950 and the crypt in 1952. The serpent’s head is made of a mix of limestone plaster and was attached to the bottom of the sarcophagus which connected with the “psychoduct,” a rectangular limestone molding outside the door, matching each stair with a hollow round tubelike center that ended below the floor of the temple. It was the Tzat Na Kan, through which Pakal and the priests established soul-to-soul contact, not soul-to-mind, at dedicated times. This feature is found in other structures at Palenque such as in Temples XIII and XVIII, albeit not so elaborate. They each have a tube-like conduit that runs vertically from the crypt to below the temple floor, and a small hole on the sarcophagus lid was drilled at the level of the face to let the ch’ulel’ pass. These funnels bolstered the belief that the individual in the grave was still socially alive after death, with prerogatives attached to his spiritual powers, for ch’ulel’ never dies. It was then accepted, as it is today in most beliefs and religions, that a person has a body, and a soul. It was, however, the deified chu’lel’ that was the object of veneration. Upon death, while the body’s soft tissues decayed, its chu’lel remained within the skeletal bones for the duration of the person’s past life and was then reunited with the ancestors to be assigned to another life. 

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Cover Image, Top Left: Pakal.  Jebulon, Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication, Wikimedia Commons

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Arrival of agriculture in western Europe

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—A study* finds favorable climate and grain conditions at the dawn of agriculture in western Europe. The spread of agriculture throughout early civilizations is a landmark event in human history, but the details of early agricultural conditions and practices remain unclear. José L. Araus and colleagues examined the La Draga archaeological site in Girona, Spain; the site represents early agriculture between 5300 and 4800 BC. Carbon isotope analysis of oak samples from the site suggested relatively wet climate conditions. The authors also analyzed the carbon and nitrogen isotopes, as well as the reconstructed weight, of wheat and barley grains. Next, the authors compared the findings on the La Draga grains with those from multiple other Neolithic sites from the western Mediterranean region. The analysis suggested that the inhabitants of La Draga operated extensive agricultural operations, rather than small gardens, under a wet climate and with moderate use of manure as fertilizer. Analysis of grain size and spike morphology suggested that the ancient plant characteristics were likely similar to those of modern-day crops. According to the authors, the favorable climate conditions, along with the well-developed crop traits, suggest that agriculture was likely consolidated when it arrived in western Europe.

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Pictured are sickles, digging sticks, and an adze recovered from La Draga (Banyoles, Spain). Salvador Comalat, Archaeological Museum of Banyoles

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Pictured is the excavation process at La Draga (Banyoles, Spain). Antonio Palomo

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“Isotope and morphometrical evidence reveals the technological package associated with agriculture adoption in western Europe,” by José L. Araus et al., https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2401065121

Cover Image, Top Left: The early grain/crops evidenced at the site were similar to that of today. Nickype, Pixabay

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Rock art and archaeological record reveal man’s complex relationship with Amazonian animals

UNIVERSITY OF EXETER—Rock art explored by archaeologists in the Colombian Amazon has provided an insight into the complex relationship between the earliest settlers on the continent and the animals they encountered.

Spectacular ochre paintings of a wide variety of animal species, including depictions of animals and humans transforming into one another, indicate the rich mythology that guided generations of indigenous Amazonians.

And while the images found adorning the rocky outcrop of Cerro Azul in the Serranía de la Lindosa have yet to be accurately dated, associated evidence of human activity suggests they are likely to have served as galleries for thousands of years, as far back as 10,500BC.

The research, led by an international team from the University of Exeter, Universidad de Antioquia, Medellín and the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, and published in the Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, integrated zooarchaeological analysis of animal remains recovered from nearby excavations with analysis of the artistic depictions. The animal remains revealed a diverse diet, including fish, a range of small to large mammals, and reptiles, including turtle, snake, and crocodile. However, the proportions of animal bones do not match the proportional representation of animals, suggesting the artists did not just paint what they ate. 

“These rock art sites include the earliest evidence of humans in western Amazonia, dating back 12,500 years ago,” says Dr Mark Robinson, Associate Professor of Archaeology in Exeter’s Department of Archaeology and History. “As such, the art is an amazing insight into how these first settlers understood their place in the world and how they formed relationships with animals. The context demonstrates the complexity of Amazonian relationships with animals, both as a food source but also as revered beings, which had supernatural connections and demanded complex negotiations from ritual specialists.” 

Archaeologists have documented several significant rock art sites in the region since a peace agreement between the Colombian government and FARC in 2016 paved the way for a safe resumption of scientific investigations. Cerro Azul, a free-standing table-top hill located close to the Guayabero River in the northwest of the Department of Guaviare, was among them. There, 16 ‘panels’ of ochre drawings were found, several of which could only be accessed via strenuous climbing and the use of ropes.

The research team, which included academics from the UK, Colombia, and Germany, chose to focus on six panels in detail. These ranged from the 40m-by-10m El Más Largo, which contained more than 1,000 images, to the much smaller, 10m-by-6m panel called Principal, many of whose 244 images are extremely well-preserved in vibrant red. 

A total of 3,223 images were catalogued using drone photogrammetry and traditional photography. The images were categorised by their form, with figurative images being the most commonly occurring, contributing 58% of the total. More than half of these related to animals. At least 22 different animals were identified, including deer, birds, peccary, lizards, turtles, and tapir. 

Although fish remains are abundant in the archaeological remains, their appearance in the art is limited to just two panels, in what appear to be fishing scenes. Notable by their absence were big cats, despite their position as apex predators and the evidence of artwork at other Colombian sites. The researchers speculate that the artists were potentially restricted from depicting powerful beasts, such as the jaguar. While images of figures combining human and animal characteristics reveal a complex mythology of transformation between animal and human states that is still present within modern Amazonian communities. 

The diverse array of animals represented in the art and the archaeological remains demonstrates a broad understanding and exploitation of a multitude of environments in the region, including savannah, flooded forests and rivers. 

“The Indigenous people of Cerro Azul and the surrounding lands hunted and depicted a diverse array of animals from different ecologies – from aquatic fish to arboreal monkeys; terrestrial deer to aerial birds, both nocturnal and diurnal,” says Dr Javier Aceituno, of Universidad de Antioquia, Medellín. “They had intimate knowledge of the various habitats in the region and possessed the relevant skills to track and hunt animals and harvest plants from each, as part of a broad subsistence strategy.”

“Our approach reveals differences between what indigenous communities exploited for food and what is conceptually important to represent – and not represent – in art,” concludes Professor Jose Iriarte, also of Exeter. “Though we cannot be certain what meaning these images have, they certainly do offer greater nuance to our understanding of the power of myths in indigenous communities. They are particularly revealing when it comes to more cosmological aspects of Amazonian life, such as what is considered taboo, where power resides, and how negotiations with the supernatural were conducted.” 

Animals of the Serranía de la Lindosa: Exploring representation and categorisation in the rock art and zooarchaeological remains of the Colombian Amazon, has been published in the latest edition of the Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 10.1016/j.jaa.2024.101613 

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Cerro Azul with the location of the rock art panels and the excavation site analyzed in this study. University of Exeter

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Images of potential a) fishing; b, c, e) hunting; d) monkey leaping/transforming sequence; f) and an unknown animal with circular feet and curved head elements. University of Exeter

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Potential therianthropic images, as suggested by Indigenous informants: a) avian/human at Las Dantas, b) lizard with round, human-like head at Currunchos, c) bird/plant/human with penis at Principal, d) sloth/human at Demoledores, e) Unknown quadruped with tail and penis at Reserva, f) Deer/human at Principal. University of Exeter

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Principal – one of the panels studied as part of the project. University of Exeter

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF EXETER news release.

The emergence of humans coincides with an extinction rate surge for proboscideans, the group that includes wooly mammoths

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE (AAAS)—Proboscidean species – animals including modern elephants and extinct wooly mammoths – experienced a five-fold increase in extinction rates when early humans appeared, according to a new model-based study* involving fossil data. The work also ties the subsequent rise of modern Homo sapiens with a 17-fold increase in proboscidean extinction rates. Fossil records hold clues about how speciation and extinction have influenced ecosystem turnover throughout millennia. Yet, these impacts have proven hard to model. Most attempts to do so have only incorporated single predictors, such as one environmental change or the acquisition of a single trait, which does not reflect the multi-faceted nature of evolution. Here, Torsten Hauffe and colleagues present a new neural network-based statistical approach that can use fossil records to yield a more nuanced portrayal of species diversification. They fed the model pre-existing information about 2,118 fossils belonging to 175 proboscidean species that lived from 35 million years ago to 10,000 years ago. The neural network assessed 17 environmental and morphological factors, such as tusk characteristics and body size, and incorporated data about relevant paleotemperatures and paleo-environments. It also considered human interactions, including the arrival of early humans in the Pleistocene roughly 1.8 million years ago and the emergence of modern humans around 129,000 years ago. The findings pointed towards dietary adaptation and flexibility as a driver of speciation, particularly at the end of the Neogene a little under 3 million years ago. Most notably, results showed that proboscidean extinctions were very strongly affected by human activity and secondarily influenced by geographic distribution and dental morphologies. “We found that while humans exhibit the greatest impact in the past ca. 120,000 years, our results also point to a weaker yet significant influence of the human lineage at earlier times, thus supporting other studies suggesting a long-lasting detrimental anthropogenic effect on biodiversity,” the authors conclude.

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Many scientists suggest that the wooly mammoth went extinct at least in part due to overhunting by prehistoric humans. Kyraxys, Pixabay

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Cook like a Neanderthal: Scientists try to replicate ancient butchering methods to learn how Neanderthals ate birds

FRONTIERS—It’s hard to know what Neanderthals ate: food preparation, especially when it comes to smaller items like birds, can leave few archaeological traces. But understanding their diets is critical to understanding these incredibly adaptable hominins, who thrived for hundreds of thousands of years in wildly varied environments. To learn what food preparation could look like in the archaeological record, scientists tried cooking like Neanderthals.

“Using a flint flake for butchering required significant precision and effort, which we had not fully valued before this experiment,” said Dr Mariana Nabais of the Institut Català de Paleoecologia Humana i Evolució Social in Spain, lead author of the article in Frontiers in Environmental Archaeology. “The flakes were sharper than we initially thought, requiring careful handling to make precise cuts without injuring our own fingers. These hands-on experiments emphasized the practical challenges involved in Neanderthal food processing and cooking, providing a tangible connection to their daily life and survival strategies.”

You are what you eat

Although the big game hunting practiced by Neanderthals is well known, we know less about the birds that some Neanderthals hunted. But recent discoveries and new techniques allow us to investigate this more deeply. By testing food preparation methods that Neanderthals could have used, to see what traces these might leave on bones and how those traces compare to damage caused by natural processes or the actions of other animals, the scientists created an experimental database that can be compared to real archaeological sites.

The scientists collected five wild birds that had died of natural causes from the Wildlife Ecology, Rehabilitation and Surveillance Centre (CERVAS) in Gouveia, Portugal. They chose two carrion crows, two collared doves, and a wood pigeon, which are similar to species that Neanderthals ate, and selected cooking methods using archaeological evidence and ethnographic data.

All the birds were de-feathered by hand. A carrion crow and a collared dove were then butchered raw, using a flint flake. The remaining three were roasted over hot coals until cooked, then butchered, which the scientists found much easier than butchering the raw birds.

“Roasting the birds over the coals required maintaining a consistent temperature and carefully monitoring the cooking duration to avoid overcooking the meat,” said Nabais. “Maybe because we de-feathered the birds before cooking, the roasting process was much quicker than we anticipated. In fact, we spent more time preparing the coals than on the actual cooking, which took less than ten minutes.”

Putting flesh on prehistoric bones

The scientists cleaned and dried the bones, then examined them microscopically for cutmarks, breaks, and burns. They also examined the flint flake they had used for evidence of wear and tear. Although they had used their hands for most of the butchery, the raw birds required considerable use of the flint flake, which now had small half-moon scars on the edge. While the cuts used to remove meat from the raw birds did not leave traces on the bones, the cuts aimed at tendons left marks similar to those on birds found at archaeological sites.

The bones from the roasted birds were more brittle: some had shattered and couldn’t be recovered. Nearly all of them had brown or black burns consistent with controlled exposure to heat. Black stains inside some bones suggested that the contents of the inner cavity had also burned. This evidence sheds light not just on how Neanderthal food preparation could have worked, but also how visible that preparation might be in the archaeological record. Although roasting makes it easier to access meat, the increased fragility of the bones means the leftovers might not be found by archaeologists.

However, the scientists cautioned that this research should be expanded to gain a fuller understanding of Neanderthal diets. Future studies should include more species of small prey, as well as processing birds for non-food products, like talons or feathers.

“The sample size is relatively small, consisting of only five bird specimens, which may not fully represent the diversity of bird species that Neanderthals might have used,” noted Nabais. “Secondly, the experimental conditions, although carefully controlled, cannot completely replicate the exact environmental and cultural contexts of Neanderthal life. Further research with larger samples, varied species, and more diverse experimental conditions is necessary to expand upon these results.”

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A scientist defeathers one of the birds. Image by Dr Mariana Nabais. Dr Mariana Nabais.

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Bones recovered from the birds. Image by Dr Mariana Nabais. Dr Mariana Nabais.

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Usewear on the flake used for butchery. Image by Dr Marina Igreja. Dr Marina Igreja.

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

Hunter-gatherers kept an ‘orderly home’ in the earliest known British dwelling, study shows

UNIVERSITY OF YORK—Archaeological evidence from the world-famous Mesolithic site of Star Carr in North Yorkshire has shown that hunter-gatherers likely kept an orderly home by creating ‘zones’ for particular domestic activities.

Discoveries in the Shadow of the Step Pyramid

Zahi Abass Hawass is an Egyptian archaeologist, Egyptologist, and former Minister of State for Antiquities Affairs, serving twice. He has also worked at archaeological sites in the Nile Delta, the Western Desert, and the Upper Nile Valley.

Editor’s Note: Here, Dr. Zahi Hawass, arguably Egypt’s most famous and celebrated archaeologist and egyptologist, recounts his recent discoveries at Gisr el-Mudir, also known as the Great Enclosure, one of the oldest stone structures known to date in Egypt, located at Saqqara and only a few hundred meters west of the Step Pyramid. Leading an excavation team, he uncovered evidence of  a large cemetery consisting of tombs dated to the 5th and 6th Dynasties of Egypt’s Old Kingdom. What follows is his narrative in his own words:

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Our recent excavation at Gisr el-Mudir in the shadow of the Step Pyramid of Djoser, Saqqara, has revealed many amazing new discoveries, including:  The recovery of nine beautiful statues of Messi, three statues and a false door of Fetek, another triad statue, a sealed sarcophagus containing a mummy covered with gold, and two more false doors and two additional tombs dated to the Old Kingdom.

 

A History of Discovery

The most important archaeologist who worked at this site was Zakaria Ghoniem, who discovered the pyramid complex of Skhem-Khet of the 3rd dynasty. This pyramid complex has been dated back to about 4800 years ago. While investigating in 1954, he explored the burial chamber of the pyramid, and found a completely sealed sarcophagus made of calcite alabaster. This was contemporaneous with a discovery made at Giza by Kamal El-Mallakh south of the great pyramid of Khufu — solar boats, found in two sealed pits with intact wood. (Kamal El-Mallakh was the architect who worked at Giza before he moved to work as a reporter in akhbar newspaper.) One of the boats was restored by the famous restorer, Hag Ahmed Youssef.  Egypt’s then president Gamal Abdel-Nasser came to see the discovery of the boat based on a request from the famous writer and newspaper editor Mohamed Hussanien Heikal. Then, the delegation requested Nasser to go to Gisr El-Modier at Saqqara for the opening of the sarcophagus live in front of the press. Upon opening the sarcophagus, they found it empty. 

This incident taught me a good lesson that I employed at Abousir. Here, Mirsolque Verner of the Czech Republic found an intact tomb of iuf-aa, who was anciently the director of the palace at the site, dated back to about 500 B.C. I called the Minister of Culture Farouk Hosni and told him about the discovery. He said that he would come with the press to open it live. I went to Verner and we brought the workmen and moved the tomb’s first sarcophagus, which weighed about 20 tons, and found under it another inscribed sarcophagus weighing about 10 tons. After moving the second one we found the third one, weighing 5 tons, which was inscribed, and then moved it, finding a beautiful mummy covered in green beads within a coffin. Then we placed everything back and asked the minister to come with the press and we officially opened all the sarcophagi, never having told him that we had already opened all the sarcophagi previously. 

I began excavations at Gisr el-Mudir and found many Old Kingdom tombs, the most important of which was the tomb of the physician Qar. This tomb was small but beautifully decorated.  Inside we found a group of surgical tools and outside about 30 Late Period statues, one of them belonging to Imhotep and the others for gods and goddesses. All of these objects are now inside the Imhotep museum in Saqqara. We stopped the excavation in 2011.  

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Excavations west of the Step Pyramid in Saqarra are revealing remarkable new finds. Pinzino, Pixabay

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Map of the location of Gisr el-Mudir, the Great Enclosure, relative to the other major structures at Saqarra. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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New Excavations

The most recent excavations began with funding from Clovis Rossillon, who hails from a wealthy french family. Beginning in 2021 until January 2023, important major new discoveries were made. The first was a cache of nine beautiful statues, found southeast of Mastaba 4. 

All images courtesy Zahi Hawass, unless otherwise noted.

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Yin, The Lost City of Kings

Anyang, located in China’s great North Plain, is a modern industrial city of almost 5.5 million people. It is known economically for the production of iron and steelcoal coking, and clothing production. But long before the modern city arose, the city landscape hosted an ancient urban presence that in time ranked among the world’s great Bronze Age centers. Clues to its remains first began to emerge over a hundred years ago….. 

Written on Bone

For hundreds of years, farmers dug them up in their fields near the village of Xiaotun, a small village near Anyang and about 500 kilometers south of Beijing. They were fragments of ox scapula and turtle shell. The farmers sold them to apothecaries, where they were ground into powder for use as tonics or medicines for curing malaria and treating wounds.

But there was another peculiar thing about these bone fragments.

Many of them featured mysterious inscribed markings. In 1899, several of them fell into the hands of Wang Yirong, who was the chancellor of the Imperial Academy in Beijing at the time. Wang collected Chinese bronzes, some of which were Zhou dynasty bronzes inscribed with what he believed to be ancient Chinese writing. The markings on the bone fragments were tantalizingly similar. So similar, in fact, that it wasn’t long before the bone artifacts hit the antiquities trade with a storm and eventually came to the attention of James Mellon Menzies, who conducted the first scientific excavations of the bones, including decipherment. He published the first scientific study of the bones in 1917, which included 2,369 drawings and inscriptions, and eventually amassed a collection of as many as 35,000 objects related to what became known as the “oracle bones”. 

Excavation and Discovery of the Lost City

More important than the oracle bones was the drive to find answers to the questions of who made them and why. Scholars were keen to know their context, so in 1928 an excavation team led by Li Ji of China’s Academia Sinica began work near the village of Xiaotun close to modern Anyang, with the initial financial backing and support of the Freer Gallery of Art of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. Excavations under Li Ji’s directorship continued with seasons over a 9-year period, recovering more oracle bone artifacts, the decipherment of which showed that the bone inscriptions represented divinations performed by an ancient royal household. Further excavation revealed the remains of a major Bronze Age city, eventually identified by archaeologists as Yinxu, the last capital city of the Shang Dynasty. It was a remarkable discovery, as before the excavation, even the very existence of the Shang Dynasty was in question. Clues to the Shang Dynasty were known only through historical documents. This dynasty was more than a myth.

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Pompeii skeleton discovery shows another natural disaster may have made Vesuvius eruption even more deadly

FRONTIERS—Almost 2,000 years ago, Pliny the Younger wrote letters describing a shaking ground as Vesuvius erupted. Now, a collaborative study* led by researchers from the Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica e Vulcanologia (INGV) and Pompeii Archaeological Park has shed light on the effects of seismicity associated with the 79CE eruption.

The study is the first to tackle the complex task of reporting on the effects of co-occurring earthquakes. This is tricky due to the possibility of volcanic and seismic effects happening concurrently or in quick succession, meaning volcanic effects can overshadow effects caused by earthquakes and vice versa.

“These complexities are like a jigsaw puzzle in which all the pieces must fit together to unravel the complete picture,” said Dr Domenico Sparice, a volcanologist at INGV-Osservatorio Vesuviano and first author of the Frontiers in Earth Science study. “We proved that seismicity during the eruption played a significant role in the destruction of Pompeii and, possibly, influenced the choices of the Pompeiians who faced an inevitable death.”

Clues to a deadly collapse

“Correctly recognizing the cause-effect relationship is essential to reconstruct the interplay between volcanic and seismic phenomena, and their effects on buildings and humans,” added co-author Dr Fabrizio Galadini, a geologist and senior researcher at INGV.

During excavations in the ‘Casa dei Pittori al Lavoro’, the researchers noticed something off about the collapsed buildings. “We found peculiar characteristics that were inconsistent with the effects of volcanic phenomena described in the volcanological literature devoted to Pompeii. There had to be a different explanation,” said co-author Dr Mauro Di Vito, a volcanologist and director of INGV-Osservatorio Vesuviano.

When the researchers found two skeletons with severe fracture and trauma injuries, they were even more motivated to figure out the reason.

Painters at work

The eruption caught Pompeiians in the midst of daily life. For about 18 hours, pumice lapilli – small rock and ash particles– fell on the city, causing people to seek shelter. When the eruption paused, inhabitants who’d survived may have thought themselves safe – until strong earthquakes started.

“The people who did not flee their shelters were possibly overwhelmed by earthquake-induced collapses of already overburdened buildings. This was the fate of the two individuals we recovered,” said co-author Dr Valeria Amoretti, an anthropologist who heads the Applied Research Laboratory of Pompeii Archaeological Park.

The researchers found two male skeletons, both around 50 years of age. Their positioning suggests that ‘individual 1’ was suddenly crushed by the collapse of a large wall fragment, resulting in severe traumas causing immediate death. ‘Individual 2’, however, may have been aware of the danger and tried to protect himself with a round wooden object of which the researchers found faint traces in the volcanic deposits.

There are several hints that these individuals did not die from inhaling ash or extreme heat, such as their positioning on the pumice lapilli, rather than under it. This suggests both survived to first phase of the eruption and then were overwhelmed by collapsing walls during the temporary decline of the eruptive phenomena and before the arrival of the pyroclastic currents, the researchers said.

Difficult choices

While not everybody could make it into temporary safety, the numbers of victims recovered in the ash deposits makes people fleeing to the outside a plausible, albeit hopeless, scenario, the researchers said. There are no reliable estimations about how many people died from volcanic-related causes or due to damage caused by earthquakes.

“New insight into the destruction of Pompeii gets us very close to the experience of the people who lived here 2,000 years ago. The choices they made as well as the dynamics of the events, which remain a focus of our research, decided over life and death in the last hours of the city’s existence,” concluded co-author Dr Gabriel Zuchtriegel, director of the Pompeii Archaeological Park.

The AlUla Approach to Archaeology

Dr Abdulrahman Alsuhaibani is the Vice President of Culture at the Royal Commission for AlUla, where he works on executing in-depth archeological studies, unique in both geographic size and scale, and assessing the rich and complex past of the AlUla region of Northwest Saudi Arabia. He is also Associate Professor at King Saud University in the Archeology Department.

Our past is at risk. Its tangible remains are fragile, a non-renewable resource that, globally, is disappearing daily at the hands of urban development, natural disasters, climate change, and illicit trade in antiquities.

The risk to our past makes preservation work all the more critical. That’s why AlUla is proud to have documented 30,000 archaeological sites in the region, including Hegra, the Nabataean’s ancient southern capital in modern-day Saudi Arabia. The archaeological wonder sits among AlUla’s breathtaking landscape, rich history, and local hospitality, making it an attractive destination for visitors. But the importance of preservation means that, in reality, beyond Hegra, only seven of those 30,000 sites are open to the public. Protecting our past means we must keep a laser focus on balancing visitor accessibility with preservation.

My life’s work is dedicated to archaeological preservation of sites like Hegra because protecting our past is the key to securing our shared future. Only by understanding the past— by understanding who we are and where we came from —and applying this knowledge to our present——can we effectively shape our future.

The continued relevance of archaeology was a prominent theme at the inaugural AlUla World Archaeology in September 2023. The global archaeological community agrees that we must, with urgency and focus, re-double our efforts to ensure the preservation of our past and, thereby, secure our shared future. The question is: How?

Local communities are the answer. Local communities are the frontlines of preserving the past and the most critical factor in determining the sustainable success of an archaeological site. As Vice President of Culture at the Royal Commission for AlUla (RCU), it is my privilege to work toward the RCU’s top priority: that the people of AlUla—those who first created and now preserve its rich cultural heritage—remain at the heart of AlUla’s development. If any archaeology project in AlUla is not oriented towards the local community, it is not a project for us.

With local community empowerment and development as our North Star, three supporting principles drive AlUla’s approach to archaeology.

First, we will not undertake any projects without the participation of Saudi archaeological students. In Saudi Arabia, archaeology is still an emerging field. At Dadan, for example, one of the earliest kingdoms on the Arabian Peninsula, we have excavated only 6% of the entire site because we lack the human resources to move forward at a faster pace while ensuring proper preservation. We need to train a new generation of Saudi archaeologists to manage excavations—a task only accomplished by giving them hands-on experience with ongoing work. With greater local expertise, we will be able to discover the depths of the rich cultural heritage of AlUla and beyond.

Second, we facilitate local students to visit the sites. Students ranging from 6 to 12 years old come from local schools to learn about the history of their land. With that comes heightened self-understanding and a deepened sense of pride. These students carry themselves differently when they leave. But we also have greater hopes for our students in AlUla: We want to expose them to the field of archaeology. As they watch the excavations, learn about their history, and experience the richness of the landscape, we hope to inspire the next generation of archaeological students.

Finally, we prioritize training and working with local guides—or Rawis, as we call them. The Rawi, or storyteller, has a special place in Arabic culture. Historically, Rawis were entrusted with preserving the past through oral traditions—recounting history, poems, and literature—that were passed down over generations. Today, AlUla is working with local Rawis—tapping into their cultural expertise as guides, translators, and cultural ambassadors for visitors to AlUla—to ensure that the local people remain in control of their own narrative as they pass on the history of their community.

We work closely with Rawis each season to update their site knowledge based on the latest discoveries and to enhance their skills—from communication, planning, and logistics to actual archaeological preservation—all while further equipping them for intercultural dialogue with visitors from around the world. As our local Rawis gain a deeper understanding of the archaeological process, local ownership of the site increases exponentially, driving sustainable preservation efforts by and for the local community. 

What happens ultimately when we successfully integrate the local community and these three principles into every dimension of our work? Our local communities gain much more than jobs. While economic opportunity is important, our people also gain an awareness of the historic value of their land and culture; they swell with pride about the people they come from and those they’ve become; and they develop a sense of ownership in their cultural assets. They become the frontline advocates of archaeology, the first protectors of their history.

The people of AlUla themselves are those who guarantee that the rich cultural heritage of AlUla will be around to the thousandth generation. They have served as guardians of their cultural heritage already for millennia, and the RCU remains committed to ensuring that the people of AlUla remain at the heart of its preservation. After all, the past doesn’t belong to academics, historians, or archaeologists. It belongs instead to the people whose past it is—and to their children’s children. Only by engaging them in the past and entrusting them in the present can we ensure the preservation of their heritage into the future.

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Khaybar is a major oasis in northwest Arabia, characterised by fertile spring-fed wadis, filled with date gardens, cutting through the basalt geology, with ongoing archaeological investigations of its Islamic past. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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Laser Graffiti Removal Workshop programme training for Royal Commission for AlUla personnel at Hegra, in collaboration with Centro Conservazione e Restauro La Ventaria Reale. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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School children visit the active archaeological site at Dadan, the ancient Kingdom of the Lihyanite and Dadanite civilisations. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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The largest tomb at the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Hegra, the monolithic Tomb of Lihyan Son of Kuza. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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Dadan is one of the most active archaeological sites in AlUla, with excavations ongoing in several key areas. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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Student award ceremony for completion of the Conservation Science Workshops programme run by the Centro Conservazione e Restauro La Ventaria Reale in collaboration with the Royal Commission for AlUla. Credit Royal Commission for AlUla

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Article Source: Royal Commission for AlUla news release

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Evidence for butchery of giant armadillo-like mammals in Argentina 21,000 years ago

PLOS—Cut marks on fossils could be evidence of humans exploiting large mammals in Argentina more than 20,000 years ago, according to a study* published July 17, 2024 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Mariano Del Papa of National University of La Plata, Argentina and colleagues.

The timing of early human occupation of South America is a topic of intense debate, highly relevant to a study of early human dispersal across the Americas and of humans’ potential role in the extinction of large mammals at the end of the Pleistocene Epoch. This discussion is hampered by a general scarcity of direct archaeological evidence of early human presence and human-animal interactions.

In this study, researchers present evidence of butchery on Pleistocene mammal fossils from the banks of the Reconquista River, northeast of the Pampean region in Argentina. The fossils are those of a glyptodont, a giant relative of armadillos, named Neosclerocalyptus. Statistical analysis finds that cut marks on parts of the pelvis, tail, and body armor are consistent with known marks made by stone tools, and the placement of these marks is consistent with a butchering sequence targeting areas of dense flesh. Radiocarbon dating indicates these fossils are around 21,000 years old, nearly six thousand years older than other known archaeological evidence in southern South America.

These results fit with other recent findings that indicate early human presence in the Americas over 20,000 years ago. These fossils are also among the oldest evidence of human interaction with large mammals shortly before many of those mammals became extinct. The authors suggest that these findings might be further supported by additional excavation at this site, further analysis of the cut marks, and more extensive radiocarbon dating of the fossils.

Miguel Delgado, the corresponding author, adds: “The study’s evidence puts into question the time frame for the first human peopling of the Americas 16,000 years ago”

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3D rendering of the probable butchery event according to a paleoartistic reconstruction. The illustration was made by modeling three-dimensional meshes, 3D digital scanning, and texturing by projection, based on the proportions of the excavated fossil materials and the results obtained in the study. Damián Voglino, Museo de Ciencias Naturales A. Scasso (Colegio Don Bosco), San Nicolás de los Arroyos, Provincia de Buenos Aires, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Drawing of a Neosclerocalyptus skeleton highlighting cut-marked skeletal elements in light blue found at the CRS-10 specimen. Del Papa et al., 2024, PLOS ONE, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Del Papa M, De Los Reyes M, Poiré DG, Rascovan N, Jofré G, Delgado M (2024) Anthropic cut marks in extinct megafauna bones from the Pampean region (Argentina) at the last glacial maximum. PLoS ONE 19(7): e0304956. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0304956

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Traveling Upright: Humanity’s First Global Ancestor

For most people, the Turkana Basin in northwestern Kenya is a fiercely inhospitable place. It is hot and dry — an arid, desert-like scrubland. At its center lies Lake Turkana, an enormous, expansive, alkaline body of water that has gained the apt description as the world’s largest permanent desert lake. There are no major resorts along its shores. Though rich as a source of fishing for the local economy, it’s flats team with Nile crocodiles and its shores are abundant with scorpions and carpet vipers. But this lake lies front-and-center within a region the geology of which has yielded one of the world’s great treasure-house landscapes of exposed beds teaming with fossils extending as far back as the Cretaceous period. The unforgiving environment was thus no barrier to the teams of paleontologists, geologists and paleoanthropologists that found their way here over the decades to explore and survey the landscape. And it was along the dried up Nariokotome river bed not far from the lake when, in 1984, eagle-eyed goat herder and fossil hunter, Kamoya Kimeu, spied a peculiar skull fragment. Kamoya honed his skills and reputation over the years in the employ of the renowned fossil hunting paleoanthropologist team of Mary and Richard Leakey. Kimeu knew what he was doing.

In time, through survey and careful excavation, the skull fragment turned out to be just one of 107 other bones, all members of the skeletal remains of a single individual animal….

A hominin.

Turkana Boy

The remains represented an almost complete skeleton. Once pieced together, it revealed what for its time was a startling new hominin discovery. The cranium was small, indicating a brain that was only two thirds the capacity of modern humans. The interior of the cranium featured asymmetry of a longer left brain over the right, suggesting the possible beginnings of the physiological capacity for speech.

Full Turkana Boy skeleton, as exhibited at the American Museum of Natural History, New York. Mike Peel , CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

The post-cranial skeletal features featured shoulders, arms, torso with a barrel-shaped chest, a tucked-in pelvis, and legs that more closely resembled those of modern humans, as opposed to modern apes, though the feet were missing. Assembled and stretched lengthwise, the body frame and skull measured about 5’3”, with a breadth that suggested about 103 pounds at the time the individual was alive. Analysis of the bones indicated that this was a male youth around 8 or 9 years old. Perhaps most significant about the boy was that he likely moved with an erect gate — he was fully bipedal. The body structure and full bipedality contrasted sharply with most hominin fossil discoveries previously discovered, such as the famous ‘Lucy’ australopithecine fossil skeleton unearthed at Hadar, Ethiopia by Donald Johnson 10 years earlier in 1974. The discovery team named him, for ease of popular reference, Nariokotome Boy, after the location of the discovery. Alternatively, he was nicknamed Turkana Boy, and this has been the name most used by the popular media.

The Significance of the Discovery

All in all, it was a remarkable discovery. Now scientists had unearthed an almost complete individual (the most complete early human skeleton ever found) that was clearly not like the more ape-like front-page-making australopithecine discoveries recovered previously from various sites in East Africa and South Africa. This was, according to the discoverers, a member of the genus Homo, and more specifically, a Homo erectus — a hominin species generally thought to exhibit characteristics more closely resembling those of, and suggesting a functionality more like, Homo sapiens.

Perhaps most significant was the date of the find. At 1.5 millions ago, it was among the oldest Homo erectus discoveries. Moreover, this was important in developing paradigms for human evolution because Lucy, as a partially complete specimen discovered at Hadar, Ethiopia and dated to 3.2 million years ago, was an australopithecine ( a different and more ancient genus) that exhibited a starkly different morphology. Though much smaller than Turkana Boy, she sported longer (relative to the body) arms, curved fingers, suggesting the adaptation to climbing trees like other primates, and a funnel-shaped chest much like a chimpanzee’s. However, her feet, knees, hips, and the position of her head upon her neck were, like Turkana Boy, adapted for at least some bipedal movement. In contrast to Turkana Boy, her brain case was only one-third the size of the modern human brain.

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Turkana Boy skull. BAHN, Paul G, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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View of Lake Turkana. wfeiden, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons. The landscape around Lake Turkana at the time of Turkana Boy was much wetter than it is today. A larger ancient paleolake existed instead of the current lake, surrounded by a savannah-like landscape of grasslands and scattered trees. Many scientists suggest that it was the transition from an environment thick with vegetation to that of a savannah that presented new challenges and impacted, in part, the course of human evolution, from the more ape-like ancestral predecessors to the bipedal, tool-making-and-using hominins that adopted a more varied diet of meat-eating, selective plant foraging, and more sophisticated scavenging and hunting strategies.

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Other Finds

Astonishing as the Turkana Boy discovery was, it was certainly not the only Homo erectus fossil find emerging from East Africa. Most notable historically among the discoveries were three specimens; one, a nearly complete cranium designated with catalogue number KNM ER 3733; another, a partially complete cranium, designated KNM ER 3883, and the third, KNM ER 42700, also a partial cranium.  KNM ER 3733 was discovered in 1975 at Koobi Fora, just east of Lake Turkana by Richard Leakey and his field worker Bernard Ngeneo. This cranium, dated to 1.78–1.48 million years ago, was determined to be an adult female based on the comparatively less robustness, the extensive teeth-wear, the presence of third molars, and fused cranial sutures — all tell-tale signs of adulthood. The KNM ER 3733 cranium is considered among the oldest Homo erectus fossils ever found. KNM ER 3883, discovered in 1976 also by Richard Leakey at Koobi Fora, has been dated to 1.6 million years ago. Larger and more robust than KNMR 3773, it is thought to represent an adult male. Notably, it shows a cranial capacity greater than 804 ml, suggesting a brain comparatively larger than most Homo erectus finds. Finally, KNM ER 42700, a cranium of a young adult individual, was discovered in northern Kenya, notably not far from where fossils of late-dated Homo habilis were found. Dated to about 1.55 million years ago, this fossil find has shifted thinking about hominins among scientists, suggesting that individuals or groups of Homo erectus and Homo habilis coexisted or overlapped in the same region at the same time.

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KNM-ER 3733 discovered by Bernard Ngeneo in 1975. CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Homo erectus KNM-ER 3883 (replica, Senckenberg Museum, Frankfurt am Main, Germany). Gerbil, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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KNM-ER 42700. Cast exhibited at the David H. Koch Hall of Human Origins at the Smithsonian Natural History Museum. Ryan Somma, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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East Africa has long been thought to be the exclusive African domain for the earliest emergence of Homo erectus. But a remarkable discovery made in 2016 suggested otherwise….

[See the full article with a premium subscription to Popular Archaeology.]

Cover Image, Top Left: Facial reconstruction of Homo erectusWerner UstorfCC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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New geological datings place the first European hominids in the south of the Iberian Peninsula 1.3 million years ago

UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA—One of the most important controversies about human evolution and expansion is when and by what route the first hominids arrived in Europe from the African continent. Now, geological dating techniques at the Orce sites (Baza basin, Granada, Spain) place the human remains found in this area as the oldest in Europe, at approximately 1.3 million years old. These results reinforce the hypothesis that humans arrived in Europe through the south of the Iberian Peninsula, through the Strait of Gibraltar, instead of returning to the Mediterranean via the Asian route. The study*, led by Lluís Gibert, researcher and lecturer at the University of Barcelona’s Faculty of Earth Sciences, has involved the participation of researchers from the Berkeley Geochronology Centre and Murray State University (United States).

Analysis of a new sampling area

The new dating has been based on the analysis of the paleomagnetism of an area of the Orce region, which has never been sampled before and which has been protected from the erosion that this basin has suffered over the years. This technique is a relative dating method based on the study of the inversion of the magnetic poles of the planet due to the internal dynamics of the Earth. These changes do not have a specific periodicity, but they are recorded in the minerals and make it possible to establish time periods from the different magnetic events.

These new data are very precise thanks to the long sedimentary sequence that outcrops in Orce. “The uniqueness of these sites is that they are stratified and within a very long sedimentary sequence, more than eighty metres long. Normally, the sites are found in caves or within very short stratigraphic sequences, which do not allow you to develop long palaeomagnetic sequences in which you can find different magnetic reversals”, says Lluís Gibert.

The researchers have been able to identify a magnetic polarity sequence “with five magnetic events that allow them to place the three Orce sites with human presence between the Olduvai and Jaramillo subchron, that is, between 1.77 and 1.07 million years ago (Ma)”, says the researcher. Subsequently, they have applied a statistical age model to accurately refine the chronology of the different stratigraphic levels with a margin of error of only 70,000 years. The result of this innovative methodology is that the oldest site with human presence in Europe would be Venta Micena with an age of 1.32 Ma, followed by Barranco León, with an age of 1.28 and finally Fuente Nueva 3, with an age of 1.23 Ma. “With these data, the other major site on the peninsula, the Sima del Elefante in Atapuerca, would be relegated to second place, far behind Orce, between 0.2 and 0.4 Ma more modern”, adds the researcher.

Fauna underpins the antiquity of the site

To complete the dating, the study has also analyzed the fauna found at the different sites in Orce, as this is different depending on the period, and compared it with that found at other Early Pleistocene sites in other parts of Europe.

In this sense, the paper presents a detailed analysis of the micromammals and large mammals from all the Orce sites, carried out by the expert Robert Martin, based on the palaeontological collections stored at the Museum of the Catalan Institute of Palaeontology Miguel Crusafont (IPS) in Sabadell. “The results indicate that the small and large fauna of Orce is more primitive than, for example, that of the Sima del Elefante, where the evidence shows that the rodent Allophaiomys lavocati is more evolved than the Allophaiomys recovered from the Orce sites”, Gibert explains.

Another relevant indicator of the age of the Orce sites is the absence of the ancestors of the pigs. “These animals are considered to be Asian immigrants and have not been found in any European site between 1 and 1.5 Ma, while they have been found in the Sima del Elefante, supporting that the Orce fauna is older”, explains the researcher.

Evidence pointing to passage through Gibraltar

This new dating would be added, according to the researcher, to other evidence that would tip the balance in favor of the colonization of Europe through the Strait of Gibraltar, rather than the alternative route: the return to the Mediterranean via Asia, such as “the existence of a lithic industry with similarities to that found in the north of the African continent and also the presence of remains of African fauna in the south of the peninsula, such as those of Hippopotamus, found in the sites of Orce, and those of Theropithecus oswaldi, an African primate similar to a baboon, found in the Victoria cave, a site near Cartagena (Murcia), non-existent anywhere else in Europe”.

“We also defend the hypothesis — adds the researcher — that they arrived from Gibraltar because no older evidence has been found at any other site along the alternative route”.

These new data are very precise thanks to the long sedimentary sequence that outcrops in Orce.

Similarity with hominids from the island of Flores

With these results, the researchers point to a “diachronism” between the oldest occupation of Asia, measuring 1.8 Ma, and the oldest occupation of Europe, which would be 1.3 Ma ago, so that African hominids would have arrived in southwestern Europe more than 0.5 Ma after leaving Africa for the first time about 2 Ma ago. “These differences in human expansion can be explained by the fact that Europe is isolated from Asia and Africa by biogeographical barriers that are difficult to overcome, both to the east (Bosphorus Strait, Dardanelles, Sea of Marmara) and to the west (Strait of Gibraltar). Humanity arrived in Europe when it had the necessary technology to cross maritime barriers, as happened before a million years ago on the island of Flores (Indonesia)”, says Gibert. In this sense, the researcher adds that the Gibraltar route currently requires crossing up to fourteen kilometers of sea route, but “perhaps in the past this distance was shorter at certain times due to the high tectonic activity in this region and the fluctuations in sea level that favored migrations”.

“As cited in the paper [he adds], we have identified other migrations of African fauna through Gibraltar at earlier times, 6.2 and 5.5 Ma ago when the Strait of Gibraltar was very narrow”.

Human remains in Orce

A total of five human remains were found at the Orce sites since excavations began in 1982 by the palaeoanthropologist Josep Gibert. Firstly, two fragments of humerus bitten by hyenas were found at Venta Micena, as well as parts of a cranial fragment consisting of two parietals and an occipital, associated with an abundant Early Pleistocene fauna. The human provenance of these remains generated great controversy for years, although independent palaeoproteomic studies by the universities of Granada and San Francisco identified human proteins in the remains.

The subsequent discovery at the nearby sites of Barranco León and Fuente Nueva 3 of two human molar teeth and thousands of Olduvayan lithic tools — one of the first human lithic industries — as well as cut marks on bones “served to consolidate the evidence of the presence of hominids in the Early Pleistocene at Orce”, concludes Lluís Gibert.

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Image of the last excavation carried out in the site of Venta Micena 3 in Orce (Granada, Spain), where the first human remains were discovered. LLUÍS GIBERT – UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA

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This new dating would be added to other evidence that would tip the balance in favour of the colonization of Europe through the Strait of Gibraltar. Earth-Science Reviews

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF BARCELONA news release.

The Olympics: Origins, Events & Modern Reinvention

Editor’s Note: The Olympics is considered the world’s most famous and important sports competition. More than 200 teams representing countries throughout the world participate, entering their finest athletes. The event was first inspired by the ancient Olympic Games, held in Olympia, Greece from the 8th century BC to the 4th century AD. What follows is an interview with Dr. Paul Cartledge by interviewer Richard Marranca about the origins, some of the individual events, and the archaeology of the famous games….

 

Richard Marranca (RM): Could you give us an overview of the Olympics? Did it have religious origins? Was a truce in effect during the Olympics? Where and when did it begin? And at what time in history did it emerge?

Paul Cartledge (PC):  The ancient Olympics were traditionally founded in what we call 776 BC or BCE. They were a quadrennial (held every four years) religious festival dedicated to the worship of Zeus of Mt Olympus, open at first to all Greeks but only to Greeks. I emphasise ‘Greeks’ (or as they called themselves, Hellenes), since the Olympics was one of the – very few – ‘panhellenic’ festivals: until the Romans started conquering Greece in the 2nd century BCE, and began demanding to be allowed to compete, the Olympics were open only to Greeks. Mainly male Greeks competed, though women of a certain profession who were also Greeks would have been present to provide ‘comfort’ services to athletes and spectators alike. Religious worship at the site has been documented archaeologically for several centuries before the 8th century BCE (700s). But not before the 8th century could anything like a supra-local festival have been imagined or implemented. That was the era when Greeks both within old Greece (the Aegean world) and in the diaspora world began to be in regular contact with each other. Greeks had then started settling permanently both in the West – south Italy, Sicily, south of France, east coast of Spain, north African coast – and in the East and north-East around the Black Sea. Probably quite small-scale and mainly Peloponnesian to begin with, the Olympic festival had become a truly international affair by the beginning of the 6th century, when the Olympics became locked into a 4-event cycle, the premier athletic circuit of the ancient Greek world. The Olympic ‘truce’ is a separate and very special subject. The ancient Greek term for it meant literally armistice – a holding back of hands. It came into force before and after the 5-day Games – not, as often thought, because the Games were in an important sense sacred, but because Greek cities were often at war with each other, and the summer months were the active campaigning season. So, the truce – reinforced by sanctions of impiety against would-be transgressors – was a practical necessity: to enable competitors and spectators to get to and back home from Olympia in safety and security.

RM: What about archaeology over the last centuries or at present in Olympia?

PC:  The site of ancient Olympia, which had been submerged beneath layers of mud in the centuries after the ancient Games were shut down by a Christian Roman emperor in c. 400, was rediscovered in the 1760s by a British antiquarian. Six decades or so later, a French-led expedition showed signs of interest in excavating it, but it was not until 1875 that serious archaeology on the site was first undertaken – with the full permission of the Greek government – by the German Archaeological Institute. Their controlled excavations have continued to the present day, interrupted only by two World Wars. It was these German excavations which gave strong encouragement to a French aristocrat, Pierre Baron de Coubertin, to conceive of the idea of staging or re-staging a ‘modern’ Olympics – an idea first realized in 1896, though not at Olympia but in Athens. German excavators have been responsible for a stunning series of publications as well as for unearthing the vast majority of the objects to be found in Olympia’s two museums (one specifically dedicated to the history of the site and Games, both Ancient and Modern). A recent publication – Olympia (2021) by the British-based American archaeologist Judith Barringer – heroically attempts to provide a chronologically ordered account of the site and the finds. There are numerous other accounts of the Games, often very well illustrated. The site is of course owned by the Greek state, but the German Institute dig house and the ever-presence of German scholars give the site a distinctly teutonic feel. But even the best laid plans cannot be totally, 100 percent proof against the ravages of both nature (earthquakes) or man (theft) or a combination of both (wild fires).

RM: Is it true that in the early Olympics, athletes were naked? Why?

PC:  Yes, and not only in the ‘early’ iterations of Games, which traditionally by modern reckoning originated in 776 BCE, with just the one ‘event’, a roughly 200-meter dash. For (naked) men only. In the 5th century BCE the managers of the Games (below) doubled down on nudity, when the mother of a competitor, from a famous athletic family of Rhodes (below), sought to gain entry to a men-only space by dressing as a man but fell over and revealed the anatomical female truth. Thereafter trainers too and not just competitors were required to disrobe completely in the most sacred area. (Just one woman at any one time was ever permitted into the otherwise men-only space: a local priestess of Demeter.)

As the Games were held around the time of the second full moon after the summer solstice, there was no danger of anyone dying of cold (peak temperatures would normally have reached the high 30s C or low 40s). But why nudity? A question often asked and usually answered rather lamely by saying that, as the Games were a form of worship of Zeus of Mt Olympus, the nudity must have some ‘ritual’ significance, possibly to do with fertility. However, it’s worth adding that the ancient Greek word for totally naked was (masculine form) gumnos – from which came the ancient Greek word for the carefully demarcated space where athletes competed (boxing, wrestling) in fun or deadly seriousness, namely gumnasion, whence the English word ‘gymnasium’. Strict rules were observed regarding eligibility for exercising in a gumnasion: male citizens only were allowed, subadult boys had to be accompanied/watched over by a slave attendant, and trainers and supervisors of a gymnasium were forbidden to indulge in homosexual courting let alone full-on action.

RM: What were some of the earliest events? Could some of them be dangerous?

PC:  By the early 5th century BCE (470s on) the Games athletics program had settled down to nine events, most divided by age category between Men (18 plus) and Boys (roughly 14-18): the stade (200-meter dash, 776-), diaulos (roughly 400 meters, 724), dolichos (‘long’ race, 24 laps of the Olympic stadium, up and down 12 times, roughly 5000 meters), pentathlon ‘5 contests’ (200-meter dash, javelin-throwing, discus-throwing, long jump, and wrestling, 708), boxing (bare-knuckle, 688), 4-horse chariot-race (staged in a separate, specially built stadium, the Hippodrome or ‘Horse-Race Course’, 680), pankration or ‘all-strength contest’ (a combination of wrestling and judo, biting and gouging forbidden, otherwise no-holds-barred, 648), horse-race  (648), race in armor, roughly 400 metres (520), mule-cart race (500-448), calpê (race involving dismounting and remounting horses, 496-448), and sunoris (2-horse race, 408). Dangerous? The thrills and spills of horse-racing and especially chariot-racing are well known from movie re-creations such as that in Ben Hur. But the seriously dangerous, i.e. life-threatening, events were those sometimes lumped together as the ‘heavy’ events: boxing, wrestling, and above all the pankration.

RM: Can you give a brief portrait of Olympia in terms of what it looked like, what went on there, the spectators and so on?

PC:  The site of Olympia in the northwest Peloponnese of southern Greece was chosen not least for the availability of a reliable water-supply, even at the height of summer. It was not a single space but three spaces: most sacred was the Altis, a grove at the heart of the site within which the athletics events were staged, and where the temples of the chief divinities being worshipped, Zeus and his sister-wife Hera, were built. Besides those two temples (one of which, the Zeus temple, housed a statue destined to be accounted one of the 7 ‘Wonders’ of the ancient world) the single most important religious structure was a huge and ever-growing ash-altar, composed of the remains from sacrificing – ritually slaughtering and then roasting – bulls in honor of Zeus. Outside the Altis but integral to the Games was the Hippodrome (above). Then there were all those spaces and structures open for religious worship all year round, when the Games were not being held. We don’t know how many competitors there were present at any one Game – several hundreds probably. But they were massively outnumbered by the spectators, who were also pilgrims, and of course they needed food and shelter. The  noise, the smell, the er mess – it doesn’t bear thinking about too closely, if there really were on the order of 40,000 of them gathered at Olympia every four years, the largest single gathering of Greeks anywhere at any time.

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Above and below: Plan of the Sanctuary of Olympia. Bibi Saint-Pol, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons.

Legend:

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Model of Olympia, as exhibited at the British Museum. Carole, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: How did athletes prepare in terms of diet, exercise, coaching, travel, rituals, and so on?

PC:  Late sources such as Philostratus (2nd c. AD) go into the details of athletes’ training regimes and diets. Meat and fish, both expensive, were recommended by some, while others favored figs, moist cheese and wheat. Specialist coaches there certainly were, such as Pythagoras (not the philosopher-mathematician). One essential feature of the ancient Olympics was the absolutely obligatory period of pre-Games training, actually at Olympia, during which the judges inspected the would-be competitors and decided on the eventual list of those who would actually do the business in and around the stadium in the Altis. Part of these preparatory training exercises took place in the Palaestra, literally the wrestling arena. Travel to Olympia – at first by boat if coming from, say, France, Spain or the Black Sea – would be mainly on foot, possibly by mule or donkey. Equestrian competitors of course had to get their horses and teams laboriously to Olympia. Sportsmen tend to be superstitious, so one can imagine that in the run-up to a Games there would be a lot of attendance at shrines of gods, goddesses, heroes and heroines, much offering up of prayers and animal or vegetable sacrifices, and plentiful making of vows, in general promising that in return for supernatural assistance the athlete or equestrian competitor would shower the appropriate supernatural power with return gifts in the event of success.

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The “Exedra”: stone seats reserved for the judges at the games. NeilEvans at English Wikipedia, Public domain, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: Were there other games too? In which games were women allowed to compete? Were Spartan women especially successful in sports?

PC:  From the 570s BCE the Olympics had been enfolded in what the Greeks called a ‘Circuit’ (periodos) of ‘crown’ (symbolic prizes only) games, as its numero uno.  The other three were the – also quadrennial – Pythian Games held at Delphi in central Greece (in honor of Apollo), and the biennial Isthmian Games (held at the Isthmus in honor of Poseidon) and Nemean Games (at Nemea in north-east Peloponnese in honor of Zeus). ‘Crown’ games were so called because the (first-only) prizes on offer were crowns made from natural produce – olive or bay leaves, or wild celery. Most Greek games, however, were not ‘crown’ games but value-prize games: the material prizes awarded were worth something, such as the amphorae filled with sacred olive oil on offer at Athens’s quadrennial Panathenaic Games, or the large bronze vessel that winners at the Heraea (games in honor of Hera) took home from Argos. Young girls and young women, it comes as something of a surprise to learn, did compete in public, though not stark naked, at Olympia, in a race in honor of Zeus’s sister-wife Hera. But not at the same festival as the men, and in only one running race, a shortened stade (about 160 meters as opposed to the men’s 192.24). One can well imagine Spartan females taking part in such a race, though we don’t happen to know whether any ever did, and it’s possible that Spartan women’s bulkier-than-normal physique (due to a superior diet) was not best suited to track events. On the other hand, the first woman in all Greece to win an Olympic victory was indeed a Spartan, though she was no ordinary woman but a princess royal, Cynisca. She won first in 396 and then again in 392, with the same team of mares in the four-horse chariot-race (tethrippos).

RM: What are some differences between the Paris Olympics 2024 and the ancient Olympics? Yes, that would take a book, but if you can say a few things. And what inventions from the 1936 “Nazi” Olympics are still part of today’s Olympics?

PC:  Where to start….!

i. The ancient Games, despite their religious framework (more below), were a kind of paramilitary exercise, ‘War minus the shooting’, as George Orwell called international professional football (soccer) matches, which are euphemistically called ‘friendlies’ today. Competitors competed as individuals – but the (literal) song and dance that the cities of winners indulged in, and the material and symbolic super benefits they conferred on their triumphant citizens, demonstrate that Olympic competition was seen by them as being significantly the continuation of war by other means. In 364 BCE sacrilegiously warfare actually broke out within the Altis itself.

ii. The ancient Olympic ‘truce’ is regularly misunderstood, not least by de Coubertin. Its original name is a giveaway: literally an armistice (ekekheiria). It was introduced and had to be introduced as a way to enable competitors and pilgrims to get to and from the Games unharmed, even if their states happened to be at war with each other, often enough the case. The truce in other words was not in itself an expression of a pacific or pacifist ideal.

iii. Gentleman amateur? An American scholar in 1984 exploded the ‘amateur’ notion. By no means all competitive conduct was gentlemanly (see iv). And of course de Coubertin’s Victorian prudishness ruled out male nudity. On the other hand, in his ‘gender-critical’ stance de Coubertin was on the money. There were women’s athletics in ancient Greece, including at Olympia (above), but … not at the same time or on the same scale as the (men-only) Olympics.

iv. Fair Play? Were the ancient Olympics ‘sport’?? What I’m getting at here is twofold: first, the use in English of the adjective ‘sporting’: sporting behavior is behavior that not only falls within a strict and narrow interpretation of the rules but also interprets those laws generously, and especially in relation to one’s own opponent, in such a way as to minimize one’s own advantage. Not many if any instances of such ‘sporting’ behavior are on offer from the ancient Olympics. Rather the reverse, for, as two Canadian scholars have written, ‘The ancient Greek rule books seem to have passed over many tactics we would consider the worst sort of dirty fighting’. Consider only the ancient equivalent of today’s terrifying MMA (Mixed Martial Arts), that is the pankration. No gouging of eyes, no biting – those were the rules. But a famous 5th-century Athenian drinking cup shows precisely both of those illegal moves in graphic action.

v. Next, I move on to the spirit of contest: you might think that contest or competition was something universally human – not so! Our English word ‘agony’, meaning extreme pain, is derived from the ancient Greek noun agônia, which meant competitiveness, in its specifically Hellenic form – zero-sum, winner takes all; in the ancient Olympics there was just one ‘prize’, a symbolic olive wreath, no silver let alone bronze medals – both of which were part of de Coubertin’s soppy idea that taking part in the Games was as important if not more important than winning.

vi. Religion: from agonia I move penultimately to Agôn, capital A. The ancient Greeks did not only practice an extreme form of ultra-competitiveness but they also, literally, worshipped, paid cult to, a personified ‘Agon’. He (the Greek noun is masculine) had a statue at Olympia mentioned in the 2nd c. CE by Pausanias (5.20.3, 26.3), and he was related, not surprisingly, to two other abstractions of personifications, Zelos (Emulation) and Nike (Victory). But most important of all is that this particular form of competition was especially associated with religious festivals, so that any religious festival involving competition and prize-giving could be labelled an agôn. This is yet another reminder that the ancient Olympics were staged within an essentially religious framework, a henotheistic, polytheistic framework deeply alien to our ways of thinking and doing.

Finally, to ram the point of difference home, I bring to you a

vii. Legacy that is no legacy: the Marathon

The universally popular marathon race of today was first invented, introduced and run in and around Athens in the first Modern Olympics of 1896, ‘after an idea’ (as they say in the movies) by French classicist Michel Bréal, proposed and accepted at the 1894 congress. At first, of course, it was men-only. Indeed, not just at first: there was no women’s Olympics marathon race until 1984 (L.A.). Since then, a mere marathon is considered relatively tame and everyday – a question of breaking the 2-hour time barrier, an entirely modern notion. The real agonists of our day go in for ultra-marathons, runners such as my good friend Greek-American Dean Karnazes, who’s acquired the nickname ‘Mr Ultramarathon Man’. He’s run ultramarathons all over the world, including the Spartathlon, which was first staged in 1982 and has a far better ancient pedigree (Herodotus…) than the marathon. Why ‘marathon’, anyway? It took its name and length (some 40 km) from its route, from Marathon on the east coast of Atttiki to central Athens, and its inspiration/legitimation from an alleged original run in 490 BCE, following the Battle of Marathon – though even the ancient Greeks themselves couldn’t agree on the name of that runner. However, and this is my final, clinching point: at the original Olympics the ‘long’ race, the dolichos, was a mere 24 laps of the roughly 200-meter course or, in our terms, something like a 5000 meters or middle-distance event. No ‘marathons’ for the ancient Greeks, thank you very much.

Finally, an invention of the Hitler Games of 1936 that has stood the test of time? The torch-relay. The Olympic flame was an invention of 1928. It was in keeping with de Coubertin’s Olympic ideal that it should be lit at Olympia and then transported to the – movable – site of each modern Olympiad.

RM: Did Alexander the Great like sports? Did his father enter horse races at Olympia? Any word about Plato or other philosophers enjoying the Olympics? Did or could any of the Ptolemies, including Cleopatra VII, sponsor any events or horse racing participants?

PC:  Philosophers tended to be sniffy about athletics and athletes – far too preoccupied with their bodies (bulking up, etc), and not nearly interested enough in the things of the mind. King Philip II of Macedon, father of Alexander III (the Great), won a horse race at Olympia in 356, the year of Alexander’s birth. Alexander is credited (or debited) with saying that he would compete at Olympia – but only if all his fellow-contestants were also kings. That was probably a cop-out: he would not have been interested in taking part in any contest he might not win. A homonymous ancestor, King Alexander I, had taken part in the Olympics – but for him it really was the taking part and not the winning that mattered, since being allowed to compete proved his (challenged) status as a true-blue Hellene. So far as we know, no Ptolemy competed in person in any Olympic event, partly because Ptolemy II founded in 279 BC  games named after his family, the Ptolemaia, and celebrated at Alexandria, which were an Olympics equivalent for Egyptian Greeks. But several of the Ptolemies, not least the women, emulated Philip II by competing in and winning equestrian events at Olympia, Arsinoe II (sister-wife of Ptolemy II) not the least.

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Remains of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. Pan.stathopoulos, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Pedimental sculptures of the Temple of Zeus, in the Archaeological Museum of Olympia. Made by Numbers, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Palaestra at Olympia, where wrestlers and other athletes were trained. Bgabel, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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About Paul Cartledge

Paul Cartledge is a British historian and scholar. From 2008 to 2014 he was the A. G. Leventis Professor of Greek Culture at the University of Cambridge, and previously held a personal chair in Greek History at Cambridge. (Text CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikipedia Commons)

 

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Cover Image, Top Left: Temple in Olympia, Chrisi1964, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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The Architectural and Archaeological Legacy of the Christian Persecution

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

Around the mid-first century of our era the volatile Emperor Nero    for reasons we shall see in due course    resolved to eradicate the new religion from the east which was fast taking root in Rome.  Across the next two hundred years many    but not all    of his successors continued the effort with varying degrees of intensity, but, as the historian Tertullian informs us, the blood of the martyrs became the very elixir of life for the infant Church of Rome.  As one writer expressed it, “Surely it is not easy to discount a story for which the witnesses are willing to be slain.”  Indeed hundreds, maybe thousands, of pagan or agnostic Romans were drawn to the Gospel message by the unforgettable sight of the serenity of the believers as they were being led to slaughter.  Today, Christianity marches on in its third millennium. The mighty Roman Empire did not survive a half of one.

Today, all over Rome, signs of Christianity’s ultimate triumph abound.  Today, its monuments and shrines rise, literally, over or next to, or even within the ruins and rubble of old Rome and have forever altered the city’s skyline.  Where once upon a time the tympanums of temples to Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and other ancient deities were silhouetted against the Italian firmament, one now sees campaniles and cupolas, each surmounted by a cross.  And floating high above them all    like a gigantic white hot-air balloon    is the dome of St. Peter’s on the opposite side of the Tiber.

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The dome of St. Peters figures prominently on the urban landscape of the city of Rome. Emphyrio, Pixabay

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On the summit of the Capitoline Hill, for example, the fallen stones of the Temple of Juno provide a bedrock foundation for the medieval church of Santa Maria in AraCoeli, whose cascading one hundred and twenty four marble steps were transferred here from the nearby Temple of Apollo.

Far below, in the Great Forum, three temples ultimately were converted into houses of Christian worship.  Within the walls and colonnade of the sanctuary to the deified Emperor Antoninous and Empress Faustina the early believers erected a church to San Lorenzo.  What was left of the sacred edifice honoring the divinities, Venus and Roma, was incorporated into a church named Santa Francesca Romana.  And, lastly, the circular shrine of Romulus, son of the Emperor Maxentius, became the apse of a church honoring Saints Cosmas and Damian.

On the nearby island in the Tiber, from the year 292 B.C.,when Rome was struck by a deadly plague, there stood the Temple of Aesculapius, the Greek god of medicine.  In the tenth century, the city’s Christians built on this site a church to the apostle Bartholomew, whose bones are said to repose beneath the main altar.  This holy place remains to this day a focal point of pilgrimage.

The Aventine Hill in antiquity was graced by seven majestic temples.  On the site of the one named for the goddess Diana, now stands the quaint little church of Santa Prisca.  At the highest point of this same hill where there rose in the imperial age a shrine to Bona Dea i.e. the “Good Goddess,” now exists the baroque Piranesi masterpiece of Santa Maria del Priiorato.

Down in the valley along the bank of the Tiber the ancient citizenry put up a beautiful Corinthian–colonnaded round temple to the demi-god Hercules, and a rectangular one to Portunus, god of the harbor.  Both date to the second century before Christ and survive in a remarkable state of preservation due to their use as Christian churches throughout the Middle Ages, which resulted in careful, constant maintenance.  Just across the cobblestoned street is the romanesque sixth century edifice of Santa Maria in Cosmedin, which stands above an intact small Mithraic temple.

Not far from here, in the Campus Martius district, above the remains of the once splendid Temple of Minerva, the war goddess and protectress of old Rome, we come upon a Gothic structure honoring the Virgin Mary.  The church bears the poetic name:  Santa Maria Sopra Minerva. (Sopra is Italian for “above.”).

Lest the reader, at this juncture, get the impression that it was only pagan temples that got this Christian makeover, let us here point out the many secular, civic facilities and public grounds that underwent a similar conversion.

For example, the still intact Curia or Senate House    whose walls once rang with fiery orations during tumultuous legislative sessions    was transformed into the church of Saint Adrian of Nicomedia in the year 630.  From then on, the old chamber softly echoed the solemn Gregorian Chant of Christian clergy and worshippers.  (The building was deconsecrated in the late nineteenth century and reclassified as a historic site.}  Even the city’s maximum security jail, the Mamertine Prison, did not escape the Christianization of both Republican and Imperial Rome’s historic sites.  Peter and Paul were incarcerated here    by order of Nero    in the Mamertine’s dreaded subterranean dungeon, the Tullianum, to await their execution nine months later.  Sometime after the Church’s liberation by Constantine’s Edict of Milan in 313, the local disciples fashioned out of the prison a chapel which still goes by the fitting name, San Pietro in Carcere. (On certain feast days Mass is still celebrated on the marble altar in this notorious old lockup.)

A few blocks away, on the site of the outdoor shopping mecca which the ancients knew as the Forum Holitorium (Produce Market), an influx of sixth century Greek Christian migrants erected the massive church of San Giorgio in Velabro. (Velabrum is the Latin name for this former commercial district.)

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The San Giorgio in Velabro Church. Fallaner, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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In this same neighborhood today’s visitor –  pilgrim or tourist    may also pay a visit to Sant Angelo in Pescheria, where the local fishmongers of a bygone age carried on a bustling business, or to Santa Maria in Via Lata (Saint Mary’s on the Wide Street) which was built on the ruins of the Saepta Julia, a large, porticoed enclave which was used as the main polling precinct for elections by the General Assembly. This public project    conceived by Julius Caesar and completed by his successor Augustus    was designed with many aisles to keep the long lines of voters orderly.

On a part of the remainder of the grandstands of the oval Stadium of Domitian, the Christian flock honored, with a small shrine, the lovely teenaged Agnes who was martyred here.  The grand baroque church, which has replaced the original tribute since 1635, is the work of the prolific architect Borromini and is named for the poor innocent:  Sant Agnese in Agone.  What was left of the emperor’s arena evolved into the ever popular Piazza Navona (“Navona” being a corruption of “in Agone”).

From here a twenty five minute stroll through the heart of Rome will take you to the huge square called Piazza del Popolo where, as you enter from the Via del Corso, you will see identical twin churches:  Santa Maria di Monte Santo to your right and Santa Maria dei Miracoli on the left.  The latter occupies the site of what remained of the extravagant mausoleum of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla.  (Note:  Of Rome’s more than four hundred churches, incidentally, some seventy or so are named for the mother of Christ, patroness of the Eternal City.)

The Emperor Hadrian (A.D. 117-138), who was vehemently opposed to the cult but did not hunt down its practitioners, would be aghast if one day he were to return to life only to learn that his proud Pantheon is now the Church of Saint Mary and the Martyrs; that his massive tomb on the left bank of the Tiber has long been used as a papal refuge; that the Pons Aelius, which he built to span the river as an access to his final resting place is now celebrated as The Bridge of the Angels and features at the far end the two most venerated Christian leaders:  St. Peter and St. Paul.

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The Pantheon, or the Church of St. Mary and the Martyrs, as it appears today in Rome. Krystianwin, Pixabay

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A later ruler, Diocletian (284-305), who launched a bloody persecution resulting in the slaughter of multitudes of the flock of Christ, would be dismayed to find that the tepidarium of his lavish bath complex was transformed into a house of worship, called Santa Maria degli Angeli, by the giant of the Renaissance, Michelangelo. (Because of the great hall’s peculiar dimensions, the moody architect created a transept longer than the nave.)  Diocletian’s sprawling spa was surrounded by a rectangle of lofty walls sporting a large round tower at each of the four corners.  One of the three towers still extant was destined to become the church of San Bernardo alle Terme (St. Bernard at the Baths).

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Santa Maria degli Angeli (Rome) – Facade. NikonZ7II, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Across the length and breadth of Eternal Rome the present-day visitor will see  — and hear    yet more evidence of Christianity’s centuries-long architectural response to its early tormentors.  Crowning each of the two dozen or so soaring obelisks, brought back from Egypt by the swaggering Roman legions as tall, slender trophies of war, is a cross.  The still standing second-century monumental hundred-foot-high bas reliefed column of Trajan, which once supported a marble statue of him on its summit, now holds aloft an effigy of Peter the Apostle.  Down the street from here (the Via del Corso) rises a similar column, atop which stood a sculpture of Marcus Aurelius, which has long since given way to one of the Apostle Paul.  The iconic Colosseum is marked at the fifty yard line with a huge black cross commemorating the countless Christians said to have been martyred here.

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The Column of Trajan (right). AlekseyMyagky, Pixabay

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The Column of Trajan still shows the immaculate, detailed bas relief telling stories and events of pagan Rome. Gary Todd, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Four of the ancient eleven waterworks, the amazing aqueducts, having been restored by the Renaissance popes. Each terminate in a spectacular monumental fountain, the marble facade of which bears the name of the pontiff who commissioned the work.

And providing a melodious touch to Christianitiy’s survival, an integral part of the city’s soundtrack, colossal church bells ring out the hours all day long over the rooftops of Rome.

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Christian pilgrims to Rome, hoping to be swept back across a million yesterdays to apostolic times, often list a visit to one church in particular as a major priority.  More so than St. Peters, this site enables one to tangibly peel away the centuries:  The Church of San Clemente.  Just a stone’s throw from the Colosseum, it is actually three churches superimposed one upon the other, with massive stonework and piles of masonry from three distinct Roman epochs.  On the property, Christians have gathered for worship across two thousand years of Church history.  When Peter was serving as bishop of Rome, there dwelled here a pious priest named Clement, who allowed his residence to be used as a clandestine domus ecclesia, i.e. house church.

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The Basilica of San Clemente. Labicanense, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Everything seems to indicate that Clement belonged to the aristocratic Flavian family, which gave Rome three emperors:  Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.  In the year 88 Clement was elected to the Throne of St. Peter, thereby becoming the fourth pope of the infant Church that was at the time struggling to survive the bloodbaths of the persecutions.

Soon after Domitian was elevated to the purple, he brought the full might and fury of Imperial Rome crashing down on the city’s small but growing Christian community.  Even family ties counted for naught as he issued the order to have his cousin Pope Clement and the consul Flavius, a recent convert, executed.  Sometime in the fourth century after Constantine had put an end to the onslaught against Christianity, the faithful filled the ground floor of Clement’s home with rubble and mortar to provide a solid foundation for the basilica they were soon to raise on that hallowed ground.  From early writers, such as St. Jerome, we learn that this basilica was given the Latin name Sanctus Clemens (in Italian – San Clemente as we know it today), in honor of the martyred pontiff.

Throughout the early Middle ages, Saint Clement’s remained one of the most prominent of all the city’s Christian shrines.  Then in the year 1084 came the infamous Norman sack of Rome.  Beautiful, historic Saint Clemens was severely damaged.  In 1108 Pope Paschal II began construction of a new basilica atop the remains of the fourth century structure.  The half-hidden older edifice was filled in completely and vanished from human sight for seven hundred and fifty years. 

It wasn’t until 1857 that the amazing stratification of the property was discovered.  Doing some restoration work under the supervision of the Dominican, Father Mullooly, workmen came upon the church beneath.  (Since 1667, San Clemente has been in the care of an order of Irish Dominican priests.)  The priest solicited funds from all over the globe to have the lower church completely cleared.  These excavations revealed an imposing three-aisled basilica with its graceful apse and canopied altar still intact.  Well-preserved, too, were numerous eighth, ninth, and tenth century paintings and mosaics depicting events in the life of Pope St. Clement.  Continued digging deeper underground led Father Mulooly into the very rooms of Clement’s home, which in imperial times stood at what was then ground level.  Further probing brought yet more antiquity to light.  Just across a narrow back alley from this house-church was another pink-brick residence whose owner had carved out a room for purposes of worship in another popular religion of the age    Mithraism.

In the mithraeum one sees a vaulted ceiling, stone benches for the worshippers, and a small altar with fine bas-reliefs showing the Persian deity Mithras sacrificing a bull to the sun-god.  (Plutarch tells us that the Mithraic mysteries were first bought to Rome by soldiers of Pompey the Great.)

Having visited the lower basilica, one can readily notice that Pope Paschal was extremely faithful to its architectural plan in his design of the upper church.  That plan included a colonnaded courtyard  — out front.  In this area    called the atrium    there remained, whenever the sacred rites were going on inside, those taking instructions in the faith prior to being baptized, along with those doing penance for various trespasses, and the more curious among non-believers.

The interior of the upper basilica features all the aspects of a typical medieval church, including a mosaic-adoned apse, a marble baldacchino over the main altar, and a marble-enclosed Schola Cantorum or Choir area.  There are also two highly ornamental pulpits    one for the reading of the epistle, the other for the gospel.  High upon the soaring triumphal archway framing the sanctuary are mosaics of Peter and his third successor, Clement.

Even the very pavement of Saint Clement’s is a masterpiece of art and a perfect example of a cosmatesque marble floor laid out in striking geometric patterns.  And so it is then, that in visiting the Basilica of San Clemente on the Via San Giovanni in Rome, one can step out of a twenty-first century vehicle and roll back nine centuries by entering the church built by Paschal; roll back eight more by descending a staircase into the church mentioned by St. Jerome; and yet four more by picking one’s way down another set of stairs into Clement’s house-church of apostolic times    and while down there, stealing a glance into the dark, damp house of worship of a cult that has long since entered oblivion.

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Interior of Basilica of San Clemente al Laterano in Rome (1863), by Lawrence Alma-Tadema. Oil on canvas. Fries Museum, Leeuwarden, Netherlands. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The Mithraem. kevingessner, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Only in Rome is it possible to enjoy an experience so archaeologically unique.

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Now, as for the ruthless Nero, who had sought to crush the Church in its infancy, the irony    or karma if you will    seems never to end.  In July of A.D. 64 a suspicious fire broke out in the wooden bleachers of the Circus Maximus and raged out of control into a city-wide conflagration, devastating eleven of the fourteen precincts established by Augustus.  The egotistic Nero, long known to be unhappy with his capital and wanting to level it to pave the way for a glittering new city which he would name for himself, Neronia, was widely thought to be responsible for the arson.  But he found a convenient scapegoat in the Christian sect, which he quickly subjected to a relentless savage persecution.  He also issued an edict forever forbidding the existence of the cult, with the penalty of death for those discovered practicing it.  His enormous, state-of-the-art circular meat market on the Coelian Hill    the Macellum Magnum    was to become in the early sixth century the church of San Stefano Rotondo, St. Stephen in the Round.  Upon the wreckage of the tyrant’s impressive hippodrome over in the Ager Vaticanus (the Vatican Meadows) stands the greatest church in all Christendom:  the Basilica of St. Peter, prince of the apostles and the first Bishop of Rome.  Nero’s custom of addressing    or ought we say haranguing    his suffering subjects, from the balcony of his shamefully sumptuous palace, has been replaced by the tradition of the Pope imparting his apostolic blessing  Urbi et Orbi    from the central loggia of his baroque Basilica upon the throngs of pilgrims in the gargantuan square below.

One final irony:  Though condemned to death by the Roman Senate, Nero, when he ended his reign of terror via suicide, was nonetheless given a full state funeral.  His ashes were entombed at the foot of the Pinciana Hill, in a huge magnificent altar of precious porphyry enclosed by a marble balustrade.  Over the ensuing centuries the people of Rome were spooked by a persistent legend maintaining that Nero’s ghost haunted the area.  When Paschal II (1099-1118) ascended the Chair of St. Peter one of his first acts was to purge the city of “Nero’s curse” by destroying the shrine and scattering the ashes to the winds.  Paschal then soon established on the site a church to the Virgin. In the following century the structure was enlarged with funds from the Romans themselves and renamed Santa Maria del Popolo …  Saint Mary of the People.

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Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo. Jakub Hałun, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Thus it is that for contemporary archeologists hoping to come upon the leftovers of the Rome of the Caesars, they must often search beneath the ubiquitous layers of the Rome of the Popes.

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The Papantla Pole Dancers

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

The sight of a man dancing on a tiny round platform atop a hundred foot-high wooden pole while playing a flute and a small drum is baffling, and strikes fear in the heart of his loved ones and onlookers alike. It is even more spectacular when his four companions, seated on a makeshift structure tied up below him at the top of the pole, drop head down with nothing but a rope attached to their waist. They are the Papantla pole dancers, also known as flyers, natives of the indigenous community of Papantla, located in the state of Veracruz, Mexico. Papantla was founded by groups of Totonacs who were compelled to migrate from the central plateau of Mexico after the fall of El Tajin (600-1230 AD). The Mexican artist Diego Rivera (1886-1957) recorded one such ritual set at El Tajin in the twelfth century on murals of the former presidential palace in Mexico City. In 1733-1735, the Franciscan fray Francisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa led a campaign to eradicate the dancer’s ritual in Xochimilco societies.

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Pole Dancers at El Tajin  @georgefery.com

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Of interest is that pole dancing was not practiced among the Classic Maya (250-900 AD), whose mythology of the creation of the world is associated with the bird deity Itzamna dwelling in the World Tree, the center of the world. Ancient Mesoamerican rituals correlate with the centuries-old 365-day agricultural cycle, or year count (xiuhpõhualli), and the 260-day ritual cycle (tõnalpõhualli), or day count. These calendars were used by the Nahua, Totonac and Huastec people, who eventually made it to Papantla. 

The ritual is found in a number of myths, such as with the Totonacs, which relates that over five hundred years ago there was a persistent drought that brought hunger and death. The gods were believed to withhold the rains when people neglected them. The ceremony was then created to appease the gods and appeal to them to bring back the rains. The ritual, also called “Dance of the Eagles” (Danza de las águilas) was associated with the sharp cries of birds of prey, which were imitated by the fliers’ lead actor, the k’ohal or corporal, who blew high pitched sounds from a small bird bone whistle while dancing on top of a tall wood pole. It was later commonly called “Dance of the Flyers” (Danza de los voladores). (The name “flyer” is a translation of the Spanish voladores, associated with birds, while “dancers” is more often found in texts).

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Danza de los Voladores  @MarcoAntonioPacheco  arqueomex.com

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The Huastecs held the ceremony once a year to celebrate all of their divinities in order to reap the full extent of their favors in a one-time event. The hallmark of the ritual was the boldness of the dancers, associated with the fear of the fall of a team member. The risk was highest for the leader or one of the teams who, alternately, would stand and dance unsecured on the round foot-square capstan, called manzana (apple), atop a hundred foot high pole. Ancient rituals were complex and often blended the secular and spiritual conceptions of a community’s religious universe that, to some extent, still survive in traditional societies today. Rituals by definition adhere to strict rules that are deeply rooted in ancient symbolism. The sons of Totonac and Huastec dancers followed their ancestors’ tradition when they reached twelve years of age or manhood status. At that time, they started a training regime, both secular and spiritual, that would last a decade or more. Today, with some exceptions, the complex rituals are mostly forgotten. Our knowledge of them is largely owed to the French ethnologist Guy Stresser-Pèan who, in 1937 and 1938, lived among Huastecs pole dancers, and recorded their prayers, chants and traditions.

Pole dancing rituals are predicated on sun and moon cycles, and are deeply rooted in ancient farming communities’ beliefs and traditions. Most ancient rituals are grounded in complementary opposites, such as night-day, up-down, male-female or life-death among others, fused with nature and roots and complexity of ancient agrarian beliefs. According to tradition a team of dancers was made up of five men who, after initiation, were regarded as agents of the four cardinal directions and the vertical zenith-nadir. The historical record from the 16th and 17th centuries depicts pole dancing associated with human sacrifice. Drawings of the time show arrows shot at a naked man tied up spread-eagled on a wooden frame, with pole dancers in the background. This custom, associated with the Nahuatl society of central Mexico, is in contradiction with traditional pole dancing rules, and may not have taken place at the same time, despite ancient depictions. In the past and with indigenous groups today, teams numbered six – and at times eight – dancers. Traditionally, however, there were three to four teams of four flyers in a community each led by a k’ohal, as team leader also referred to as corporal, who danced standing unsecured on top of a pole. The pole was then perceived  to be at the intersection of the five cardinal directions, the axis mundi. The k’ohal would call and plead to the deities for the team’s safety, turning alternately to the east, north, west, and south, symbolically correlated with earth, air, fire, and water, and those of the zenith-sun and the nadir-moon. He also pleaded with the deities to accept his team’s offerings and bless the dangerous ritual about to take place. It was believed then, that the k’ohal pleas were like those of an eagle that, from the top of a tree, loudly shrieked asking the sun’s permission to catch a prey.

Who started the first dance of the day varies among ethnic groups. For the Huastecs and the Totonacs it was the musician who would climb first to the top of the pole for the first dance of the day. The k’ohal (corporal) of each team would then head the following dances. The rituals aimed at bringing the conjunction of warm forces associated with light in the upper world and the cold forces of darkness in the underworld through the pole.

Referred to as complementary opposites, they are foremost in understanding ancient agrarian spiritual beliefs and rituals, for they were perceived as indispensable to life’s renewal in the middle world of people and nature. Each of the four dancers personified one of the four cardinal directions and their respective dynamism. Tied at the waist by a rope, the dancers fell from the top of the pole revolving counterclockwise on their way down. Each completed a circular cosmogram of thirteen revolutions (13×4), associated with the 52-year cycle or “century” of ancient times. Rituals before, through and after the event were attended by a shaman, a ritual orator and a musician with a small flute and a little drum tied to his finger, who danced at the foot of the pole, playing dedicated tunes for each phase of the ceremony.

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Of Trees and Pleas  @Stresser-Pean, 1936  in arqueomex.com

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The day before the ritual, the shaman, the ritual orator, the musician and a large retinue of men, left the village to search and cut down a young but strong tree such as a cedar or a fir in the forest mountains nearby. The tree had to be strong and its trunk as straight as possible up to a hundred feet above the ground. When the tree was found, before cutting it down, pleas by the ritual orator were addressed to the gods of the forest, the deities of the four cardinal directions and those at the center of the world, asking for permission to cut it. Five times the ritual orator would beg the deities and tell them why the tree was needed and how it would be used. At the same time, the musician (tùlim), with his short flute and little drum, played the “tune of the middle earth” (Son del medio de la tierra), repeated with pleas to the four cardinal directions. When all was said, the shaman filled his mouth with a coarse brandy that he then blew on the tree’s lower trunk and roots to close the pleas. The tree was then cut with an axe and, ideally, subject to particulars of the terrain, would fall from west to east, its top pointing to sunrise.

At that moment, the “tune of forgiveness” (Son del perdón) was played by the musician. The trunk, stripped of branches, was then carried to the village by tens of men headed by the musician playing the repeated five notes of the “travel tune” (Son del viaje), which could not be interrupted for any reason. 

Once the tree and its retinue arrived on the village plaza, the first task was to dig a hole to receive it or figuratively plant it. The trunk was then cleaned of bark and the tree became a pole. Rituals again preceded its placement which ideally should be in the center of the village plaza. There, a circle was drawn on the ground on which the shaman sprinkled a strong liquor such as aguardiente on each of the cardinal directions and at its center for the deities of the earth. While digging the hole, which had a depth of five feet or more, the musician played the four “tunes of the east, west, north and south” (Sones del oriente, poniente, norte y sur) and the “earth’s center tune” (Son del medio de la tierra), while the shaman appealed to the deities and asked the land for mercy for having to hurt it. A makeshift  altar was built near the foot of the pole covered with a white tablecloth with five bottles of aguardiente corresponding to a flyers team of four and the k’ohal, a censer for burning copal powder, small cakes and candied fruits. To an altar’s leg was tied a young live turkey or chicken.

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Top of Pole  @Stresser-Pean, 1936  in arqueomex.com

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Before burying the base of the pole, a revolving capstan was carefully crafted from hard wood, such as cedar. Deep grooves were carved at right angles on its top to receive the four thick ropes. A hole was then drilled at the bottom of the capstan to precisely fit the shaped top of the pole, which was then filled with grease to smooth its  rotation. Then the four main ropes, to be used by the dancers, were loosely attached to the capstan.

Around the pole’s length another rope was wrapped, spaced a foot or so between links, to be used as a step ladder for the dancers and team members. The pole, together with the capstan attached to it, was then lifted up with ropes, chokes and wood levers, together with ample manpower. Before sliding the base of the pole into the hole, however, flowers, copal incense and a live young turkey or chicken which would be crushed by the pole, was thrown in as a sacrifice to please the deities of the earth. All the while in a slow singsong voice the shaman pleaded to the earth goddess to protect the flyers against witchcraft. The sacrifice was the payment to the deities for receiving the pole or else punishment to the dancers may occur should the sacrifice not be accepted. At that time the “tune of forgiveness” (Son del perdón) was played. Once the pole was up, a team member climbed up to its top and from there, made sure that it was as straight as possible. The pole was then securely set by filling the hole around its base with as many long wood stakes as necessary. Then the musician played the “tune of chain” (Son de cadena), when the flyers, the shaman, ritual orator and support members danced around the pole tied up to each other.

Below the revolving capstan, a quadrangular crosspiece was built made up of four planks from a strong wood, each about three feet or so in length and a foot wide, that was tied up to the pole. This is where the four dancers would sit before launching themselves to the ground. The main ropes were then wrapped around the pole by two old team members who went up the pole using the rope ladder. There, seated on the crosspiece, they moved around the pole with their naked feet, while carefully wrapping the ropes tightly and evenly counterclockwise. At that time the musician on the ground played the “roll up” tune (Son del enrollado). The pole was then spiritually recognized as the world tree connecting the sky, earth, the underworld and their respective deities, together with those of the vertical zenith-nadir fifth direction. Then the team and support members danced around the pole purified with local liquor scattered by the shaman while the “tune of the circle” (Son del circulo) was played.

Nine days before the event, the musician, the ritual orator, the master of ceremony and the flyers, met each evening at the k’ohal’s house to carefully review each phase of the ritual and everyone’s role in it. It is on this first night that sexual abstinence started. During lengthy ritual practice and invocations, team members paused between conciliatory rituals with the gods and ate meals brought from home that was not spiced nor seasoned or with salt or sugar. Rituals and practices were wrapped up at sunrise when the party danced in a circle with the musician playing the “farewell tune” (Son de la despedida), while alternately facing the four cardinal directions.

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Climbing the Pole  @trevacouturier.com

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On the morning of the first ceremony, the musician climbed up the pole and stood on top of the capstan playing the “tunes of the east, west, north and south” (Sones del oriente, poniente, norte y sur). Once back on the ground, the k’ohal followed by the flyers climbed up the pole at the sound of the “ascent tune” (Son del ascenso). At that time, they were symbolically identified as the red headed woodpecker climbing a tree trunk, for the flyers red headdress mimicked that of the bird, ritually second only to the eagle. Once on top of the pole they alternately stood and danced on the capstan calling to the deities, starting with the east where life is believed to have come together with sunrise, followed by the north, west, and south. The k’ohal then followed, flapping large bird feather wings in his hands, while blowing a bird-bone whistle sounding like the high-pitched cry of a bird of prey. He then sat on the capstan while the musician played the ”tune of the east” (Son del oriente). Then the k’ohal stood again on the capstan and, while holding a bottle of strong liquor (aguardiente) in his right hand, filled his mouth and, as a salute, forcefully blew the liquid  toward the gods of each cardinal directions associated with their constituents: earth, air, fire, and water. Then, bending fully backward, he played the “tune of the center of the earth” (Son del medio de la tierra), his flute facing the sun while dancing on the capstan.

The musician on the ground then played the “Huasanga tune” (Son de la Huasanga), a happy popular Huastec song and dance with his flute and small drum on which were painted two stars, a nine-ray star for sunrise and a seven-ray star for sunset. After the last note, the k’ohal gave the signal of the dance to his team by playing the “tune of flight” (Son de la volada). At that time, the four dancers seating on the crosspiece below the capstan, fell backward toward the ground, each tied at the waist to a rope knotted on their belly.

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Calling the Deities  @wikipedia.org

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As the capstan rotated, the ropes unwound counterclockwise in a widening circle, creating a moving pyramidal shape. The dancers held by the rope started their fall heads up, but quickly shifted upside down. To keep their inverse position, they held the thick rope above them between the big and index toes of either foot. They then spread out their arms and, at times, held eagle or other large bird feathers in their hands while blowing a small bird-bone whistle with a high-pitched sound. Then the k’ohal on top of the pole played the “tune of flight” (Son de la volada), followed by the musician on the ground playing the “flyer’s tune” (Son del volador), which was repeated four times for each of the four flyers, followed by the “fall’s tune” (Son del descenso). The ropes unraveled under the flyers’ collective weight and speed as the capstan turned and the ropes tensed circling the pole thirteen times, or one set of thirteen circles for each flyer (13×4), for a total of fifty-two, the number of years of the “century” of Mesoamerican culture’s past.

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The Dancers Flight  @culturetrip.com

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When the flyers reached a few feet above the ground, an experienced team member loudly called them to lose the rope held by their toes and turn their body back up; they then landed running. As his team “flew,” the k’ohal, as the fifth sun, danced on the narrow capstan alternately facing the deities of the four quarters.

When the four team members were safely on the ground, he used one of the ropes to slide down. Then the musician played the “tune to untie” (Son del desamare) for the team to unbind their ropes, followed by the k’ohal, who played the “farewell tune” (Son de la despedida). After each flight a new team climbed up to the capstan and carefully rolled the ropes back up around the pole for their flight.

Ceremonies also took place at night. Those in Tameleton started at midday and continued throughout the night, ending the following mid-day. During night-time ceremonies, there were rituals marking twilight, associated with “beginning” or birth, and dawn associated with end, death or “goodbye” to Huastec and Totonac traditions. We know that rituals are integral to complementary opposites and their respective deities related to day and night. We may, however, safely assume that some night-time rituals were associated with select deities of the night and, perhaps, with those of darkness. From a ritual standpoint, one may ask why each step of a ceremony was accompanied with repeated flute and drum sounds. It was then believed that while words from descendants were heard by their ancestors, they were not heard by gods or deities who could not understand the spoken word. To call their attention, therefore, chants or musical sounds, constant drumbeats, repeated two-tone atonements, prayers sung alone or in unison, were the only means to carry human appeals. We remember that the k’ohal called the attention of the deities of the four quarters and those of the Sun with his whistle, and so did the musician’s  repeated tunes with both his whistle and mini drum at each phase of the ceremonies.

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Calling the Deities  @josephordaz.com

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Stresser-Péan reports that all dancers observed hallowed rules that varied among ethnic groups. Two rules, however, were strictly observed by all: fasting, which may vary according to cultures from nine or more days before the event. At the end of each day, supper would take place with team members, their shaman, ritual orator and musician.

The second, sexual abstinence during the fasting period and the week’s rituals, was strictly observed by all, for its violation was associated with the worst possible outcome, the fall and death of a team member. Of note is that the victim was not directly associated with the infraction, for it might have been committed by any of the group members. When a dancer died from a fall, his soul, the Huastecs believed, transformed into an eagle, for the words soul and birds are synonymous in their language. It may be the reason why the ritual was called “the eagles dance” (Danza de las águilas) by the Huastecs and “the flyers dance” (Danza de los voladores) by the Totonacs. For both groups and others at the time, the dance was a religious ritual that, under coercion from the Europeans in late 16th century, was desacralized.

Clothing and adornments, like words and sounds, are integral to creeds and their rituals. Among historic references to the dancers’ clothing, Dominican friar Diego Duran, who was fluent in the Nahuatl language, wrote in the Book of the Gods and Rites (1574-1576)  that the flyers dressed “like eagles or other birds…” Stresser Péan point to the Codex Fernández-Leal, which refers to flyers who “wore a red- feathered cone-shaped hat, like that of a bird’s head with a beak” like a woodpecker, similar to the Huastec ceremonial headgear today.

In the Huastec language the words soul and bird are synonymous. When speaking of an individual’s soul it is referred to as “its bird.”

Interestingly, a k’ohal was called a “lady (or mother) eagle” for in Huastec, there is no distinction in gender designation. Dancers of recent times do not always follow traditional dress codes. In most cultures of the past and today, the dancers wore a colorful triangular hand-woven shawl artistically adorned with flowers and birds on a red background. It was worn diagonally, its apex tied to the right shoulder, while the lower part was tied to their apron belt’s left side. The red color is associated with the cardinal bird called “sun’s soul.” Over the shawl, Totonac k’ohals wore a long light blue scarf knotted below the left arm crosswise, the color of the first light of dawn before sunrise.

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Dancers’ Ritual Dress  @andzelaoecite.com

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The day following the last ritual, the pole stayed in place with its accessories. Before they left, team members tied up the four main ropes ten feet above the ground where they remained untouched for nine days. The morning of the tenth day, the musician climbed and stood up on the capstan and played several tunes, closing with the “farewell tune” (Son de la despedida). Then a team of retired dancers climbed up the pole and removed the crosspiece, the capstan, and all the ropes. The stripped pole, however, will remain standing for another nine days before being ceremonially “uprooted” by pulling it down its top pointing to sunrise, all the while the musician playing again the “farewell tune.” The pole was then moved to a garden or field where it was left, never to be used for another ceremony or purpose, nor its wood chopped, burned, or wasted. The pole was left in the open as a return to nature where it came from, and it was now up to nature to destroy it through time and decay. Culture could not interfere with nature’s undoing its creation, for the pole’s cultural function came to an end.

Like the pole at the end of the ceremonies, each dancer, the musician, and the orator went through ritual cleansing, which took place near a fast-moving stream on the village’s outskirts, and a small cave or sanctuary nearby. The shaman selected five small young limbs of green foliage plants associated with medical and ritual properties. Together with burning copal powder, the plants were used to spiritually cleanse each dancer, the k’ohal and the musician. One of the plants (tokob apestoso) produced a malodorous smoke and was used against spell casters, while another (tok te), protected people from ghosts. The most potent plant for ritual cleansing was used for abortion (tokob santo). Holding a handful of limbs in his right hand, the shaman prayed in a monotonous two-tone singsong. With copal incense smoke he started to clean each man’s soul of malevolent influences that may have attempted to interfere during rituals. For each dancer and the musician, the shaman invoked the deities of the night while starting its blessings from the back of the head down to the heels, then invoking those of the light, from the feet up to the face and ears, ending on top of the head.

All the while, copal smoke shrouded both team members and shaman. Once all participants were cleansed, and while still invoking deities in a low tone singsong, the shaman left each handful of used plants, now filled with hostile forces, in a small rocky crevice nearby, sprinkling them with aguardiente to prohibit their escape. As we have seen, the complexity of rituals and their repetition, as in any belief structure, create an autonomous and self-sustaining universe of cause and effect that trumps reality. After the last ceremonies, the flyers and their teams held an informal dinner together with their mothers, sisters, and spouses who, through weeklong day and night ceremonies, lived in fear of their loved one’s fall. Upon departing to their homes after the meal, the musician played the last “farewell tune” (Son de la despedida).

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The Last Dance  @deliahernandezintrospecciones.com

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References – Further Reading:

Guy Stresser-Pean, 2016 – La Danza del Volador Entre los Indios de

Mexico y America Central

Christian Duverger, 2007 – El Primer Mestizaje

Anthony F. Aveni & J.K. Jackson, 2023 – Aztec Myths and Legends

Nigel Davies, 1977 – The Toltecs

Diego Durán, 1880 – Historia de la Indias de Nueva-España

y de Tierra Firme

Joseph W. Whitecotton, 1966 – The Zapotecs

Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, 1905 – Historia General de las Cosas de 

Nueva España – Códices Matritenses en Lengua Nahuatl

Erna Fergusson, 1936 – Los Voladores

Francisco Clavijero, 1853 – Historia Antigua de Mexico

Raoul d’Harcourt, 1958Le Flûtiste-tambourinaire en Amérique

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