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Ancient Egyptian tomb shows how burial trends changed over hundreds of years

Frontiers—The Theban Necropolis, opposite Luxor, is comprised of more than 400 tombs. In a new Frontiers in Environmental Archaeology study, researchers in Spain examined a part of one of these tombs – chamber three in tomb TT 209 – more closely to reconstruct how this burial space was used and reused between its construction during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty (754-656 BCE) and the Ptolemaic period (305–30 BCE), when it was abandoned.

“We found a total of 16 mummified human individuals, a mummified dog, and a disturbed deposit containing the remains of at least four individuals,” said first author Dr Jared Carballo-Pérez, a researcher at the University of La Laguna. “The detailed study of the bodies indicates neither chaotic accumulation nor a loss of the original ritual over time. Rather, there was a spatial logic in which each new deposition was adapted to the presence of previous bodies – a kind of funerary memory in the processes of reuse.”

Senior author Dr Miguel Ángel Molinero Polo, a professor of Egyptology at the University of La Laguna, added: “We have few details regarding how the people who entered tombs behaved, what their motivations were in each historical period, and how they conceptually reconfigured the pre-existing space.”

Tomb through time

To deepen the understanding of the deposition of bodies and the transformation of funerary space, the team excavated the chamber, photographed the mummies, and produced sketches and descriptions of their position, orientation, and relationship with the tomb’s structures. The chamber contains nine funerary deposits, comprising individual and multiple burials, as well as associated funerary objects.

For the earliest deposits, the team observed relatively separated burials where bodies were placed in coffins.

“The earliest individuals buried here appear to have been of high social standing, as they were interred in coffins, with funerary nets and amulets, and with an assemblage containing costly items, such as the contents held in Phoenician amphorae, a large number of which were found alongside them,” said Molinero Polo.

Later, towards the end of the 25th dynasty and the Persian period (around 680-404 BCE), bodies started being inserted into any space still available. This resulted in denser use of space. In some cases, a change could be seen in the positioning of limbs, for example a folded-in arm whereas in earlier burials arms were typically stretched out. Also in the Persian period, the team observed a shift from individual deposits to a vertical way of arranging bodies. Superposition of bodies was found in two thirds of the burials in the chamber.

Reconstructing funerary practices

In the southeastern section of the chamber, four mummies and one mummified dog are buried on top of one another in the Ptolemaic Period.

“The bodies buried in vertical superposition did not have coffins but were carefully mummified. They also can be associated with upright jars that point to a specific ritual not found in the earlier phases of the tomb’s use,” said Molinero Polo.

“One detail I find quite beautiful is the presence of a mummified dog placed directly on top of the mummies of a man and a woman,” said Carballo-Pérez. “This could indicate a close relationship between these human individuals and the animal, an idea that I think is quite easy to empathize with.”

“It could also reflect a further change in ritual practice, with an animal taking on the role of a psychopomp, a symbolic helper in the journey to the afterlife,” added Molinero Polo.

This, alongside certain changes in the arrangement of bodies – for example, in later deposits individuals were buried with both arms folded over their chests in what Egyptologists call the Osirian position – suggests that the tomb did not become disordered or without structure, or that cultural rites were lost. Instead, the chamber should be considered a repeatedly reactivated space, reconfigured by new burials that transformed the organization and meaning of space itself without erasing the past.

In some funerary deposits, it is difficult to identify the exact sequence of depositions and reconstruct the precise intentionality behind them, the team noted. This is due to century-long use during which the chamber flooded multiple times as well as fires and human re-entry that transported debris within the tomb.

“Nevertheless, what we present means that deposits that were previously considered ‘disordered’ can be reinterpreted,” concluded Carballo-Pérez. “This helps us develop a better understanding of the social behaviors behind funerary practices.”

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Mummified individuals from Side Chamber 3 of Theban Tomb 209, showing variation in body orientation and arm position.  Credit: Proyecto dos cero nueve, Universidad de La Laguna / Jared Carballo-Pérez.

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Evidence of disturbance and displacement affecting two mummified individuals in side Chamber 3.  Credit: Proyecto dos cero nueve, Universidad de La Laguna / Jared Carballo-Pérez.

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Detail of superposition and spatial relationships between individuals in SC3 (TT 209). The figure shows the relative position of several individuals, highlighting direct vertical contacts and partial overlaps between bodies. M6 and M7 are closely superimposed, with the canid (M9) placed over their lower limbs.  Credit: J. Carballo-Pérez.

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Preserved painted stucco decoration showing a goddess on the inner side of the floorboard of the outer box of Coffin 2. Credit: Photograph: Proyecto dos cero nueve / José Miguel Barrios Mufrege. Drawing: Proyecto dos cero nueve / Daniel Méndez Rodríguez.

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Preserved painted decoration showing an Osirian djed pillar on the outer side of the floorboard of the outer box of Coffin 3.  Credit: Photograph: Proyecto dos cero nueve / José Miguel Barrios Mufrege. Drawing: Proyecto dos cero nueve / Daniel Méndez Rodríguez.

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Schematic plan of SC3 in TT 209 showing the approximate spatial distribution of funerary deposits (FD). Early deposits (FD1–FD2) are located in the eastern/northeastern and southwestern sectors and display relatively discrete spatial organization. Subsequent and later deposits (FD3–FD9) are mainly concentrated in the southeastern sector. The dashed outlines indicate approximate depositional areas, while the schematic representations of mummified bodies reflect their general orientation and spatial relationships rather than exact anatomical positions. The circular area (FD6) corresponds to a secondary assemblage of disarticulated, thermally altered remains. Credit: Jared Carballo-Pérez

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Exterior view of the superstructure of TT 209. The protective covering and visual homogenization of its walls were completed at the end of the 2026 season.  Credit: Proyecto dos cero nueve / José Miguel Barrios Mufrege.

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

How to Present Archaeological Research Findings

Archaeology has an issue with tale telling.

The fieldwork is extraordinary – seasons in tough conditions, artifacts emerging from layers of time, conclusions made from fragments – but something is lost when a researcher stands at a podium or opens a slide deck. What feels urgent in the field is flattened on television. Audiences, whether conference peers, grant panels, museum curators or journalists, require more than statistics. They need story. They need clarity in the visuals. They need clarity on what the evidence truly says.

Few things are taught more formally than the excavation procedures itself; how to present research findings in a topic like archaeology is rarely taught. But the distance between good fieldwork and good communication is where discoveries are buried a second time.

Who is the Audience?

The first error researchers make is to create one presentation and deliver it every place. Technical shorthand, stratigraphic knowledge, and methodological detail can all be assumed in a specialist’s research findings presentation. What you present to a museum audience or to a financing panel needs an entirely different framing.

First, ask: What does this audience know already, and what do they need to decide? Significance and feasibility are what a grant committee wants to know. Journalists are searching for a story with a strong hook. Accuracy is what peer reviewers need. Each iteration of research results presentation assumes the big question of, “what did you find and why does it matter” but the perspective varies greatly depending on who’s asking.

It helps, especially for archaeological findings, to split out layers like you would do on site. There’s the raw data layer (stratigraphic background, radiocarbon dates, artifact classification), the interpretive layer (what the evidence says), and the significance layer (why it modifies or reinforces what we understood before). Most research presentations combine all three of these elements. The clearest ones go through them one after the other so that the audience may absorb one before moving on to the next.

A Functional Research Presentation Format

There is a fairly standard framework for a presentation of research results that is effective across disciplines, but the way it’s done differs. Here is how it translates into archeological work:

Section What goes here? Example of archaeology
Background and Issue The question that prompted the investigation “No Bronze Age settlement in this valley, according to earlier surveys.”
Methods How the evidence was acquired and interpreted Survey of magnetometry, systematic test pitting, analysis of ceramics
Results What the data indicates, no interpretation yet Feature density maps, artifact distribution maps, C14 dating results
Commentary What the findings mean Evidence of seasonal use, probable trading route role
Importance Why this alters the picture Revises the idea of regional exchange networks
Limits and questions What is left unanswered Sample size, conditions of preservation, date uncertainty

 

This approach works just as well for a 15-minute conference paper as for a lengthier discovery storytelling on social media. The proportions shift: conference audiences want more time on methods and less on context, but the sequence does not.

The Visual Problem

Archaeologists tend to make excellent notes, but just fair slides. Site plans shown on a screen look cluttered when produced for technical reports. Visually, tables with 40 columns of ceramic data don’t express anything. Without context, the spectator is left to guess.

Presenting research findings visually means making choices: which objects reflect the assemblage, which plan drawing best represents the spatial argument, which photograph best expresses the conditions of recovery. Each picture should answer the question your slide is asking. If it doesn’t, cut it.

Researchers short of time before a meeting typically spend hours reformatting material that is available in reports and field notes. 

One useful shortcut that is becoming more common is to run field reports or structured notes through a Decksy AI presentation maker, which takes the written content and automatically produces neat slide structures. It doesn’t do interpretation – that’s still the researcher’s job – but it does the layout work quickly, freeing up more time for the things that genuinely require skill. 

For archaeologists who present at several venues or who need to modify results for diverse audiences, the ability to rebuild a deck quickly, without beginning from scratch, has considerable significance. 

How to Communicate Research Findings Without Losing the Evidence

One difficulty in research findings reports is between accessibility and accuracy. Go too far and the nuance evaporates. If you leave all the disclaimers and qualifications available, the general public loses the thread.

Some things that help:

  1. Start with the conclusion, then back through the facts. Most researchers do it the opposite way, showing the data first and the conclusions later, so the audience spends most of the presentation not understanding what they are evaluating.
  2. Treat the site like a character. Places are more accessible to audiences than abstract analytical terms. “Feature Group 3B” is less graspable than “This area of the site.”
  3. Translate measures. A deposit 1.2 meters deep means more when compared to a scale – about the height of this podium – than as an isolated figure.
  4. Clearly state uncertainty once. Researchers are often more cautious in a presentation than in writing. Find the limitations of the evidence in one dedicated moment, then move forward. Repeated hedging sounds less like scientific rigor and more like a lack of trust.

Research Presentation Tips for Q&A

Presentation success or failure depends on the question session. Often an audience that was feeling unsure during the session would use Q&A to investigate what they couldn’t follow. It’s used by an attentive audience to take the interpretation farther.

Prepare for both. Prior to your presentation, determine your three biggest hurdles to your interpretation and develop short, honest responses. If the sample is tiny, state this explicitly and explain what more evidence might modify the picture. If the dating is disputed, indicate this and explain the range of opinions.

But many studies overlook one thing: a confident “I don’t know, and here’s what would help us find out” lands better than a defensive or evasive answer. It shows intellectual integrity and that is what archaeological audiences respect.

How to Explain Research Findings Across Formats

The way research findings are presented can dramatically alter the conclusions, whether it is at a specialist conference, to a general audience, or as a museum opening speech. The evidence is identical. What changes:

Conference of Specialists: Prioritize transparency of methods and accuracy of data. Colleagues will want to judge your interpretative rationale. Show your working.

Grant presentation: Start with impact and purpose. The committee is trying to decide if your question is worthy of financing. Answer that question first and let the methods back it up.

Public lecture or museum setting: Start with a story. Before evidence can be evaluated, the audience must have a reason to care. What the site tells is a human story, and the proof for it is given after the human story.

Media Interview / Short Form: One simple finding, no frills. One specific detail that makes it real. Researchers often try to say too much and the room is lost altogether.

The research conclusion presentation should be different in each of these circumstances. The audience requires something different from you.

Before You Leave

Check the fonts used in your presentation and the number of slides against your time. Twenty slides for fifteen minutes is too much if you include the intro, the transitions and the question that always come up two minutes before the conclusion. A more realistic goal for a normal conference paper is twelve to fifteen slides.

Read the slides in order aloud at speaking speed and time yourself. This sounds apparent but most researchers overlook it and then hurry through the second portion or run over time. Both provide audiences with a lesser impression than the content warrants.

The ability to present a research findings summary effectively is a skill apart from being an expert in fieldwork. Good communicators tend to garner more traction for their findings because they’ve made it easier for others to comprehend and engage with it. That effort is worth it.

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Cover Image, Top: Stocksnap, Pixabay

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Austronesian painting tradition may have preceded Neolithic pottery

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—The widespread dispersal of an Austronesian painting tradition preceded pottery during a frontier phase of prehistory, according to a study*. When people speaking languages in the Austronesian family dispersed throughout island Southeast Asia and into the Pacific region, beginning around 4,200 years ago, they brought along a distinctive rock painting style characterized by small human figures, boats, and geometric motifs, including concentric circles with sun rays. The age and origins of the Austronesian painting tradition are not well-documented. Ceri Shipton and colleagues report the excavation of a painted stone plaque from a limestone rock shelter on Wetar Island in Southeast Indonesia that was radiocarbon-dated to 4,090–3,900 years ago. The portable plaque bears a red concentric circle and sun ray motif characteristic of the Austronesian tradition. Associated cultural artifacts and subsistence activities suggest that the plaque was in a transitional layer between Paleolithic and Neolithic occupation. The analysis suggests that the plaque is the earliest, securely dated example of the Austronesian painting tradition in the region, predating the introduction of ceramics. The dating supports an early origin of the Austronesian painting tradition, carried on portable objects at the wavefront of the Austronesian dispersal. According to the authors, the Austronesian diaspora may have been associated with a symbolic ideology.

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4,000-year-old painted plaque from Wetar Island, Indonesia.  Credit: Shimona Kealy.

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Color-enhanced photo of painted plaque from Wetar Island, Indonesia.  Credit: Shimona Kealy.

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Stratigraphic section of excavation showing position of slab (red), radiocarbon dates (black), and layer boundaries (white lines).  Credit: Shimona Kealy.

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Article Source: PNAS news release.

*“4000-year-old painted plaque from Southeast Indonesia reveals Austronesian Painting Tradition preceded Neolithic pottery,” by Sue O’Connor et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 17-Aug-2026. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2611580123

Pelvis morphology of Neanderthals and modern humans

Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences—Mismatched evolutionary constraints between childbirth and locomotion are unlikely to have driven human pelvis shape, according to a study*. The Obstetrical Dilemma Hypothesis suggests that the shape of the human pelvis is an evolutionary compromise between the need to give birth to large-brained babies and to maintain bipedal locomotion. Whether such factors shaped the pelvic morphology of Neanderthals is unclear, given limited fossil evidence. Christoph Zollikofer and colleagues report virtual reconstructions and morphometric analyses of two nearly complete Neanderthal pelvises from a young adult female in Sima de las Palomas del Cabezo Gordo in Spain, as well as a 1.5-year-old infant in Dederiyeh Cave in Syria. The authors compared the reconstructions with age-matched Neanderthals and modern humans. The comparison identified differences in overall pelvis shape between Neanderthals and modern humans that were apparent from an early age. Both species shared patterns of sexual dimorphism in pelvis shape. The morphology of pelvic regions relevant for childbirth was also comparable between species, suggesting similar birth mechanics. However, modern humans and Neanderthals differed in features related to locomotion, including hip joint orientation and muscle movement arm geometry, suggesting that the two species had distinct stances and gaits. According to the authors, pelvis morphology in modern humans and Neanderthals may represent a compromise between childbirth and pelvic floor stability, rather than between childbirth and bipedalism.

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Virtual reconstructions of the Neanderthal pelvises of a 1.5-year-old infant from Dederiyeh Cave, Syria (left), and a young adult female from Sima de las Palomas de Cabezo Gordo, Spain (right), with transparent age- and sex-matched modern human pelvises superimposed.  Credit: Marcia Ponce de León and Christoph Zollikofer.

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Article Source: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences news release.

*“Insights into Neanderthal development, childbirth, and locomotion from the Palomas and Dederiyeh pelves,” by Christoph P. E. Zollikofer, Marcia S. Ponce de León et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 17-Aug-2026. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2535303123

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Archaeologists discover Bronze Age hoard near Kojetín. Objects may have been deposited as an offering

Archaeologists from the Archaeological Centre Olomouc discovered a Bronze Age fragment hoard associated with the Urnfield culture during ongoing archaeological monitoring of Section 5 of the Brno–Přerov railway modernization project. Use-wear analysis has shown that most of the bronze objects had been used before their deposition and that some were deliberately damaged. Archaeologists believe the objects may subsequently have been deposited in a wetland near the river as part of a ritual practice.

The Archaeological Centre Olomouc has been carrying out archaeological monitoring for Správa železnic, the Czech railway infrastructure manager, since September 2025. The work is scheduled to continue until 2029. It follows a rescue excavation conducted at the same site from September to the end of December 2025, during which archaeologists uncovered an extensive prehistoric settlement.

“We knew that our work was continuing in an area occupied by an extensive prehistoric settlement, so we also used metal-detecting survey during the archaeological monitoring. It was this method that led to the discovery of the bronze hoard,” says Vít Záhorák, the archaeologist leading the archaeological monitoring.

Archaeologists discovered the hoard at the end of May in an area that had still been flooded shortly beforehand. The depositional setting is one of the most important aspects of the discovery. According to the preliminary assessment, the assemblage does not appear to represent a stock of bronze concealed for later recovery. The current interpretation instead suggests that the objects were deliberately deposited in a former wetland and that their deposition may have formed part of a ritual practice.

The hoard consists mainly of fragments of bronze tools. It includes eight deformed sickles, one complete sickle, part of a sword blade, fragments of ornaments and other bronze objects. Three ingots and two unfinished objects were also recovered. Archaeologists classify the assemblage as a mixed fragment hoard dominated by worn parts of tools.

Use-wear analysis, which examines traces of use preserved on the surfaces of artifacts, has provided crucial evidence. It confirmed that the bronze tools had been used before their deposition and also showed that some had been deliberately damaged. The sword fragment was separated by a single powerful blow, probably delivered with a chisel or an axe, while several of the sickles were intentionally deformed.

“We recorded traces of ordinary use as well as deliberate damage on the artifacts. These modifications were not caused during their practical use but appear to be connected with their deposition,” explains use-wear specialist Michael Kamarád.

The newly discovered Bronze Age hoard is not the only assemblage of metal objects found at the site. During the earlier rescue excavation, archaeologists uncovered an Early Medieval iron hoard deposited within a structure associated with craft production. According to the preliminary assessment, that assemblage was connected with the practical activities of an inhabitant of the settlement. The bronze hoard dates from an earlier period, and its deposition in a wet environment suggests a different motivation.

Deposits of bronze objects in watery or waterlogged settings are also known from other Bronze Age sites. In some of these cases, archaeologists have considered a possible connection with ritual practices. Further specialist analyses will help determine whether the Kojetín hoard had a comparable significance.

The bronze hoard is now undergoing conservation and specialist documentation. The results of further analyses will help clarify the circumstances of its deposition and its significance for understanding the lives of Bronze Age communities in central Moravia.

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The Bronze Age hoard from Kojetín after its recovery from the site and before conservation and specialist examination. The assemblage consists of several bronze objects and their fragments. Photo: Archaeological Centre Olomouc.

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Article Source: Archaeological Centre Olomouc news release.

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No bosses, no problem! Pre-Hispanic farmers built giant water system bottom-up, archaeologists reveal

University of Cambridge—The pre-Hispanic field systems of La Mojana in the Colombian Caribbean are so vast you can see them from a plane at high altitude. Their canals and raised fields – in use from the first centuries BC until the 11th century AD – cover an astonishing 500,000 hectares, roughly the same size as the Grand Canyon National Park, or three times the size of London.

It has traditionally been assumed that powerful rulers must have ordered and managed such an ambitious infrastructure project because of its complexity and the amount of work thought to be involved. In a study* published today in Communications Sustainability, however, a University of Cambridge-led archaeological team argues that the work was most likely locally-led, cooperative, and much faster than previously assumed.  

The findings are important historically but also offer hope to Colombians today who are suffering from a water management crisis linked to climate change, intensive farming and policy failure.

“These field systems are so impressive that people have assumed they were achieved by hierarchical chiefdoms. Our data tells a very different story,” said the study’s lead author, Dr Jasmine Vieri, from the University of Cambridge’s McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

“Our findings indicate that local communities were capable of building these systems in very short periods of time, and organizing themselves rather than relying on a powerful external force.”

The societies responsible for these hydraulic systems in La Mojana were contemporary with the Maya, and with the broader Mesoamerican and Andean state-level societies, which culminated in the huge Aztec and Inca empires a few centuries later. The pre-Hispanic populations occupied an area where, the researchers point out, there is no evidence of state-level societies. It has been assumed – encouraged by evidence of elaborate gold work and ceramics – that they were hierarchical chiefdoms on their way to state formation. By contrast, the new findings support the idea that these people chose to organize themselves far more horizontally and were able to achieve great things.

Their raised field system managed huge quantities of water during heavy rains, gradually redirected it in drier months, buffering against both drought and floods. The network of canals redistributed water from permanent bodies of water around raised areas of housing. The system provided more fertile soils for cultivation in dry seasons and may have helped locals to trap fish.

Using satellite imagery, the researchers mapped a 500-hectare portion (roughly 700 football pitches) of Pre-Hispanic field systems in the municipality of San Macros, Sucre. They studied the infrastructure at an unprecedented level of detail, recording the dimensions and volume of 1,600 ridges and 63 housing platforms. They worked out that when first constructed the formations were around 1.4 meters high from the top of the ridge to the lowest point of the canal.

The international team – including researchers from the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History (ICANH), and University of Santiago de Compostela in Spain –   then developed a new method to quantify the labour needed to build this system and considered the social and spatial organization most likely to have underpinned this work.

Dr Jasmine Vieri said: “We are confident that one of these canal-ridge systems could have been built in less than two months, around half of a dry season. That’s a far lower labour investment than has been previously assumed, and manageable through cooperation.”

The researchers factored in volumes of moved earth, as well as information about local geology, indigenous working practices, population density and available technology. Starting from an estimated population of 1,600 people in the study area, they based their calculations on a workforce of 800 people which, the researchers emphasize, represents a conservative estimate, given ethnographic evidence that men, women and probably children traditionally engage in subsistence farming.

Soils in the Colombian Caribbean are heavy clay which would have made the work harder and there were no metal shovels in the region in this period. The workers may have used wood tools but this remains unproven.

The study springs from Cambridge’s ERC-funded REVERSEACTION project, which investigates how technologies are sustained in stateless societies, and how collective action can achieve great things without coercion.

Professor Marcos Martinon-Torres, REVERSEACTION’s lead and senior author, said: “Arguments for centralized, top-down planning, unsupported by data, risk obscuring the agency of indigenous pre-Hispanic populations. Pre-Hispanic societies were inventive and cooperative, they worked with nature rather than trying to obstruct it. And we already know that recovering ancestral practices has positive societal impact today through local populations connecting with their heritage through technology.”

Evidence for the use of raised field systems in this region ends before the Spanish arrived in the sixteenth century. It isn’t clear why they stopped being used but it has been suggested there was population movement from the lowlands towards mountainous areas.

The researchers argue that the pre-Hispanic sustainable solution to water management can be adopted by local populations without the need for state intervention. Instead of redistributing water flow, the Colombian government has often adopted the opposite strategy of attempting to block water flow to prevent flooding and adapt the land for agricultural and livestock activities based on models designed for non-flooding environments. But dykes have proven incapable of holding water back. Since 2021, the Caregato dyke has suffered multiple breaches, causing losses for local communities and ecosystem damage. At other times, the region suffers from severe droughts.

Study author Dr Fernando Montejo Gaitán, from the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History (ICANH), said: “Policymakers have shown interest in these ancient systems, but lacked data. Our study is the first to show that these sustainable solutions can be organized locally and collectively. Local people may need resources from the state but not necessarily state intervention.”

The researchers have made their code open source to enable researchers to apply the same methods to data sets relating to other regions.

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Archaeologists from the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History (ICANH) recording an excavated section of a pre-Hispanic canal-ridge formation.  Credit: ICANH

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The canals and raised fields of La Mojana during wet season.  Credit: Nicolás Jiménez, ICANH

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Article Source: University of Cambridge news release.

*J. Vieri, F. Montejo Gaitán, M. Carrero-Pazos, M. Martinón-Torres, ‘Collective labour and sustainability of pre-Hispanic field systems in La Mojana’, Communications Sustainability (2026). 11-Aug-2026.  DOI: 10.1038/s44458-026-00128-5

Neanderthal growth hormone receptor increases muscle mass in people today

Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology—Neanderthals were generally more strongly built than most people living today. Their bones show signs of large muscles, and they had characteristic features such as prominent brow ridges and relatively short tooth roots.

Growth hormone helps shape the body by regulating the growth of muscles and bones. It is released by the pituitary gland at the base of the brain and travels through the bloodstream. To act on a cell, the hormone must bind to a receptor on its surface, which then passes the signal into the cell.

An international team led by Hugo Zeberg of Karolinska Institutet and Philipp Kanis of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology found that the Neanderthal version of this receptor has two changes that are not present in the version most common in modern humans.

Neanderthal variant responds more strongly to growth hormone

The study shows that laboratory-grown cells with the Neanderthal receptor responded more strongly to growth hormone. They grew 40 percent more than cells with the more common modern human receptor. The researchers linked most of this stronger response to one of the two Neanderthal-specific changes.

Modern humans inherited this version of the receptor through interbreeding with Neanderthals around 47,000 years ago. Today, it is particularly common in South and East Asia. Up to 24 percent of people in some South Asian populations carry it, compared with around 0.5 percent of Europeans.

“What struck me most was that two very different types of evidence told the same story,” says Philipp Kanis, first author of the study and a postdoctoral researcher at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. “Cells grown in the laboratory responded more strongly, while data from more than a million people showed signs of the same effect in the body. It is rare to see laboratory and population evidence fit together so clearly.”

Differences first become apparent after childhood

The difference appears to emerge only after childhood. The researchers examined body measurements from more than 6,000 children and found no link between the Neanderthal version and growth up to the age of eleven. This suggests that its effects may become noticeable later, possibly around puberty, when growth hormone levels increase substantially. Among adults, people carrying the Neanderthal version had, on average, around 270 grams more muscle mass.

“As someone who does CrossFit, I was delighted to find Neanderthal genetics and muscle mass coming together in the same study,” says co-author Miriam Berreiter. “But even a Neanderthal growth hormone receptor is no substitute for training.”

The Neanderthal version was also linked to subtle differences in the skull and teeth. Carriers tended to have a slightly shorter rear section of the lower jaw and shorter tooth roots. Both features are closer to what was typical of Neanderthals.

“It is fascinating that one genetic change inherited from Neanderthals can still have an effect on the human body today,” says Hugo Zeberg, senior author of the study. “But this is only one of many genetic influences on growth and body shape. It cannot explain the Neanderthal body type on its own, and it certainly does not determine a person’s overall appearance.”

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Article Source: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology news release.

Showing Change: How Archaeology Pictures Time

Almost everything archaeology wants to say is a statement about change. A site is occupied, abandoned, reoccupied. A tool form shifts over ten thousand years. A vessel breaks, and centuries later someone puts it back together. A skull gets rounder, a brow ridge recedes.

And almost none of that is directly photographable. The camera records a moment; the argument is about a sequence. So archaeologists have spent two centuries inventing ways to draw time — section drawings, typological series, phase plans, reconstruction sequences — and every one of them is a workaround for the same problem: the thing you are describing is not in front of you all at once.

What has changed recently is not the problem. It is the cost of producing the picture. Four kinds of visual argument, and what it now takes to make each one.

Change stacked vertically: the section drawing

A section drawing turns time into space: cut a vertical face through a deposit and the sequence you are arguing for is stacked in front of you, undisturbed deposits running oldest at the bottom. That last qualifier is the whole discipline in one clause — the law of superposition holds only where nothing has cut, slumped or been dug back into.

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Which is why the drawing carries context numbers, a scale bar, a levelled datum, and a note of which way the face is looking — the elements a reader needs to check the claim. (A north arrow belongs on a plan, not on a section; what a section needs is its orientation stated.) The relational logic behind it — which context cuts which, what must be earlier than what — is usually recorded separately as a Harris matrix, and the drawing is where that logic becomes legible to someone who was not standing in the trench.

The bottleneck has always been production. A publishable section drawing traditionally means inking by hand or rebuilding the whole thing in vector software, and then redoing it when a reviewer disputes a context boundary. This is the part that has genuinely changed: a scientific figure generator will take a written description of a sequence — six deposits, an ash lens between two of them, a compacted floor above bedrock — and return a labelled draft in the conventional flat style for you to correct.

One rule has to travel with that convenience, and it belongs here rather than three sections further down. The sequence is the excavator’s judgement; the tool only sets it in type. A generated section is a drafting shortcut, never a source of stratigraphic interpretation, and the figure caption should say how the drawing was produced.

Change laid out sideways: the comparative series

A comparative series lays specimens in a row so the eye can read directional change across them — the typological sequence, the cranial series, the projectile point chronology. It makes an argument no single specimen can: that the differences run one way rather than scattering.

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It also carries a risk every first-year student is warned about — a tidy row implies a tidy lineage, and evolution rarely obliges. The figure above illustrates the trap as much as the technique: the specimens sit at roughly even intervals, while the dates underneath them are not evenly spaced at all. The honest version stretches the spacing to match the dates and marks plainly where the gaps in the record are.

Between two known states: the interpolation problem

Interpolation is the case where you hold two states of the same object and nothing in between. The vessel as excavated and the vessel reconstructed; the wall standing and collapsed; two points in a sequence with no surviving intermediate.

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Static before-and-after pairs, like the one above, are the standard treatment — and they work, but they leave the transformation itself to the reader’s imagination. Video models that take a start and end frame fill exactly that gap: you supply both states as images and the model generates the transition between them, rather than inventing an ending of its own. For a museum label or a lecture, watching sherds close into a pot does something a side-by-side pair does not.

It also needs a hard rule attached, and this is not a small point. The frames you supply are evidence; everything between them is illustration. The model is interpolating a plausible path, not recovering a real one. That is acceptable — even useful — for public engagement, and it is not acceptable where a reader might take the intermediate states as findings. Label it as a reconstruction, the same way a reconstruction drawing has always been labelled.

Putting a person inside the site

Compositing a presenter over site imagery is an explanation problem, not an evidence problem — which is precisely why it has a different set of rules. The interpretive video, the museum screen, the teaching clip where someone talks you through a plan.

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The technical requirement is unglamorous but real: you need the presenter separated from whatever wall they were filmed against, so they can be composited over the site plan, the reconstruction, or the excavation photograph. Tools that remove video background do this without a green screen, and the export format matters more than most people expect — for anything that will play on a web page the file has to carry a genuine alpha channel, which in practice means WebM rather than MP4. Export it wrong and the presenter arrives with a black rectangle around them.

Four problems, four formats

What you are showing Form Output Where it goes
A sequence of deposits Section drawing Labelled vector or raster figure Site report, journal article
Directional change across specimens Comparative series Single figure, specimens to scale Journal article, textbook
A transformation between two known states Before/after pair, or generated transition Static pair, or short clip Museum label, lecture, outreach
A person explaining a site Cut-out presenter over site imagery Transparent-background video Museum screen, teaching, web

The pattern across the table is that the first two are arguments and the last two are explanations. Confusing the two is where visual archaeology goes wrong — a generated transition dropped into a site report is a category error, however good it looks.

Where all of this stops

None of these tools decide anything. A section drawing does not establish a sequence; the excavator does, and the drawing communicates it. A generated transition does not reconstruct a process; it renders an assumption someone already made. The risk with cheaper figures is not that they are bad — it is that they are easy, and easy pictures get made before the argument behind them is settled.

The old constraint had one accidental virtue: spending a day on a drawing forced you to decide what you actually believed before you drew it. That discipline now has to be deliberate. Decide the sequence, then draw it. Label reconstruction as reconstruction. And when a reviewer disputes a context boundary, be glad the correction is cheap — because now there is no excuse for leaving it wrong.

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Reading Ancient Signals in a Modern World

Irina Matuzava is a writer and researcher. She is a contributor to the Human Bridges project.

The oldest known engravings consist of zigzag patterns and parallel lines, carved into freshwater mussel shells at Trinil on the island of Java, Indonesia. These grooves, made by Homo erectus, date to roughly half a million years ago. By around 100,000 years ago, early Homo sapiens at Blombos Cave in South Africa were carving cross-hatched patterns into pieces of ocher. Long before anyone wrote down a word, our ancestors made marks with evident care. Neither the engravings at the Trinil site nor those at Blombos Cave can be considered writing, but they seem to represent a desire to deliberately shape a surface and give these marks specific forms.

Writing is a much more recent development, having evolved at least four times within the last 5,000 years: in Mesopotamia around 3400–3100 BCE; in Egypt around 3250 BCE; in China around 1250 BCE; and in Mesoamerica around 600–300 BCE, including the Maya script that developed independently at around 300–200 BCE. According to Discover magazine, “The oldest surviving texts come from very specific contexts, such as economic transactions in Mesopotamia and divination rituals in China. The first characters were mainly pictographic signs, depicting exactly what they referred to.”

In evolutionary terms, the invention of writing is considered extremely recent, as our genus Homo has existed for around 2.8 million years, and our species Homo sapiens for at least 300,000 years. For the overwhelming majority of human history, no one could read or write. However, the cultures that eventually invented writing carried their aesthetics and preferred methods of stylization in the scripts they created.

Today, our lives and communication methods are saturated with a vast array of fonts and typeface styles that go beyond simply conveying written information, raising the question of what effects fonts can have on people.

Partially, the answer lies in what came before writing and the first carved mark. Long before humans developed writing and spoken language reached its modern complexity, we were communicating through visual signals. Much of the emotional content of a face-to-face interaction is not conveyed through spoken words, but through nonverbal cues. Posture, gestures, facial expression, gaze, and tone of voice all contribute to the communication of the message and the manner in which it is received.

Fluency in visual signals did not originate with humans, as reflected in the abilities of primates to produce and interpret visual communication. In 1872, Charles Darwin argued in his book, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, that human facial expressions share a common heritage with those of other animals. Following advancements in ethological analysis of primate facial and gestural communication in the 1960s, Frans de Waal proposed that the growing evidence of group-specific signaling conventions among primates strongly resembles, or can be considered, a cultural variation. Studies of orangutans and gorillas show that these apes use signals intentionally to attract the attention of others. In addition, they modify their signal depending on whether the recipient is watching, demonstrating an awareness that the communication is being seen and understood.

Katja Liebal and Linda Oña’s 2018 review of primate communication found a pattern: gestures are used flexibly. Their meaning shifts according to the situational context, in contrast to vocal calls, which tend to be more fixed. Meanwhile, Uwe Jürgens helped explain this contrast in primate vocalization in “Vocal Communication in Primates”: a call’s form is largely determined by genetics, while its meaning is acquired through repetition and context. A reader or listener does not determine a particular gesture, vocal call, or letterform, but instead, its meaning is learned and context dependent.

When writing emerged, it did so within a species already equipped with sophisticated visual communication systems sensitive to form, color, and deliberate marks, with a few patterns that could be identified in the origins and development of ancient scripts. For instance, many script inventions evolved within preexisting iconographic or hieroglyphic systems. Even as early scripts became more abstract and moved away from their pictographic origins, the shapes retained visual properties that readers processed alongside meaning. With the later invention of the printing press in the 15th century, typography created consistent cues for readers as characters became identical throughout a document, setting them apart from most visual experiences.

Research reveals that letters are actually not processed visually in the same manner as shapes. This distinction, revealed in a series of experiments by Isabel Gauthier and her coauthors, has significant implications for the impact of fonts. Our visual system develops cortical specialization for letters. Certain areas in the left occipito-temporal cortex respond more strongly to letters than to other stimuli, such as generic shapes. Gauthier proposes that font tuning is the driver for this specialization: similar to how the brain develops specialized processing of faces, it can recognize letters more promptly through increased exposure to print. According to a 2011 study by Stanislas Dehaene and Laurent Cohen, this is known as neuronal recycling: the reading brain repurposes the visual machinery that long predates writing.

A 2018 article by researcher Peter Walker also investigated whether the visual system becomes selectively tuned to specific fonts, and whether this tuning affects perception and performance. Walker’s framework proposes that readers maintain “a set of font-specific translation rules” in their working memory, which is directed by their “implicit knowledge” of the structural identity of each letter and symbol.

Capital H, for example, is always represented as two vertical strokes connected by a horizontal mark, but each typeface will structure the shapes of these marks differently. Well-designed fonts, whether made by master calligraphers or standardized for print, share a common style across all their characters. After seeing the first few letters of a text, a reader can predict the letters that will follow.

The evidence by Walker supports the account that font processing is rule-based rather than image-based, as switching fonts causes considerable slowdowns in processing time. These lags occur even with familiar typefaces and increase with the degree of dissimilarity between two fonts. Font-specific rules are quickly forgotten from working memory. When the repetition of a particular font becomes more probable, readers will implicitly hold on to the rules for longer.

The effects of typography, however, go beyond processing speed and reading efficiency; fonts also shape how we feel about what we read.

Typography, as typographer and poet Robert Bringhurst observed, gives letterforms “tone, timbre, character, just as words and sentences do.” Eva R. Brumberger’s 2003 study published in Technical Communication found “that readers do consistently ascribe particular personality attributes to particular typefaces and text passages.” She concluded that “visual language is analogous to verbal language in carrying connotations,” and that typefaces are not neutral messengers. Some read as more elegant, others come across as more direct, while others are characterized as friendly. These attributions are consistent across readers and stable enough to be mapped.

Brumberger also found that text passages carry “personas” independent of the typeface, meaning that readers simultaneously process two messages in parallel: the content of the text or the verbal content, and its visual form and style. “[T]he persona readers ascribe to texts most probably is determined by the language of the text, the style in which it is written, the topic on which it focuses, and the purpose and audience for which it is intended,” the study found.

These two messages often interact, as demonstrated by Samuel Juni and Julie S. Gross in their 2008 study “Emotional and Persuasive Perception of Fonts.” Juni and Gross presented 102 university students with identical satirical excerpts from the New York Times but in different fonts; one version was written in Times New Roman (TNR), and the other in Arial. Results showed that readers rated the TNR version as angrier and funnier and therefore more satirical, as compared to the text in Arial. The font change did not necessarily add an emotional tone to the text, but interacted with the emotional qualities of the writing. Crucially, participants were unaware of the effects typefaces had on text interpretation, and no participant identified the typeface as the source of the difference.

This study further found that fonts carry emotional meaning and shape personality attribution. The same text in different fonts can be interpreted as friendlier, more playful, more serious, or more formal. These traits affect how a text’s message is perceived and interpreted, as well as its persuasive ability.

The size of fonts also matters. Researchers Mareike Bayer, Werner Sommer, and Annekathrin Schacht measured cortical responses to words presented in large and small font sizes. The selected words were categorized as emotional or neutral, and the study found that emotional words in larger font sizes elicited earlier and longer-lasting neural responses than those in smaller font sizes. Thus, independent of the words’ semantic content, the physical presentation of the text influenced the brain’s emotional processing. “The power of large font size to enhance emotion effects may, for instance, be one reason why headlines written in big letters are popular and evidently successful in the yellow press media,” stated the authors in their study published in PLOS One.

A 2021 study by Renata Germano Bianchi, Kamila Rios da Hora Rodrigues, and Vânia Paula de Almeida Neris about emotional responses to font types and sizes on website pages found that Arial was more closely associated with positive attributes than TNR, and that larger font sizes were more closely associated with pleasant and comforting experiences than smaller ones.

These findings establish that fonts help shape emotional perceptions and modulate readers’ attention. Since they do so without a reader’s awareness, they also have significant implications for marketing, advertising, and persuasive literature, with the potential to sway our decision-making, behavior, and memory. As humans, we often store a plethora of information, especially since the advent of the information age. Once information forms part of our memory, the typographic form with which it was conveyed influences how much of it is retained.

A 2005 study on information recall by Michael Gasser and other researchers tested this finding. More specifically, they tested the influence of two common characteristics of font types: serif or sans-serif markings and proportional font or monospaced font. College students were given a one-page office memorandum that discussed tuberculosis and were tested on their ability to recall its key points. The variations in font conditions depended on whether the typeface contained serifs and how the letters were spaced. “Serif fonts have small markings at the bottom of many of the letters that suggest they are resting on a straight line,” stated the study, while sans-serif fonts have no such markings. The space used by proportionally spaced fonts for each letter is proportional to the size/shape of that letter. For example, an “L” takes up less space in width than an “m.” In monospaced fonts, each letter takes up the same amount of space.

The researchers found that serif fonts, regardless of spacing, produced a slight but significant improvement in recall (9 percent) over sans-serif fonts. They suggested that serif fonts help us clearly distinguish one row of text from the next, resulting in more attention focused on the content itself.

Previous research on reading aligns with this sentiment: attention is a limited resource, and the effort required for the physical act of reading draws energy and capacity away from comprehending and remembering the content. In 1989, Ruth Kanfer and Phillip L. Ackerman developed an attentional resources theory according to which humans have limited attentional resources that they can devote to a task. In accordance with this theory, if less attention is given to the reading process, then more attention can be given to the message. When distractions are randomly included in text, marked disruptions in comprehension take place, as studied by researchers S. Lisa Connelly, Lynn Hasher, and Rose T. Zacks in 1991. They also found that older adults are less able to ignore irrelevant stimuli, such as words set in a different font randomly interspersed throughout the text. In 1992, John R. Surber established that when readers were given shorter passages, they spent more time per word, consistent with more effortful processing. These studies show that readability and comprehension are negatively affected when the reading process requires more attentional resources.

In 2019, Elizabeth Dressler tested whether a harder-to-read font improves memory. Her study aimed to better understand the effect of fonts on reading comprehension and information recall, noting that previous studies relied on short passages and unlimited time, which may have restricted their accuracy. In her study, students read long passages printed in either TNR (a serif, easy-to-read font) or a font called Haettenschweiler, which was selected specifically for its difficulty, under both fixed time limits and no time limit at all. Dressler’s results demonstrated that students who read the TNR text scored better than those who read the Haettenschweiler text. In addition, participants who were given unlimited time outperformed those with a time constraint. Originally, she had predicted that the more difficult font would improve recall by requiring more effort to process. Instead, students who read the easier text outperformed those who read the harder text.

Though the serif advantage is small and inconsistent across studies, serifs may be useful when the information is important, such as materials and manuals for worker health and occupational safety. In general, the effects of fonts have been shown to influence choices in website and software interfaces, packaging, legal documents, and more.

Jianlong Zhou and colleagues tested font choice in the context of digital news interfaces in 2022, making changes to the font style and color of keywords in news passages and measuring the readers’ perceived cognitive load before reading. They found that under low cognitive load, when the reader is not yet mentally taxed, keywords styled in italic or bold text, especially when paired with blue text, increased the burden on readers. Under high cognitive load, italic styling and red text significantly decreased it, since the words served as visual anchors when readability was already demanding. In other words, the value of emphasis depends on how taxed a reader already is.

The persuasive power of fonts shows up in branding as well. It has been established that different typefaces vary in “appropriateness,” or the “fit” between a product and a font due to its connotations: bold and simple fonts more often convey “economy” or “strength,” while scripted and ornate fonts are associated with words like “luxury” and “dignity.” A 2004 study by John R. Doyle and Paul A. Bottomley had participants choose between two versions of a brand name across 10 product categories. The versions were identical aside from their typeface; brands written in a font judged more “appropriate” for a product type were chosen twice as often compared to the same brand name in another font. A follow-up field study using real chocolate boxes found that people reached for the box with the appropriate font 75 percent of the time. Typefaces inherently carry personality attributions. Thus, a brand’s font selection serves as another sign of why a product may belong to a particular category.

Researcher Sandra Moriarty argued in 1994 that visual communication should be treated as a primary system of meaning, not as a secondary illustration of the verbal content it accompanies. While her point mainly applied to images, photographs, and other visual material, the argument also extends to font types. A font changes what a reader recalls, how satirical a passage reads, and what brand a shopper picks up, independent of the text and words themselves. In each of these cases, visual communication influences the reader without their knowledge.

The zigzag patterns from Trinil and crosshatching from Blombos Cave were made hundreds of thousands of years before any script existed. Yet the desire to deliberately shape a surface never disappeared. This impulse carried into the first writing systems and persists in the typefaces we read today. A font, then, carries meaning that words alone do not provide and influences how we remember, feel about, and trust written content.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top: A document in a Mesopotamian script.  Rogers, Robert William, 1864-, no known copyright restrictions, Wikimedia Commons

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“TRACEing” archaic hominin ancestry in modern humans without archaic genomes

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—A new computational approach that can detect ancient hominin ancestry in modern humans without requiring archaic reference genomes reveals a more complex picture of human evolution than previously imagined. Leveraging this approach, researchers report that an unidentified “ghost” population contributed DNA to the ancestors of all modern humans before they dispersed out of Africa. To date, sequencing of Neanderthal and Denisovan genomes has shown that interbreeding between modern humans and archaic hominins shaped present-day genomes. It’s suspected that modern humans also interbred with other, as-yet-unidentified archaic human groups, often called “ghost” populations. Moreover, evidence from living populations and Denisovan genomes points to even older “super-archaic” lineages that split from the human family tree nearly one million years ago or more. However, the scarcity of archaic DNA samples, particularly from older or geographically diverse populations, and the dependence of existing methods on reference genomes have limited the ability to reconstruct the full history of archaic introgression.

Here, Yulin Zhang and colleagues developed a new computational method called TRACE that reconstructs ancestral recombination graphs (ARGs) – detailed maps of how genomes have evolved through recombination and shared ancestry – to detect the genetic signatures of ancient interbreeding. Unlike previous approaches, TRACE requires neither an archaic reference genome nor data from an unadmixed outgroup population, allowing scientists to identify previously unknown archaic contributions using only the genomes of living people. The authors validated the approach in simulations and applied it to high-coverage genomes from global human populations, including the 1000 Genomes dataset. TRACE successfully recovered known Neanderthal and Denisovan ancestry while uncovering previously unknown episodes of interbreeding with archaic human groups. The findings suggest that an unidentified “ghost” population contributed DNA to the ancestors of all modern humans before they dispersed out of Africa, rather than only to specific African populations as previously proposed. Surprisingly, this ghost ancestry is also found in genomic regions thought to reject Neanderthal and Denisovan DNA, suggesting those regions may have specifically selected against those lineages rather than against all archaic ancestry. TRACE also found evidence that Oceanians inherited traces of an even more ancient “super-archaic” human lineage indirectly through Denisovans, revealing that the genetic legacy of modern humans was shaped by multiple waves of interbreeding with now-extinct human groups.

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

*Recovering signatures of archaic hominin introgression using ancestral recombination graphs, Science, 30-Jul-2026. 10.1126/science.aef8874

Image, Top: Credit  Gunnar Creutz, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

Chilean mummies preserve ancient smallpox genome that traces disease to European colonization

American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)—Analysis of DNA from Chilean mummies has revealed the earliest known strain of ancient smallpox from the Americas. The findings offer the clearest genetic evidence yet that European colonization brought this disease to the New World. Smallpox was one of the deadliest diseases introduced to the Americas during European colonization. The rapid spread of the disease across North, Central, and South America is estimated to have resulted in the deaths of three to four million people, particularly among Indigenous populations with no prior immunity. However, due to the lack of ancient smallpox genomes from the Americas, much about the viral strains responsible remains in question. Bruno González and colleagues identified ancient smallpox virus DNA in two mummified Indigenous Inca-Early Colonial-era individuals recovered from northern Chile, who lived between 1492-1631 CE. The two ancient viral genomes were nearly identical, indicating the individuals were likely infected during the same outbreak or by the same circulating strain, providing rare direct molecular evidence of a smallpox strain circulating in colonial-era South America. According to González et al., the so-called “CAM9” smallpox lineage is the earliest known smallpox genome from the Americas.

By comparing the Chilean smallpox genomes with ancient and modern variola viruses, the authors found that the previously unknown and now-extinct lineage occupies an evolutionary position between early medieval European strains and the lineages that later gave rise to modern smallpox. This placement provides molecular evidence that smallpox reached the Americas through European colonization. The genomes also allowed researchers to track patterns of gene inactivation and mutation, revealing changing rates of viral evolution that appear linked to major demographic and epidemiological shifts during the colonial era.

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Article Source: AAAS news release.

From Ancient Aqueducts to Modern Fire Hydrants: The Archaeological History of Fire Suppression Infrastructure

Fire has been both humanity’s greatest tool and most feared adversary since the earliest chapters of human civilization. The archaeological record is rich with evidence of fire’s destructive power — the ash layers that mark catastrophic urban conflagrations in ancient Rome, the evidence of Bronze Age settlements burned to their foundations, the charred timbers preserved in waterlogged sites across northern Europe. Equally rich, though less frequently discussed, is the evidence of how ancient societies tried to fight back: the water delivery infrastructure, bucket brigades, and organized fire response systems that represent humanity’s earliest attempts to manage the threat of fire in densely populated settlements.

Understanding this history offers more than antiquarian interest. It illuminates the deep human need for fire protection infrastructure that runs continuously from the earliest urban settlements to the sophisticated suppression systems protecting modern cities and industrial facilities.

Rome’s Vigiles and the First Organized Fire Services

The Roman Empire’s contribution to fire protection history is among the most archaeologically documented of any ancient civilization. Augustus Caesar established the Vigiles — a corps of freedmen organized into cohorts and stationed throughout Rome’s regions — specifically in response to the recurring catastrophic fires that threatened the city’s densely packed insulae. Archaeological evidence from Ostia Antica, Rome’s ancient port city, has revealed the barracks, watch posts, and equipment storage facilities used by the Vigiles, providing physical evidence of the world’s first professional urban fire service.

The Vigiles’ primary suppression tool was water — delivered through Rome’s extraordinary aqueduct system to fountains and cisterns distributed throughout the city. Roman fire response relied on these public water points as access locations for bucket brigades and hand pumps. The concept is recognizable to any modern fire protection engineer: distributed water access points positioned to minimize the distance between water supply and fire, allowing rapid response before a fire exceeds the capacity to suppress it.

The Roman aqueduct system, at its height delivering hundreds of millions of gallons of water daily to the city, represents the ancient world’s most sophisticated urban water infrastructure — and its fire protection value was explicitly recognized by Roman engineers and administrators. The positioning of public fountains and basins throughout Rome’s neighborhoods served multiple purposes, but fire response capability was among the considerations that shaped their distribution.

Medieval Urban Fire and the Birth of Building Codes

The pattern of catastrophic urban fire followed by regulatory reform runs throughout the medieval period as consistently as it does in ancient history. The Great Fire of London in 1666 — perhaps the most archaeologically documented fire event in history, its destruction layer visible in excavations across the modern city — produced not just the physical evidence that archaeologists continue to study but a transformation in building regulations and fire response organization that shaped urban design for centuries.

Medieval European cities responded to repeated fire disasters by developing the early precursors of modern fire protection requirements: regulations mandating the use of tile rather than thatch roofing, the maintenance of water supplies and leather buckets at designated locations, and the organization of neighborhood fire watch systems. These responses represent the social and institutional infrastructure of fire protection — the human systems that complement physical infrastructure in managing fire risk.

Archaeological excavations in medieval urban centers frequently reveal the physical evidence of these fire protection measures: the remnants of cisterns and wells positioned at street intersections, the hooks and ladders stored in church towers for community fire response, the leather bucket fragments found in contexts associated with organized fire equipment storage.

Industrial Revolution: The Birth of Modern Fire Hydrants

The transformation from ancient and medieval fire protection approaches to recognizably modern infrastructure began in earnest during the Industrial Revolution. The growth of industrial cities, with their densely packed workers’ housing and fire-prone manufacturing facilities, created an urgent demand for more effective water delivery systems than bucket brigades could provide.

The underground fire main — pressurized water distribution networks running beneath city streets with surface access points for fire hose connection — emerged in the early nineteenth century as the technological foundation of modern urban fire protection. The earliest versions used hollowed wooden logs as pipe material, with access points bored through the wood at intervals. Fire brigades responding to a fire would literally bore a hole in the water main to access the supply — a practice that gave rise to the term “fire plug,” still used colloquially for what we now call a fire hydrant.

The evolution from wooden main bored on demand to the standardized cast iron fire hydrants that remain the foundation of urban fire water supply systems today occurred across the nineteenth century, driven by the engineering innovations of the industrializing water supply industry. Modern fire hydrants — with their standardized outlet threads, color-coded flow classifications, and maintenance protocols — represent the mature expression of a technology whose archaeological roots lie in the wooden water mains of early industrial cities.

From Water Buckets to High-Flow Monitors

The parallel evolution of fire suppression delivery technology — from buckets to hand pumps to steam-powered apparatus to modern high-flow equipment — follows an equally traceable arc through the historical and archaeological record.

Modern industrial fire monitors represent the current endpoint of this evolution. A fire monitor — a high-flow directional water cannon capable of delivering suppression agent at rates of hundreds to thousands of liters per minute — bears little superficial resemblance to a Roman leather bucket or a medieval hand pump. But the underlying engineering objective is identical to what motivated those ancient firefighters: to deliver water to a developing fire faster and in greater quantity than the fire can spread, achieving suppression before the situation exceeds human capacity to control.

The ancient Romans understood intuitively what fire protection engineers have since quantified precisely: suppression effectiveness depends on both the speed of response and the volume of water delivered. Their Vigiles, rushing to a fire with hand pumps and bucket chains connected to the nearest fountain, were pursuing exactly the same strategic objective as a modern automatic fire monitor system that begins suppression within seconds of fire detection.

What the Archaeological Record Tells Us

The continuity between ancient fire protection approaches and their modern successors is one of the more striking patterns visible in the archaeological and historical record of urban civilization. Across four thousand years of documented fire response — from Bronze Age water storage to Roman aqueduct-fed cisterns to medieval bucket ordinances to nineteenth-century hydrant systems to modern automated suppression — the fundamental human response to fire risk has remained consistent: distribute water access points throughout inhabited areas, maintain organized response capacity, and deliver water to fires faster than they can spread.

The specifics have changed beyond recognition. The engineering sophistication of a modern hydrant network or automated monitor system would be incomprehensible to a Roman Vigiles commander. But the strategic logic is identical — a point that archaeological study of ancient fire protection infrastructure makes vividly apparent.

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Image, Top: Roman aquaduct. BarbeeAnne, Pixabay

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Mesolithic hunter-gatherers on Malta

PNAS Nexus—The existence of humans on Malta, a tiny Mediterranean island, in the Mesolithic period is puzzling. Archaeological evidence indicates foragers occupied the Maltese islands between 8,500 and 7,500 years ago, and it is hypothesized that they arrived by a sea crossing. How did they survive over such an extended timeframe, given the limited resources available on this small island? James Blinkhorn and colleagues model the demographic and subsistence potential of Malta and Sicily during the terminal Pleistocene to Holocene*. The authors considered sea levels and fluctuations in the productivity of the vegetation to generate estimates of forager densities from comparisons to recent ethnographic datasets. Malta and Sicily became separate islands by about 14,200 years ago, and both shrank in area over time, with Malta eventually reaching its current size of 252 km2. The minimum sea crossing distance between the islands reached 80 km within a millennium of their separation. Predicted maximum population sizes for Malta following disconnection from Sicily start at 419 individuals and drop to 170 individuals by 9,000 years ago—not long before the first evidence of human occupation. As this is well below the minimum population size for long-term viability, the authors conclude that the longevity of forager inhabitation on Malta must have relied upon repeated, long-distance sea crossings. Malta may have been a seasonal destination, or occupied for longer periods. According to the authors, the prospect of seafaring Mesolithic hunter-gatherers has implications for the demographic and cultural world of the Mediterranean before farming, as well as the origins of European hunter-gatherer ancestry in North Africa.

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Cave site of Latnija in the northern Mellieħa region of Malta, which revealed evidence of over 1000 years of forager occupations.  Credit: Huw Groucutt

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Article Source: PNAS Nexus news release.

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Societies around the world have buried their dead at home. Anthropologists want to understand why the practice started, and why it has largely disappeared

Field Museum—There are countless different cultures and societies around the world, spanning thousands of years. One thing that they all have in common is that no matter what, death is a part of everybody’s life. Examining how different societies commemorate their dead can give archaeologists and anthropologists insights into how those societies work and what matters to them. In a new paper published in the journal American Antiquity, a team of researchers explored the practice of burying the dead in or near their family’s houses.

“In the deep past, settlements were places where both the living and the dead coexisted and felt at home,” says Sabina Cveček, an archaeologist and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Global Postdoctoral Fellow at the Field Museum in Chicago.

Residential burials, in which people are buried inside of or very close to their houses, are no longer common, especially in the West. But over the past few centuries, cultural anthropologists have documented several societies all around the world that have residential burials. Why some societies began burying their dead at home, and why so many of them later stopped, has remained a mystery. “Until now, nobody had tried to find a way to predict whether or not a society would practice residential burial,” says Cveček, the new paper’s lead author.

“One theory about why some societies started to practice residential burials has to do with where people lived, and how long they lived there,” says Cveček. “Some researchers theorized that once people started settling down, they might have buried their dead by their houses to mark their territory.”

To investigate this theory, Cveček examined a database of cultural records, or ethnographies, dating back several centuries. She built a dataset of 60 different societies from around the world and found that 12% of the ones in her sample practiced residential burials. That number seemed low to Cveček and her colleagues.

“I went over the data with Carol Ember, an anthropologist at Human Relations Area Files at Yale, and we agreed, we weren’t seeing that many residential burials in these records. We wanted to know, what’s going on?” says Cveček. Cveček, Ember, and their colleague Tim Earle, an archaeologist at Northwestern University, reached out to fellow archaeologists at the Field Museum, who were familiar with the seemingly more frequent occurrence of residential burials in ancient sites.

The researchers consulted another database and built another dataset based on archaeological records. Unlike the ethnographies, which were written by anthropologists about societies that they observed in real life in the past few centuries, the archaeological data included information about societies from thousands of years ago. “Ethnographies are about as old as the practice of cultural anthropology, so they only date back a couple hundred years, but archaeology can tell us about societies from way longer ago,” says Cveček.

The research team examined burial records from 49 different archaeological sites from around the world. They found a lot more evidence of residential burials than they had in the ethnographies of more recent societies. “It was incredible to see, about 33% of the communities we looked at had at least some family members buried within or around their homes,” says Cveček.

The team wanted to know why residential burials were so much more common in the earlier societies than in the more recent ones. While some anthropologists and archaeologists have hypothesized that residential burials were associated with people living in more permanent residences, the data didn’t support this idea.

“We found that there wasn’t a strong link between how transient or permanent a society was, and how likely they would be to practice residential burial,” says Cveček. But the databases did yield a potential reason why the more recent ethnographies contained so few descriptions of residential burials in comparison to the older archaeological findings.

“In the ethnographies I read, in many cases, anthropologists would say that the society being described used to practice residential burials, but that they stopped when major organized religions and colonization arrived in those places. For instance, they’d say that a society used to bury their dead at home, but now they use Christian cemeteries outside the settlement, or that a society used to bury their dead at home, but with the spread of Hinduism, they adopted cremation,” says Cveček. “It seems like colonization really impacted burial practices on a global scale for the past four centuries and beyond, and that’s part of why residential burials are much less common in the ethnographic record.”

Gary Feinman, a co-author of the study and the MacArthur Curator of Mesoamerican and Central American Anthropology at the Field Museum’s Negaunee Integrative Research Center, notes that colonization doesn’t explain all of the changes in burial practices that the team observed, but that change over time is common in cultural practices overall. “A key finding of this paper is that even a practice as sensitive and important to most people as how and where we inter our dead can shift in specific cultural contexts over time. Human cultural behaviors are dynamic, not static, and for some of the cases studied here, the changes in burial practices even shifted well before the Colonial era,” says Feinman.

Overall, the findings offer anthropologists a deeper understanding of humanity. “The choices people make about burying their loved ones provide insights for archaeologists into how their societies were organized,” says William A. Parkinson, Curator & Associate Director of Anthropology at the Field Museum and the paper’s senior author.

While questions remain about what makes a society more likely to practice residential burials, Cveček says that the underlying story of the practice can help us forge connections to our fellow humans around the world.  “I think the most beautiful message from this study is that there are so many different practices of mourning the dead. But residential burial, keeping the dead close to you at home, was a practice present around the globe throughout human history,” says Cveček.

This study was contributed to by Sabina Cveček (Field Museum), Timothy Earle (Northwestern University), Carol Ember (Yale University), Gary Feinman (Field Museum), and William A. Parkinson (Field Museum).

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The slab-stone roof of a subterranean tomb on residential Terrace 925 at El Palmillo, Santiago Matatlán, Oaxaca, Mexico (ca. 700–850 CE). The image foreground is the surface of a domestic patio with small remnants of white plaster, while the tomb was situated under a room of the house (positioned on the terrace). Note the small carved stone, which was part of the patio banquette in front of the tomb. When in use, the tomb was entered from the patio.  Credit: Photo credit: Linda M. Nicholas, Field Museum.

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The Lepenski Vir (6300–6000 BC) architectural phase, characterized by trapezoidal buildings in which numerous infant burials were placed close to the house walls.  Credit: Sabina Cveček

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Article Source: Field Museum news release.

Diet reveals what life was like 2,700 years ago in a local community: Gender inequality, social status, and migration

University of Córdoba—An international study* led by the Universities of Córdoba and Pisa used isotopic analysis to reconstruct the dietary traces left in the human remains found in an Italian necropolis, revealing what daily life was like in that community 2,700 years ago. Despite the passage of time, certain patterns of behavior recur: diet, human mobility, gender differences, and the role of funerary symbolism to signify social status.

The study focused on the Novilara necropolis, one of the largest burial grounds of the Picene culture (a pre-Roman culture in central Italy that was contemporaneous with the Tartessian societies on the Iberian Peninsula, among others), and combined bioarchaeological and multi-isotopic analyses.

Specifically, the research team analyzed the stable isotopes of carbon, nitrogen, and sulfur, “chemical footprints” of diets, recorded in bones, teeth, hair, and nails that can be preserved for thousands of years. “As they form, bones and teeth absorb the isotopic composition of the food and water consumed. As a result, analyzing them can provide information about diet, mobility, and the environment in which people lived,” explained Zita Laffranchi, a researcher in the Prehistory Department at the University of Córdoba.

While isotopes provide information about diet, food offers clues about social behavior. In this regard, the study revealed a diet that differed by sex (men had greater access to animal protein compared to women), and a society in which between 1.4% and 6.4% of the people came from other areas, suggesting mobility and contact with other populations, including some that were even distant.

Their diet, primarily based on cereals and meat rather than fish — despite the proximity of the Adriatic Sea, just 6 kilometers away — suggests that the prestige reflected in some tombs wasn’t always accompanied by noticeable differences in the living conditions of those who were buried.

“The study shows that social inequality cannot be interpreted solely based on the objects placed in graves,” Laffranchi explained. Individuals buried with valuable objects, such as amber ornaments or weapons, showed no isotopic evidence of eating better than those buried more modestly. This suggests that the social status conveyed by the grave was a symbolic construct that did not necessarily reflect the deceased’s position or living conditions. Instead, it likely stemmed, at least in part, from the decisions and traditions of the community’s survivors.

The study, published in the Journal of Archaeological Science, provides new evidence about the lifestyles of pre-Roman Iron Age societies and helps us understand the extent to which social differences, gender, and mobility were reflected in daily life. “The study demonstrates the potential of bioarchaeological approaches to understand how people experienced identity, mobility, and social differences in the past,” said Marco Milella, a researcher at the University of Pisa.

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Zita Laffranchi, researcher of the Universyity of Cordoba. Credit: Zita Laffranchi, researcher of the Universyity of Cordoba

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Article Source: University of Córdoba news release.

*Laffranchi, Z., Beck De Lotto, M.A., Delpino, C., Lösch, S., Milella, M. (2026). Multi-isotopic insights into diet, mobility, and status in the Picene necropolis of Novilara, Italy (8th–7th centuries BCE). Journal of Archaeological Science 192, 106633. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2026.106633

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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How Digital Archives Reshape Archaeological Research

Archaeology has always run on careful documentation. Field notes, excavation drawings, pottery records, skeletal measurements – the records that make a site understandable often outlast the site itself. What’s changed in recent decades is where those records live and who can actually reach them.

Digital archives haven’t just moved paper records online. The real shift is in what researchers can now do that simply wasn’t practical before.

From Storage to Research Infrastructure

The transition from physical to digital archives is easily seen as a story about preservation. Storage is a part of that, but the bigger shift is what becomes feasible when the records are searchable and interconnected and connected to each other.

One researcher who studies Bronze Age settlement patterns in the Aegean once spent months writing to archives, waiting for copies, and painstakingly comparing site records that were never meant to be compared. Today, systems like tDAR, ADS and OpenContext include thousands of excavation datasets which can be accessed and searched in ways that facilitate true cross-site research.

What Interoperability Actually Means

When datasets share the same vocabulary and metadata standards, records from different excavations can be searched together. A researcher interested in ceramic finds across a specific period and region can pull relevant datasets from multiple sites and compare them directly, rather than piecing that comparison together from incompatible paper records.

That’s a significant change. It turns what used to be a multi-year project into something that can serve as a starting point for a study rather than consuming the whole thing.

The Literature Problem and How Summarization Helps

Digital archives don’t only contain raw data. They hold published reports, grey literature, conference papers, and unpublished excavation summaries – more text than any individual researcher can read through completely.

Literature review has always been one of the most time-consuming parts of any research project, and the growth of accessible digital material has made that even more true. A researcher beginning a study on Roman-period farming, for example, might face hundreds of relevant reports and papers from archives across multiple countries. Reading every one in full before starting any analysis would push the timeline back by months.

This is where text summarization has become a genuinely useful part of archaeological workflows. Researchers working through large bodies of grey literature increasingly turn to Getsolved’s summarizer tool during the initial source review stage to condense lengthy reports into the key findings, dates, site details, and methods that determine whether a source is actually relevant to their question. That kind of rapid triage doesn’t replace careful reading of the most important sources – it identifies which sources deserve that careful reading in the first place. Across a literature review of any real scale, the time saved is significant and lets researchers focus their attention where the material is most likely to inform the work.

Archaeological Data Management at Scale

As more excavation data moves into digital form, archaeological data management has become its own area of expertise. The questions aren’t just about where to store things, but how to structure them so they stay usable over time and across different research contexts.

A few of the ongoing challenges:

  • Standardization: Different excavation teams have used different recording systems and classification methods. Combining records from multiple projects means mapping between those systems, which takes real effort.
  • Time span: Archaeological records cover long stretches of history. A database that makes records from a 1960s dig comparable to those from a 2020 excavation has to account for major differences in how things were recorded and documented.
  • Context preservation: Raw data without context is often impossible to interpret. The information that explains how a record was created – who recorded it, under what conditions, using what approach – matters just as much as the record itself.
  • Long-term access: Digital formats go out of date. Keeping archives readable decades from now requires active upkeep and format updates, not just initial digitization.

These aren’t problems any single database solves permanently. They’re ongoing challenges that require sustained attention.

How Digital Access Changes Fieldwork

The relationship between archives and fieldwork runs both ways. Archives shape where excavations happen and what questions they’re built to answer. But fieldwork also generates the records that archives preserve.

Digital tools have changed the fieldwork side a lot. Photogrammetry, drone survey, ground-penetrating radar, and 3D scanning now produce detailed spatial data that would have been impossible to collect a generation ago. That data flows into archives in formats that support far more analysis than any hand-drawn field sketch could.

One result is that documentation from a modern excavation is richer and more reusable than anything older methods could produce. Another is that a single excavation now generates a much larger volume of data, which comes with its own management responsibilities.

Remote Access and Collaborative Research

Probably the most practical change digital archives have enabled is real international collaboration. A team studying a specific pottery tradition can now compare their finds with documented assemblages from sites across multiple countries without anyone needing to travel to physical archives. Researchers at smaller institutions can access primary records that were previously only available to those with resources to visit major collections in person.

That wider access has real implications for who can participate in archaeological research and how the field develops.

Here’s how digital access has changed key aspects of the research process compared to traditional methods:

Aspect Traditional Approach With Digital Archives
Literature review Manual requests, physical copies, weeks of waiting Searchable databases, instant access, rapid triage
Cross-site comparison Incompatible paper records, manual reconstruction Shared standards, direct dataset queries
International collaboration Travel to physical archives required Remote access from anywhere
Field documentation Hand drawings, written notes, limited detail 3D scans, drone data, photogrammetry
Data reuse Records often inaccessible after publication Datasets available for future research

What Remains Hard

Digital archives have expanded what’s possible in archaeological research, but they haven’t solved everything. A large share of existing excavation records – especially from older projects – are still in physical form or in digital formats that don’t connect well with current systems. Bringing those records into usable shape is slow, resource-heavy work.

There are also interpretive questions that archives alone can’t answer. A dataset can tell you what was found and where. It can’t tell you what it meant to the people who made or used those objects. That interpretive work still depends on researchers who understand the period, the region, and the broader context.

Conclusion

Digital archives have shifted the practical reality of archaeological research in ways that are still unfolding. The scale of comparative work that’s now achievable, the speed of literature review, the accessibility of records from sites around the world – these changes have meaningfully expanded what researchers and small teams can accomplish.

The core challenge hasn’t changed: making sense of fragmentary evidence left by people who had no idea they were leaving a record. What’s changed is how much of that evidence any given researcher can actually work with. That’s a real advantage, and the field is still figuring out how to use it fully.

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Temples on the Edge

The island country of Malta, about 113 miles south of Sicily in the central Mediterranean Sea, is popularly known as a tourist hotspot, attracting both short-term travelers and an expanding expatriate community because of its warm climate and numerous recreational areas. It also boasts a long and complex history and prehistory, including seven iconic prehistoric sanctuaries built between 3800 BC and 2500 BC. They are numbered among the oldest freestanding stone structures on Earth. Older than both Stonehenge and the Egyptian Pyramids, these UNESCO World Heritage Sites showcase an extraordinary architectural feat achieved by a Neolithic civilization working entirely without metal tools. 

But behind the story of these priceless treasures is another story—one that speaks of endangerment, destruction and cultural loss.

Popular Archaeology interviewed Dawn Adrienne Saliba, Ph.D., an archaeologist based in Malta. Along with her academic work, she is known as an activist, championing the cause for protecting and preserving the current remains of Malta’s prehistoric heritage, and those yet to be unearthed.

What follows is the substance of that interview, followed by a pictorial.

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What is your background and education as it relates to what you are currently doing?  You have extensively studied the Hal Saflieni Hypogeum on Malta.  How do you interpret the significance, purpose and use of this ancient site?  What other archaeological matters are you involved with in Malta?

My background is very multi-disciplinary, yet it all revolves around a central theme: theatre. I have a Ph.D. from SUNY Binghamton where I utilized a cultural-historicist approach to Early Modern Drama, but I also have an MFA in musical theatre writing obtained at New York University’s Tisch School of the Arts—and most of my adult life was spent writing, directing, and performing for the stage. However, I  recently completed an MPhil in Archaeology from the University of Malta, which concentrates on evidence of liminality and proto-theatricality from Malta’s Late Neolithic civilization.

It happened like this: In 2013, as I was finishing up the Ph.D., I took a trip to Malta just to meet family and explore the region. When I visited the Hypogeum of Ħal Saflieni (as a tourist), my heart stopped as I beheld one chamber which seemed clearly purposefully-shaped as a theatre. After the tour, I researched the academic literature to see what had been written about it in terms of its performative dimensions, and no one had really tackled the subject:  so I vowed to move to Malta and study it myself!

Nearly a decade later, my study is complete—it was an incredible journey. Essentially, the study shows how Ħal Saflieni is one of the world’s earliest extant purposefully-built theatre spaces. It precedes the Theatre of Dionysius (often cited as the world’s earliest theatre) by millennia, and the Hypogeum deserves its own  place in the annals of theatre history.

Heritage Malta granted me permission to conduct phenomenological studies within the space, through a process I call “performance fieldwork.” Inspired by David Lewis-Williams’ work in Paleolithic caves, I utilized a multi-evidential stranding methodology that synthesized empirical observations of the area’s architectonic dimensions (spatial measurements, participant-access points, sightlines, soundwave distribution, etc.) with phenomenological study. Drawing on my theatrical background and working with a team of academic colleagues also experienced in performance (music, dance, acting, and recitation), we performed in various sections of the Hypogeum, also recording our observations and experiences as participants and observers. This enabled us to draw conclusions as to how the Hypogeum’s architecture likely affected past performative movements and audience reception.

However, what consumes most of my work today is, unfortunately, advocating against the destruction of several archaeological sites here in Malta, some of which are quite important.

My advocacy started one month after I moved to the country in 2017, when I found out that a site that had held the foundations of one of Malta’s earliest Roman buildings was going to be destroyed for a car showroom. Aghast, I founded the collective, MALTA-ARCH along with some like-minded colleagues and passionate activists and fought for the area’s protection. We only succeeded in saving a fraction of it; although they abandoned the showroom idea, they created a raised building that preserves some of the Roman remains below. But, tragically, many other nearby remains were destroyed to build a supermarket right next to another supermarket in a small town that, at the time, possessed 17 other supermarkets.

And that’s how it goes in Malta.

Sadly, since then the situation has just gotten progressively worse. Today, there are *three development proposals within the buffer zone of the UNESCO heritage site, Ġgantija Temple—one of Malta’s most iconic cultural treasures, as well as one of the most important Neolithic sites in the world! Ġgantija is situated on a plateau near two other areas: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum. Recent developments near these sites have already destroyed important archaeological landscapes, and more are in the pipeline.

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Above and below: Views of the Hal Saflieni hypogeum. Above Public Domain

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Credit: Hamelin de Guettelet, CC BY-SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What is the significance of the Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna megalithic complexes?  What do they say about the ancient culture that once thrived on Gozo?

As I stated, Ġgantija is one of the most important archaeological sites in the world; it’s been protected by UNESCO since1980. As UNESCO writes, the site is important because of its “originality, complexity and striking massive proportions [and the] considerable technical skill required in their construction.”

Ġgantija was built on a massive scale, with enormous megaliths nearly 10ft (3m) tall and walls extending up to 23ft (7m). It is of stunning beauty and reveals some of the world’s earliest free-standing monumental stone architecture, famously predating Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids by at least a millennium (the earliest temple was built somewhere between  3800 –  3600 BCE). Its massive megaliths testify to the extraordinary complex society of Neolithic Malta, revealing a community that was able to mobilize architects, artisans, and laborers in the creation of a communal and, quite likely, sacred ritual space that was linked to a larger network of communities across the islands of both Gozo and Malta that shared a similar culture.

Similar to other temples on Malta’s main island, Ġgantija was situated within a larger monumental landscape that was utilized for over a thousand years. Near Ġgantija are two other coeval structures: the Santa Verna Temple and the Xagħra Circle hypogeum, both of which have also yielded revelatory information.

The Xagħra Circle hypogeum, especially, was a game-changer in providing new information regarding this prehistoric society. Although most of its main monuments were destroyed in the 19th century, many of the burials were excavated in the 1990s, providing us with the first comprehensive scientific examination of such a Neolithic area in Malta. This study revealed previously unknown elements of funerary ritual, including the disarticulation and sorting of bones, the staining of bones with red ochre, and the movement of bones across the site.

The least famous and protected of the megalithic complexes, Santa Verna, is nonetheless just as important. GPR surveys and excavations from the 2014 FRAGSUS study reveal it once had been a 5-apse structure (likely temple) with unique features, including a hidden pit-like structure made of polygonal stone tiles and a mosaic cobblestone path. But the real value is in the landscape around it. Lead Archaeologist Caroline Malone emphasizes that Santa Verna’s archaeology extends far beyond the megaliths; untouched paleosols are still extant, preserving ancient soils, bones, seeds, pottery, lithics, and environmental material. The site’s landscape (which we’re fighting to protect) is still relatively undeveloped and it also provides a means for the visitor to have valuable phenomenological experiences that give windows into the prehistoric past.

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Above and below: Ggantija. Above, credit Bs0u10e01, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What are the specific issues related to Ġgantija, Xagħra Circle, and Santa Verna in terms of conservation and preservation?

The entire plateau, where all three sites are located, is being threatened. Worse—structures within Ġgantija’s protected buffer zone are being approved or considered for development: Ġgantija Heights, a 22-apartment development directly east of the temple that the Gozo Regional Council warned would cause “permanent harm” and another 27-apartment complex with an underground parking garage just west of the temple and steps away from the Xagħra Circle.

Even worse, there is a development being planned over a recently discovered extension of the Circle, which has not received any significant protection, despite its classification as a “Class A site.” Indeed, the only protection the human remains were given was simply a tarp thrown over them held in place by some rocks six years ago—no signs or fences were ever installed. Now, the tarp is weathered and torn and the human remains may have disappeared. Absolutely disgraceful.

Then there is the ongoing issue of Ta’ Lablab, a few minutes’ walk from Santa Verna. This area had a beautiful cave system situated right near a Ġgantija-Phase burial pit that had contained human remains, including a line of seven skulls, mostly children’s, interred in a unique way, shedding new light on funerary ritual. However, this pit was partially destroyed by a bulldozer and the entire site would have been destroyed had it not been for the efforts of a local resident who alerted the police, press, and took the matter to court. We also launched extensive awareness-raising events and objection campaigns about this area, resulting in the temporary salvation of 1/3 of the site—however, not the area with the burial pit of caves. At the moment, the caves are already partially demolished and developers are still trying to acquire permission to develop upon the remaining third.

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Above and below: Santa Verna. Courtesy Dawn A. Saliba

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Ta’ Lablab Burial Pit. Carmen Bajada

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Close up of Ġgantija-Phase Human Bones: Carmen Bajada

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Above and below: Ta’ Lablab Caves. Dawn A. Saliba

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Xaghra Circle. Kappa Vision

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Qacca Burials, above 2021, below 2026. Dawn A. Saliba

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What are the implications for the rest of the cultural treasures/resources on Malta and Gozo as a result of the Santa Verna and Ggantija stories?

Nothing here is fully protected. Forces of corruption, cronyism, ignorance, and greed are already destroying some of our most environmentally and archaeologically precious areas.

What would you suggest as a solution or set of solutions for addressing culturally significant sites across Malta and Gozo?

The current Maltese government is intent on dismantling our cultural-heritage protective mechanisms, so, sadly, no help can be found there, though massive protests and court cases led by NGOs do sometimes succeed. But for every one site that gets rescued, it seems a dozen more are destroyed.

There is almost no hope with this current government—in the case of Ta’ Lablab we have almost exhausted every outlet: the courtroom, objection-letter campaigns, Planning Authority presentations, the Environment and Protection Review Tribunal, the national Ombudsman, Parliamentary petitions—all agencies have been bent to serve the will of an authoritative leader who governs unilaterally—despite massive violations of existing cultural heritage protection laws and massive, incessant protests by NGOs and private citizens.

The government simply does not care.

And when a nation-state goes rogue, violating its own laws and conventions, where is there accountability?

What is needed now is efficacious international pressure: a coordinated network of archaeologists, heritage lawyers, UNESCO and ICOMOS officials, European cultural-heritage bodies, investigative journalists, and civil-society organizations capable of documenting violations, publicizing them internationally, and forcing not just Malta, but all regions to answer for violations of cultural-heritage treaties and agreements they have signed, including the Valletta Convention. UNESCO, especially, needs to step in.

The archaeology community can help, because international scholars can do what local citizens often cannot: lend authority, visibility, and pressure to demand that Malta’s prehistoric landscapes be treated not as disposable real estate, but as something that belongs to the history of the entire world.

What are your future plans/goals for your work and mission as they relate to the cultural treasures of Malta and Gozo?

I would very much like to not have to spend all of my time advocating for the protection of sites that should never have been threatened in the first place.

I believe there are potentially future exciting and important implications to my phenomenological performance experimentation in other archaeological sites here in Malta and elsewhere. Archaeologists sometimes miss the human dimension as the pendulum has shifted towards exclusively publishing empirical data. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it isn’t the complete picture—and incorporating phenomenological performance experimentation is just one more multidisciplinary approach that can also illuminate the past.

However, since the likelihood is that these fights aren’t going to end any time soon, my main objective is to use the arts as a means of empowering protest and community-building. In the past five years, we have held four protests that bring together not only politicians and NGO representatives, but also poets, musicians, dancers, film, and visual artists. I am a firm believer in the power of the arts to instigate personal and societal change. When common (or uncommon, as the case may be) citizens use destruction as a means towards creation, it is an act of empowerment—and even if we cannot save our precious sites, we can at least document their erasure and bring to life something new.

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Dawn A. Saliba, as she looks on at Ggantija in the background.

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The Megalithic Temples of Malta: A Pictorial

Still undiscovered and unexplored sites like these ancient Neolithic megalithic structures still lie buried beneath the protective shroud of earth. Malta and Gozo (the second-largest island in the Maltese archipelago) are treasure houses of ancient culture that must be protected before it is too late. The following images reflect only a small portion of what can be seen today of these megalithic wonders on the islands.

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Above, and 5 images below: views of Ggantija temple complex

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Above and below: The temple complex of Ħaġar Qim, interior views.

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Above and below: Detail views of the Mnajdra temple complex.

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Above and below: Tarxien. Photos courtesy Anastasia Adeler

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POPULAR ARCHAEOLOGY ON INSTAGRAM

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Before the Pyramids: Malta’s Prehistoric Landscape and the People Who Keep It

As Editor of Popular Archaeology Magazine, Anastasia Adeler is a writer, journalist, and frequent and regular contributor to the magazine on travel, museums and other subject areas. She also manages Popular Archaeology’s social media editorial presence through Instagram, plays a key role in the formulation of planning and policy matters for the magazine, and plans, coordinates and executes other projects as they relate to the magazine’s content and objectives. She is the founder and author of Living Rooms, a slow journalism project. 

We arrived in late April, and every morning Noel came for us.

That detail turns out to matter more than it should. When you travel with an archaeological expedition, as I did again this time, accompanying Dan McLerran, editor-in-chief of Popular Archaeology, with whom I had traveled once before, and with Tatiana along as my companion and photographer, the official itinerary is usually the least interesting thing about the trip. What you keep afterward is everything that happens between the scheduled stops, and most of all the people who translate a place for you into a feeling more than a fact.

Noel was our driver for the whole time we were there, and I would not call him an old man, because at perhaps his mature stage of life, he was far from old, and in any case one of those people who seem to exist slightly outside of age. He arrived each morning at the Westin Dragonara in St. Julian’s, where we were based, impeccably dressed in a suit, courteous and humble and entirely without hurry, and drove us out across the island in a spotless Mercedes van.

Noel, foreground. Photo credit Anastasia Adeler

As we drove he talked, about the families who had held which land and for how long, about where to find the good fish, about what had changed on the islands and what had stubbornly refused to, and through all of it ran his family, mentioned constantly and with a respect for it that you could feel without his ever having to spell it out. We invited him to join us, for lunch, for dinner, for whatever we were doing, and every time he declined with some small variation of the same answer, that he had already had some tea, or that he would stop here and have some tea, so that the tea became a kind of polite boundary he kept between his life and ours, and a sign of how completely he belonged to himself. He was well-bred in the old sense. You could smell the real man and the professional in him at once.

I thought about Noel a few days later while standing in front of stones that were old before the Egyptians built anything at all. Malta, as every brochure will tell you, is sun and sea and the Knights of St. John, baroque churches and English-language schools and tourist marinas, and all of that is true and none of it is the part that kept me awake. Because Malta is also the site of some of the oldest freestanding stone structures anywhere on earth—seven prehistoric sanctuaries raised between roughly 3800 and 2500 BC—which is to say before Stonehenge and well before the pyramids—by a people so complete and so distinct that they surface in the record almost fully formed and then disappear from it around 2500 BC for reasons no one has settled. Noel had lived among these stones his entire life and was not especially impressed by their age. He had simply always known they were there, as familiar to him as his own street.

An island that undersells itself

Most people who fly into Malta come for the coast and the warmth, for medieval Valletta, for the traces of a crusading order that once ran the central Mediterranean from this small archipelago of two inhabited islands. These are real things, and the island’s history since the sixteenth century is dramatic enough on its own, the Great Siege and Napoleon’s brief and unwelcome occupation and the long British colonial period that ended only with independence in 1964, and the strange hybrid identity all of it left behind. The Maltese language is itself a kind of archaeological object, Arabic in its bones and overlaid with Italian and Sicilian and a thick recent layer of English, spoken in a cadence that resembles nothing else in the sea it sits in, which is why the island has become one of the places Europeans now come to learn English.

The older story, the one that begins long before the Knights, sits off to the side of all this. The megalithic temples appear on the official maps and in the heritage brochures and are perfectly accessible, and they are also not what most visitors come for, so they pass close by without stopping or stop briefly and move along. This would be unremarkable if the things they were passing were not, in the judgment of the people who study such things for a living, among the most significant prehistoric sites in the world.

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The megalithic temple sanctuary of Ħaġar Qim. Nitramserolf, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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And the deep past here has lately gotten deeper. Until very recently the first Maltese were thought to be the Neolithic farmers who arrived around 7,500 years ago and went on to raise the temples, but in April 2025 a team led by the archaeologist Eleanor Scerri, of the Max Planck Institute for Geoanthropology and the University of Malta, published findings from a cave called Latnija in the north of the island that pushed the human story back a full thousand years, to Mesolithic hunter-gatherers who reached Malta around 8,500 years ago by crossing some hundred kilometers of open sea from Sicily, beyond the sight of land, presumably in dugout canoes, the longest such crossing yet known anywhere in the Mediterranean. We were meant to spend time with Scerri, and that is its own small story, told further down, and the discovery deserves a fuller account than I can give it here. It will receive this in a separate story. What matters for the moment is the gist of the thing: even the temple-builders, old as they are, turn out not to have been the first.

The crossing

We reached Gozo by ferry from the northern tip of Malta, a half-hour crossing that runs every thirty minutes and carries everything the island needs moved: cars and trucks and tourists and schoolchildren and the day’s deliveries. We went up to the open deck because the sky was clear and the water was that particular blue the central Mediterranean turns in late April, which I have given up trying to name. The limestone cliffs of Gozo came up out of the sea slowly, pale and irregular, and as the ferry swung in toward harbor the island composed itself into something at once very old and entirely ordinary, a baroque dome floating above a town the color of bone.

We passed the Blue Lagoon, whose color is so improbable that it makes you briefly distrust your own eyes, the turquoise going down into cobalt as if someone had decided the sea should look the way it looks in other people’s holiday photographs and then overshot. There are places where the Mediterranean turns out to be exactly the thing it is in the imagination, and the channel between these islands is one of them.

Dawn, our archaeologist host, met us on the other side.

Ġgantija, which means giantess

The name is Maltese, and it is the right name, because for a very long time the local explanation for these walls was that giants had raised them, that being the only theory adequate to the size of the blocks. The two temples of the Ġgantija complex sit on a plateau above the town of Xagħra, and even half-ruined they stop you where you stand. The outer walls reach several meters, individual blocks run up to fifty tons, and all of it was quarried and shaped and moved and stood upright by people working without metal tools and, if the official chronology holds, without the wheel.

The temples have been known to locals since antiquity, which is part of what is wrong with them. Excavation began in the eighteenth century, before archaeology had learned to be careful, and so much of what was there got disturbed in the digging, stones shifted to suggest a completeness that may never have existed and smaller rubble heaped on top to give the walls more height and dignity for the visitors. What stands at Ġgantija today is, as Dawn put it cheerfully while waving at the scaffolding currently holding up one of the outer walls, a collaboration between the original builders and several thousand years of other people’s opinions about them.

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She said this while reaching out to lay a hand flat against the stone, running her palm over a surface pitted by millennia of sea wind, in a gesture somewhere between inspection and affection.

Dawn Adrienne Saliba is a researcher at the University of Malta, whose published work concerns acoustics and ritual at the prehistoric temples, and she is also among the more vivid people I have met anywhere in some time. She wears her curly hair loose, talks with her hands and her whole upper body, laughs constantly, and when she is standing inside a five-thousand-year-old ruin telling you why she is sure the apse chambers were built for sound, she gives off a faith that is at once scholarly and entirely personal. On the day we saw Ġgantija she was wearing a faded Knicks T-shirt, and the arrangement of ancient stones and UNESCO scaffolding and an archaeologist in a basketball shirt explaining Neolithic ritual acoustics struck me as a very Maltese sort of composition, the old and the offhand crowded into a single frame.

The dating of the temples is where the genuinely interesting problem lives. Ġgantija is given as roughly 3600 BC, which puts it among the oldest freestanding structures on the planet and more than a thousand years ahead of the pyramids, and that figure rests heavily on what was found near the stones rather than on the stones themselves, so that objects of a given period turn up at a site and the site is assigned to their period. The limitation is plain enough, since it tells you when people were using a place and not when the place was made, and at Ġgantija, where the digging was early and rough and the reconstruction has muddied the original layout, the date is an estimate resting on an estimate. None of this is a cover-up, whatever the more excitable corners of the internet would prefer; it is just what any science looks like at the edge of its evidence, and the honest people in the field say so without being asked twice.

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What the museum knows, and the man outside

The interpretation center beside the Xagħra Circle, the Gozitan hypogeum where the remains of hundreds of Neolithic people were excavated and studied, holds objects that repay slowing down for. None of them looks like much at first glance. There is a skull on a plinth that forensic specialists studied in order to reconstruct how the woman it had belonged to looked while she was alive, and there are ceramic bowls cracked and pieced back together that still carry the trace of whatever was eaten or offered out of them six thousand years ago, and there are faceshell necklaces laid out on conical stands beside a large triton shell and a cow’s toe bone worked until it became a human face. The stylized limestone figurines have had their features worn nearly to nothing while their bodies stayed disproportionately full, and the seated clay figures are so small and so round and so oddly pleased with themselves that they seem to be commenting on something the language for which has been lost. One panel shows a wooden reconstruction of Neolithic furniture built out from the Sleeping Lady, the most famous figurine in all of Maltese prehistory, who lies on her side on what looks like a low couch with her robes folded around her in a sleep deep enough to seem ceremonial, and the label notes that she is the best evidence we have for furniture in the Neolithic, which is a small and unexpectedly moving thing to learn, that we know someone once lay down with that much care for the arrangement only because someone else thought it worth recording in clay.

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It was outside this museum, while I was alone at the little souvenir stand buying bracelets as a gift for Tatiana and one for myself, that the trip handed me something I am still turning over. Tatiana had strained her back, and there was a delay while Dan and Noel went looking for medicine for her, and in the middle of it an old Maltese man was standing nearby, in a suit and glasses, smoking, ageless in the way Noel was ageless and strikingly handsome. He had spoken with Tatiana and knew about the back, and then he and I fell into conversation, and it drifted away from the back and toward life, the way conversations with certain strangers will. I was already sitting in the van when he came to the open door, leaned in, and said that eventually it stops, that the pain stops. He was not talking about the back anymore. He did not spell out what he meant, and we drove away, but I understood him, because a man does not lean into a stranger’s van to talk about a sore back, and I took the meaning he had intended for us. I did not need it said any plainer.

The hole in the ground

What I was not ready for, on the day of our visit to Gozo, was the construction site.

Dawn took us to it, and I am sorry now that I did not write down the exact address. What I can describe is a raw cut into pale limestone, two pits opened in the bedrock of the kind that come before foundations, with a finished apartment building standing directly alongside and the blue of the sea visible past it, and wildflowers already coming up through the disturbed soil at the edges, and a sheet of heavy canvas thrown over one of the openings, whether for safety or for appearances I could not tell.

Dawn stood at the lip of it and described what had been there before the machines came and what might still lie under the level the machines had reached, and her voice while she did this was steady in the way a voice goes steady once it has explained the same thing often enough to have worn through anger into something colder and more durable.

This, she said, was not unusual. This was the pattern.

The Maltese islands are saturated with archaeological potential, the density of prehistoric sites both dug and undug being remarkable for an archipelago this small, and development presses against the edges of the protected zones nonstop and now and then straight through them, because the legal protections exist on paper while the enforcement is a separate and weaker matter. Dawn has staged concerts inside temple precincts and put on theatrical performances and gathered residents and written articles and filed objections and built coalitions, all of it alongside her actual research, so that she is effectively running two careers at once, one of them proving what these places were and the other trying to keep them from being destroyed before the first one is finished. Standing at the edge of that pit and looking at a building whose foundations had gone into ground no one had surveyed, I could see the whole thing settled into a very Maltese kind of tragedy, a place that survives six thousand years only to be undone by a planning permit.*

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The room beneath the room

The Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum is the only known prehistoric underground temple in the world. It lies beneath a residential neighborhood in Paola on the main island, and it came to light in 1902 when workers cutting rock for a new cistern broke through the ceiling of a chamber they had no idea was under them, after which the discovery was kept quiet for several years before anyone investigated it properly. What they eventually found was a complex of three levels carved out of living rock, with chambers and niches and curved apses reaching about ten meters below the surface, and the remains of somewhere between seven and eight thousand people deposited there across several centuries, the Sleeping Lady among the things recovered.

Access is tightly controlled now, the number of visitors per session capped and the interior climate monitored and photography forbidden, so what I can give you is only the feeling of going down into it, a slow controlled descent through limestone that cools as you drop, a gradual loss of the ordinary logic of surfaces and daylight, and a steadily growing awareness that the walls around you were shaped by hands following a plan we have only partly recovered.

We went down twice.

The first time was the standard visit, a fixed route and explanatory panels and controlled lighting, informative and at moments genuinely affecting, because the scale of the communal burial and the thought that someone organized all of it, the carving and the placing of the dead and the arrangement of the objects, with a coherence that predates writing and metal and nearly everything we use to measure how complex a civilization was, is not a thing the mind takes in quickly.

The second visit was Dawn’s.

Dawn’s version

She had arranged a private session, and the difference lay less in what we saw than in what we heard. Her published research is specifically about how sound behaves inside the Hypogeum, how the carved chambers resonate at some frequencies and swallow others, how a voice placed in one position would have produced an effect that could be predicted and repeated, and she has done the formal acoustic testing there, with instruments and with human voices, and that work is documented and serious.

What she adds in person is the part the journals render more cautiously, which is the imaginative leap from the measurement into the scene. Standing in one of the chambers she described how a chant would have traveled through the stone and how a procession might have wound through the sequence of passages and what the gathered people would have felt as the sound stopped being something heard and became something physical, pressing on the chest, blurring the line between where the body ended and the chamber began. She described it with the precision of someone who has measured it and the conviction of someone who has also, plainly, felt it, and I could not always tell which of the two was speaking, the instrument or the believer, the woman who had run the tests or the woman for whom the place had long ago stopped being a hypothesis.

Some of what she said sat squarely on the acoustic data. Some of it had drifted out past the data into the particular faith of a person who has loved something so thoroughly and for so many years that the membrane between what can be shown and what must surely be true has gone a little permeable, and at times it was, to be honest with you, very funny, and I would not say so to her face, because the funniness and the seriousness were the same thing seen from two angles. She was the best possible guide to a place like this, since she had lived with its questions so long and turned them over from so many directions that standing near her you could feel the entire weight of what is still unknown, which is rarer than expertise and a good deal harder to come by.

Tarxien, a short walk away

A few hundred meters from the Hypogeum, in the ordinary streets of the town that gives them their name, stand the temples of Tarxien, and the two sites belong together for more than their nearness, since both were brought to light by the same man, Themistocles Zammit, the Maltese physician who turned to archaeology and excavated the Hypogeum in the first years of the twentieth century and then opened Tarxien in 1915 after local farmers kept striking large stones with their ploughs. The complex is four linked temples raised across the same long stretch of centuries as the others, and what sets it apart is the decoration, the great blocks worked with running spirals and, on one famous slab, a procession of carved animals, rams and a sow with her litter and what reads as a bull, the closest thing the temple-builders left to a picture of the world they lived in.

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The thing everyone remembers is the statue, or what is left of it. Near the entrance stands the lower half of a colossal figure, a broad pleated skirt and two heavy calves above small feet and nothing at all above the waist, the upper body lost so long ago that you are left with the foundation of a giant and asked to supply the rest, which when whole would have stood two or three meters tall. The Maltese call her, with the directness the island applies to all these figures, the fat lady, and like the smaller figurines she is built around an abundance the people who made her clearly read as holy. There is evidence too of what was done in these rooms, a hearth and a stone niche where a flint knife and the bones of animals were found together, which is about as close as the silent record comes to telling you outright that things were killed here and offered.

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What you remember most at Tarxien, though, is the houses. The temple precinct sits hemmed in on every side by the modern town, ordinary dwellings with their washing out and their televisions audible, their walls running up to the edge of some of the oldest decorated stone in the Mediterranean, and the contrast is so complete that it stops feeling like contrast and starts feeling like the ordinary condition of Malta, where six thousand years are not kept at any respectful distance from each other but are stacked in the same few meters of rock. Centuries after the temple-builders had vanished, Bronze Age people who had nothing to do with them used this ground to burn and bury their dead, a second and unrelated population laying its ashes down on top of the first, and then they too disappeared, and then the town grew up over the whole of it, so that the washing now dries above ground holding the later ashes and the older spirals together beneath it.

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Ħaġar Qim and the wind off the sea

The temples of Ħaġar Qim and Mnajdra stand on the southern coast about three hundred meters from the water, in a landscape so open to the horizon that the wind off the sea never quite lets up. They live under large protective shelters now, the coral limestone they are built from being soft and the salt air having been patient with it, and the effect is strange, ancient stone sheltered under modern construction, a solution to one problem that quietly raises a different question about what preservation is for and whom it serves.

Here, as at Ġgantija, antiquity and restoration lie layered visibly on top of one another. The doorways cut from single blocks of stone are among the hardest features to account for, an engineering decision that cost enormous effort and serves no structural purpose anyone has since identified, and there are theories, and Dawn had views. The solstice alignments are documented, the way the light enters a particular opening on the shortest day and falls on a particular stone, and this is read by some as deliberate astronomy and by others as a coincidence thrown off by circular rooms that happen to point in various directions, and the argument between them is real and not settled. Standing inside the complex with the protective shelter overhead and the sea audible through the gaps in it, I could see why both sides keep their defenders, because the place feels intended in ways that slip out from under any attempt to say so precisely.

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Mdina, my favorite

Late one day we went to Mdina, and it remains the place on this trip I loved most. If Valletta is loud and crowded and pressed for time, which it is, and which we mostly were while we were in it, Mdina is its opposite, calmer and more polished, a walled hill town of churches and beautiful streets where horse-drawn carriages still go by and the whole thing arranges itself into the Mediterranean exactly as you imagine the Mediterranean before you have ever been to it. The history is enormous and worn smooth. We were there for several hours, which is itself a kind of luxury given how restricted we were on time everywhere else, and we walked it slowly, Dan and Tatiana and I, with Dawn not along for this one.

We had lunch at the Fontanella Tea Garden, one of the oldest places in the city, sitting outside on the terrace, and the impression while we sat there was that we had somehow slipped over into Tuscany, that Malta had quietly handed us off to a different country for an afternoon. The wine was a good local one. The pumpkin soup was extraordinary, and I am not in the habit of remembering soup. There were salads and small dishes to begin, all of them wonderful, and the place is famous as well for its desserts.

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A slow lunch at the edge, and the cities we only glimpsed

There was one other meal like that, on the Dingli cliffs, where the limestone drops straight into deep water, at a restaurant whose plainness took confidence rather than neglect, simple linens and direct sun and food that tasted like exactly what it was, the octopus having been in the sea recently and the oil pressed from olives that had not traveled far and the wine cold because the afternoon had earned it. The three of us, Dan and Tatiana and I, sat there a good while longer than we needed to, the sea flat below us, and we did not once discuss archaeology. The Blue Lagoon, which we saw on another part of the same coast, belonged to the driving and to Noel, but this lunch was ours, and it was one of the two times on the whole island we were allowed to slow down enough to actually taste where we were.

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The rest of Malta we mostly glimpsed. The Three Cities, the old fortified harbor towns across the water from Valletta, we did quickly, looking down from the bastions over the marina and the yachts, an impression rather than a visit. Valletta itself, which we came to on the third and last day, we took at speed, walking streets that narrowed and dropped toward the water, looking at façades, looking for somewhere to eat, until we turned a corner and came on a small restaurant where a waitress was setting the outside tables with the focused pleasure of someone who enjoys the preparing as much as the thing prepared. I spoke to her, and she told us to wait a little, and when she looked up her face opened so completely into welcome that I wrote in my journal that evening that I had wanted simply to hug her and go home. These cities are wonderful and we were restricted on time, and the contradiction between those two facts is most of what I carry away from them.

Every evening we came back to St. Julian’s, to the same hotel, and sat in the lobby and went back over how the day had gone, which became a ritual of its own, the fixed point we returned to no matter how far out across the islands the day had taken us.

A brief appearance, and a much older Malta

Eleanor Scerri, whose discovery at the Latnija Cave had reset the island’s whole chronology a year before we came, was scheduled to spend real time with us, though in the end circumstances forced her to materialize near the cave for only a few minutes before some prior obligation pulled her off in a direction we could not follow, so that there was a wave and an introduction and the first half of a sentence about the site’s importance and then she was gone, which was the most efficient possible delivery of a character, a person with somewhere else to be, a different shape of devotion from Dawn’s and no less real for being briefer. We did explore the area around the cave, and it was Dawn who was with us there, on the cliffs near Latnija, the sea enormous and pale-blue behind us and Comino floating off in the distance.

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What Latnija means is best left for the fuller account in another article, but the short version is worth carrying out of here: the temple-builders, who themselves predate the pyramids, were not the first people on Malta after all. A thousand years before them, hunter-gatherers crossed a hundred kilometers of open sea in what were likely hollowed-out logs, beyond the sight of any land, to reach this rock, and came back, and came back again. The island keeps turning out to be older than the last person to measure it believed.

What the island is deciding

From almost any cliff on the southern coast you can see, by turning inland, both what Malta has been and what it is in the middle of becoming, the old rubble walls still dividing the farmland into small holdings while the apartment blocks climb toward them, and the church domes rising over every village out of all proportion to the populations they serve, which is a large part of their grandeur, standing now beside new construction that makes no reference to anything that came before it.

None of this is peculiar to Malta, since every island and every old city is somewhere inside the same negotiation between what it inherited and what it can sell, and what makes the Maltese version feel sharper than most is the age and the density of what is at stake, because the prehistoric sites are not lonely monuments out at the edge of the inhabited world but belong to the ordinary life of the place, sitting above villages and reachable by farm lanes and ringed by fields and rubble walls that hold fragments of the same vanished culture. Preserving any of it is therefore not a matter of fencing off a single ruin but requires a constant and politically awkward refusal to decide that the past is worth less than a parking space, which Dawn understands, and so does the Gozitan resident we met who has spent years documenting the building going up near Ġgantija, and so in his own way does Noel, who when I asked him what had changed most in Malta over his lifetime answered, after a moment, that it was the building, and then after another moment, that there was too much of it.

The stones that outlasted their builders

Malta’s temples survived because they were made of something that outlasted the people who intended them. The builders of Ġgantija and the Hypogeum and Ħaġar Qim are gone so completely that we do not know what they called themselves or what they spoke or what exactly happened around 2500 BC when they dropped out of the record with a thoroughness no one has neatly accounted for, and what is left is only the work, the aligned stones and the carved chambers and the acoustic geometries and the dead laid down among their necklaces and figurines and bowls. They were not building for posterity in any way they could have named, and yet they built to last, which says something about them even now that we cannot hear them say it.

The question Malta is answering at present, slowly and unevenly and under real economic and political pressure, is whether it values the same things its first builders did, and the evidence on that runs in both directions at once, the excavations continuing and the development continuing and Dawn staging another concert and filing another objection and taking another small group down into the Hypogeum to hear what the stone still does with a voice.

I keep going back, though, to the old man outside the museum on Gozo, leaning into the van in his suit and his glasses, telling me that eventually the pain stops, and meaning by it something he never named and did not have to, because I understood him. He had the same quality the island has, of saying something enormous in passing and then letting you drive away before you can ask what it was built on. Malta is full of that. The stones do it, and the people do it, and you leave with the last line withheld, which may be the only honest way to leave a place this old.

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In the remarkable sea-side setting surrounding Latnija Cave: author Anastasia, far left, Dan, middle, Tatiana, far right.

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Unless otherwise noted, all images credit Anastasia Adeler.

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