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Revealing Barara: The Long-Lost African Medieval City

Samuel C. Walker was born and raised in East Africa and subsequently spent fifteen years in the Middle East including Yemen, Israel/West Bank, Jordan, Sudan, and Egypt. He currently is working in Ethiopia. He holds two Bachelor’s degrees; Religious Studies – Anthropology, and Natural Sciences & History, and two Master’s degrees; History and education (Western Oregon U) and Archaeology & Heritage Mgmt. (University of Leicester). For seven years he lived in the Micronesian Pacific islands conducting research on climate change, ecologies, and conducting research as lead field supervisory archaeologist for US Navy projects for EIS and cultural resource management. Since 2013, Walker has worked in Ethiopia, including establishing a Master’s program in Archaeology for Heritage Management and serving as lead field and supervisory archaeologist. As part of his research dissertation, he is working on creating graduate level field-intensive Cultural Resource Management teams (CRMT) specifically to address the critical needs of archaeological site identification, comprehensive field survey, data recovery and excavation field management skills, laboratory analysis and cultural material conservation, and presentation and display of these rich tangible and intangible heritages.

In the first half of the 1400’s, a scholar-monk named Fra Mauro, from the monastery of San Michele di Murano in Venice, was commissioned to create a new world map based upon the most recent research and travel accounts from explorers across the Mediterranean region. He began compiling notes, collecting maps, and over the next decade, he pored over travel accounts, comparing written interviews of travelers, ambassadors, and seafarers. Refugee-scholars from Constantinople, sages from India or regions farther east, and ambassadors and priests from Ethiopia supplied snippets of data. Rarely, knowledge tumbled in tomes, but more often it was pieced together from fragments lost to the west for centuries. Gradually, for the first time in Europe,  remote, empty spaces on his map filled in with mysterious, unknown cities or mountains tied to legends — even the source of the Blue Nile. Thankfully, for Abassia Ethyopia, this region was  sketched by the very hands of intrepid sojourners in these furthest reaches of our globe.

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Fig. 1 – The Fra Mauro Map – 1450, compared to a NASA photo of the same view. Note: the map is southern oriented.

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Old maps represent our three-dimensional world within a two-dimensional, mental construct. Each paints a time-bound icon for visualizing a given worldview. In essence, maps embody the world made in our image. Fra Mauro’s mid-15th century masterpiece of medieval cartography now provides scholars a rare lens into a radically variant geographical mindscape during one of the most critical transitions in world history (Cattaneo, pp.123).

The resulting circular map, nearly two meters across, appears now to have served not simply as an aid in expediting navigation or exploration. Rather, it seems to have been designed specifically to lay out the foundations for a new world order. By drafting geographical features, regional and city names, and navigable trade routes across his mappa mundi, Fra Mauro identifies possible alliances alongside real and potential threats. Anything Christian, even the thinnest web of connectivity, is emphasized.

Mountains feature prominently throughout. Passes or rivers clearly bisect habitable landscapes, demarcating regions and polities. Every city stands fortified, bounded by copious notes on regions, rulers, rivers, and where gold, spices, pearls, and fresh water can be found. Ships, identifiable with the dominant traders, ply their respective seas. Welcome to the world as it was perceived in 1450.

To set the stage for this intriguing story, and so many new discoveries in Ethiopia, we must consider that Ethiopian emissaries and monks in the mid-1400’s related geographical information of their own Ethiopic regions to a Venetian monk, who transcribed their data on a two-meter diameter parchment. Fortunately, along with local chronicles and hagiographies, itineraries of contemporary Europeans visiting these regions, and recorded by Alessandro Zorzi, provide substantial evidence of thriving communities. Our team focused upon this transmitted information, along with many newly translated manuscripts from these regions and periods. Working alongside local, state, and federal partners, as Fra Mauro stated, we too have attempted to carefully “verify the text by practical experience” as we trek landscapes described nearly six centuries prior. Other travelers, including one Pietro Rombulo, and the artist, Nicolo Brancaleone, left lasting impacts upon religious Ethiopic art. In one remote island monastery I recently discovered a painting from this period, evidently from a European hand, which needs further research and restoration. Such hidden treasures and finds, thankfully, are being recognized by local and international scholars.

 

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Fig. 2 – Early Renaissance European painting recently discovered in Lake Tana region of Amhara, Ethiopia

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The World Within a Gilded Frame

Regarding these regions, Fra Mauro states in inscription number *98: “Because to some it will appear as a novelty that I should speak of these southern parts, which were almost unknown to the Ancients, I will reply that this entire drawing, from Sayto (Assiut, Egypt) upwards, I have had from those who were born there. These people were clerics who, with their own hands, drew for me these provinces and cities and rivers and mountains with their names; all these things I have not been able to put in due order for lack of space” (Falchetta, pps. 210-203).

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Fig . 3- Close up of the Fra Mauro Map indicating the Swahili Coast and Abyssinia – Ethiopia. South is top.

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Nearly six centuries on, having survived multiple European wars, these medieval icons of mountains and rivers, along with descriptions of rulers and names of now long-lost cities, make their way, as a digital copy, to an African-born archaeologist working in Ethiopia, hoping to discover the buried capitals many believed never even existed. My first task was to employ an Afrocentric, indigenous frame of reference for our ongoing research.

Within many African cultures, proximity to neighbors is measured by a scale of time, not distances of length. Karibu means “Welcome,” in Swahili, but it can also mean “close” or “near.” When trekking in East Africa, therefore, upon inquiring the distance to the next village, the answer depends on the closeness of the village relationally, not proximally. I have walked over 30 kms, passing through “far away” villages, to get to the “close one.” On the Fra Mauro map, African distances are similarly inscribed. Cities along the highland ridge, known best by his informants, are situated neatly along the trade routes used even today. Specific characteristics of each city indicate familiarity, or karibu to these monks. Barara and Sadai particularly, are shown with multiple cultural elements and architectural features. Unfamiliar Islamic regions along the coasts, for the most part, are depicted in uniform monotony.

Our investigations in the field confirm the uncanny accuracy and completeness of Fra Mauro’s informants. It also indicates a far more complex and rich societal narrative of Ethiopia than is commonly portrayed. Honest research and scholarship points to the broader natures of cosmopolitan and blended cultural, linguistic, and religious communities of the past. Throughout Ethiopia, our recently identified sites, with divergent cultural material, beautifully illustrate this continuity of settlements from prehistory to an unknown pre-Christian civilization contemporary with the Aksumite Empire through to the pre-medieval and medieval periods, all the way into the conflicts of the last two centuries.

What we have discovered, with evidence on the ground, is that the monotone story of Ethiopian history being told only through the lens of monumental architecture or singular empires, dynasties, or rulers, does a great disservice to the broader, deeper narrative of modern Ethiopia’s true heritages, cultures, languages, and religious identities. Selective remembrance or backward-looking and biased discourse about who owns what based upon a particular event or the few written accounts by ecclesiastics or outsiders, should be replaced with actual scholarship. The time is far past due for professionals to be able to do their jobs.

Cracking the Fra Mauro Code 

By the end of the 17th century, memory of the devastating conflicts between the Islamic forces of Imam Ahmad, known as Ahmad Gran or the left-handed, and the variably named Christian kingdom of Shoa, Xoa, or Sewa, had cooled to an uneasy, smoldering detente. As with many regions across Africa, these ruinous wars prompted subsequent migrations of populations, followed by the influx of shifting cultures and languages across Ethiopia’s landscapes (Newman, pp. 99). Such fluctuations displaced previously associated oral traditions and much place-memory. Place names, however, recorded on old maps and in various chronicles and hagiographies, as well as Crawford’s Ethiopian Itineraries (1958), amply illustrate that prior to these religious wars, populations from a variety of cultures lived in mixed, settled communities throughout Ethiopia, much as they do today. The Fra Mauro map states that certain regions, mountains, even cities, had variant names depending upon the people-groups living nearby.

As a result of these multicultural migrations, new settlement patterns and agricultural practices shifted the way land was utilized. What previously had constituted defensibility shifted. The political landscapes and settlement densities moved to higher ground. Small land holdings replaced large urban centers. Across Ethiopia’s landscapes, centuries of agro-pastoralism have literally plowed the ruins of once-thriving metropolises into the ground.

Accounts of the destruction of Barara and other cities and churches accurately depict that demolition was total. Even grindstones were smashed to ensure populations had nothing to return to. During the religious wars, most associated religious structures, on both sides, along with their treasures of relics and manuscripts, perished, usually via fire. This loss of contexts with which to even begin to identify lost cities was exacerbated by a paucity of scholarship related to these eras. Additionally, the perception, given Addis Ababa’s modern status, seems to have tacitly colored the idea that it must have had medieval importance as well. But it is hard to hide cultural materials, such as ceramics, stone tools, occupational soils, etc. Such indices a true archaeologist recognizes immediately.

As detailed in my previous article, we felt certain we had cracked the code of the Fra Mauro map related to Abassia Ethyopia. It appeared possible to now trek Ethiopia’s variable landscapes, and through the centuries, identify specific physical features drawn by Ethiopian monks and emissaries, “with their own hands”. To prove we no longer were living in terra incognita, we had to put our hypotheses to the ultimate test. We needed to discover a city absent from all later maps; a city lost since the religious wars of 1528-1543, to all record and memory. But major obstacles remained, not the least involving geopolitical ramifications wrought by decades of war’s desolation. Like words borrowed from an archaic vocabulary, we had to translate mountains and rivers not simply as physical geography, but more importantly, through a medieval African mind’s eye. It was these corresponding geographies, so accurately drawn, which proved our first key to ultimately unlocking the location of Africa’s longest-lost city on the Fra Mauro map, Barara.

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Fig. 4 – Sadai – Ceramics, walls, architectural features and alignments on the slopes of the Suba Forest – Mt. Wechecha.

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A Tale of Two Lost Cities: Tegulet and Barara

As we continued our desk-based analysis of maps and written records, the two lost cities — Tegulet (1315?), the first Restored Solomonic capital, and Barara (1385?), the Holy Grail of lost medieval African cities — asserted their presence. All place-memory of these medieval capitals had vanished. Local chronicles mentioned the importance and general region of Tegulet, but without specifics. Barara, though mentioned throughout Europe’s medieval period as the capital of Abyssinia, remained a mystery. Strikingly, local chronicles never mention that name. It is possible this is another example of cities retaining different names based upon populations.

Utilizing the remote sensing methodology we had devised, we narrowed our search for Tegulet to the drainage basin of the Jemma River, north of Debra Berhan. Within less than a half hour, scanning images on Google Earth, we identified three possible candidates for occupational-site, all with probable architectural features. Hopeful, we ventured forth on an excursion to discover what we believed to be one of the most important sites to enable us to rewrite Ethiopia’s history.

The candidate for Tegulet was exceptional. Foundations of monumental architecture proved a substantial settlement had, at one time, dominated the landscapes, and thus the trade routes. One surprise was a purpose-built road, 12 kms along the ridge, with ruts from wheeled vehicles, dated to a time where no record of wheeled vehicles exists. Cultural material abounded, including quantities of quality ceramics, raw iron and slag, and semi-precious stones traditionally used for vestments, ceremonial crosses, or to adorn valuable manuscripts. Adding to that the many newly identified Washa or cave churches, and it all adds up to a substantial archaeological find in the exact location we could have predicted, using our model and ancient maps.

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Fig. 5 – Architecture and features signifying monumental construction.

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Barara on the Horizon

Discovery wasn’t going to be easy, but we decided first to investigate the southern ridges along the Germama and Kessem river drainage basins, and areas south of Sendafa, along the still visible ancient trade routes to regions north. Even today, this highland ridge route serves as a gateway from the plains and valleys in the south and east into the highlands of Gojam, Shewa, Gondor, and Welo.

It is difficult to describe the anticipation of being the first to knowingly tread the ruins of a legendary city lost for nearly six hundred years. There is in equal measure a giddiness mingled with a sobriety of knowing, as Burton reported in his book, First Footsteps in East Africa, and among others, the Chronicles of the Kings, how Barara, and multiple other sites, were destroyed by fire and looted over many days. Given the multiple misleading political narratives and counterfactual “evidences” swirling around Addis Ababa being the same as Barara, however, our search for this lost city required far more sensitivity tied to careful, thorough science-based scholarship.

Barara had eluded explorers for centuries. I wish we could claim to have discovered Barara on our first outing, but it took us nearly another year of denials of access or papers, or, even at one point, being run off at gun-point, before finding our ultimate prize. Here, I wish to recognize the late Richard Pankhurst and Hartwig Breternitz. Their excellent work sets the standard for proper, scholarly investigation of this, and other important sites. It is hoped our forthcoming published research will emulate the valiant effort of these two gentlemen-scholars.

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Fig. 6 – Image taken from Pankhurst and Breternitz.
http://www.persee.fr/doc/ethio_0066-2127_2009_num_24_1_1394

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On our first excursion, we entered the market town of Areda Weyra. An abandoned crossroads most days, this Saturday it bustled, employing every mode of transport or beast of burden: camel, donkey, mule, horse-drawn carriage, motorcycle, and of course, the heads or backs of the panoply of humankind. Like a drama playing out as it had from medieval times, commerce from three distinct regions joined, bartered, and returned with goods in tow. Throughout Africa, each beast of burden is suited to particular loads, climates, and environments. Camels thrive in the dry, lowlands and riverbeds at elevations below 1500 meters. They cannot even breed at higher elevations. Mules and horses are midland animals, mostly suited to the fertile plains and flatlands of the regions south of Addis Ababa and the well-watered grasslands below 2800 meters. Donkeys fit all elevations, but are the exclusive animal for higher elevations, steep ravines, rugged highland trails, and seemingly impossible passes.

Areda Weyra, at 2600 meters, served as a rare intersection for all three species, and by extension, represented well-defined regional cultures, languages, and religious identities. Even if the memory of Barara had long dissipated to dust, watching camels undulate home down a trail used for centuries, or a horse canter across open stretches, or observe overburdened donkeys clatter down a steep, rubble strewn path, there was a sort of mysterious kinesthetic memory at play.

This is what Barara had been; a nexus of cultures and commerce for centuries, and it provided us our first clue to keep us coming back for more. Inquiring of many aged priests, we were excitedly told this was an old place, destroyed by Ahmed Gran. This was a place, from before the religious wars, where emperors once lived, but no one could tell us exactly where. One jovial saint swept his hand across the horizon. “This is a blessed land, very rich, very good.” He smiled, and with a wink stated, “It is our Holy Land.”

With hopes high, we moved further along the south and west ridges, discovering many significant sites, but only legends or hints of names like Juggal or walls. Yet none recalled even a semblance to the name, Barara. Resolute, over the last year, we continued our searches. What we discovered were substantial, previously unknown sites belonging to entirely unknown civilizations, contemporary with the end of the Aksumite empire (6th-7th Cent. CE)  and into the early medieval periods. Prehistoric, pre-Christian and Islamic settlements dot the landscape, and funerary markers, and even full cemeteries were recorded. The brilliant complexity disclosed in this newly revealed archaeological record illustrates the shifts and tides of peoples across these landscapes over millennia. But the common story they tell is of the continuity of the broader Ethiopian identity irrespective of modern, artificial standards based upon economics, national-tribal affinity, or religio-political terms.

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Fig. 7

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Prior to the Religious Wars, Christian and Islamic kingdoms mutually relied upon trade. Skirmishes and conflict were not uncommon, but annihilation of one side or the other was never the goal. Enter the dual outside influences of the Ottoman Empire and the expanding ambitions of Portugal. These shifted Ethiopia’s local narrative in radically, irreversible ways. In essence, the centuries-old tidal indigenous shifts and currents in hegemony and control of trade, took on global proportions, with a Jihadist mentality on one side, a Crusader fervency on the other. The resulting devastation brought about by this Mediterranean proxy war has yet to be fully studied or appreciated in the region’s historicity.

Referencing Guluma Gemeda’s well-considered article (https://kichuu.com/barara-is-not-addis-ababa/), we indeed have recorded substantial archaeological and cultural materials within a radius of 150 kms from Addis Ababa. These clearly illustrate a complex mosaic of multi-cultural contexts going back to prehistory. All these, and more, await proper research from professionally trained, field management experts.

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Fig. 8 – Comparing the iconography of the Islamic cities represented on the Fra Mauro map, the image of mosques is portrayed as a gold cupola and churches are represented by a cross. Sadai, being the ecclesiastical capital has only a church. Barara indicates both.

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Moving Mountains

Repeatedly I returned to the maps. New clues emerged. It was then I discovered previous searchers consistently had compounded a singular error. The blue, three-peaked mountain of the Fra Mauro map north of Barara is NOT Entoto. Tucked away in the series of valleys north of the Germama river, at the confluence of the Filambo river, lies a region, aptly named, Sost Amba, “Three Peaks”. This three peaked mountain range starts at Mt. Bereh, just northwest of Sendafa and continues up slope to the middle peak at the 2800 at the Fiche Genet pass to Debra Berhan. Profoundly, previous searches had taken everyone 20-30 kms too far west.

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Fig. 9 – Images of the Fra Mauro map superimposed upon the 1958 British topographical map

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We fully recognize the sensitivity of this discovery, which is why we have been painfully methodical in all our investigations. For peoples in the past, the topography surrounding Addis Ababa was inhospitable to networks of trade or easy passage. For this very reason, post-medieval rulers selected Entoto, not for commerce, but defense. At the behest of Queen Taitu, Menelik II selected the location for his capital (Addis Ababa, 1886), “New Flower” for the curative hot springs of Finfinne. Emperor Haile Selassie even contemplated moving the capital to other cities, including Bahir Dar and Addis Alem.

The historical narratives related to recent, modern Addis Ababa we gladly leave to historians to argue over. For our part, our team includes both local and international PhDs and Masters in the fields of archaeology, heritage management experts, and trained culture and tourism personnel. None of us is a tourist seeking treasures.

As a field-trained archaeologist and lead in this endeavor, the focus has been intensive desk-based analysis, field-walking, and scientific research. Having worked in excavations and surveys across the globe for 25 years, including Israel, Jordan, the US, Micronesia, and Aksum, there are few places left on earth with Ethiopia’s tremendous heritage and archaeological potential. As to Barara, our initial assessment indicates the site covers more than 2 square kms, with large quantities of period-specific cultural material along with wheel-made and imported pottery sherds throughout. True occupational soils over a meter thick, large architectural features including foundations for towers, a water system 80 m across, five cemeteries identified thus far from different periods and cultures, one containing hundreds of tombs, prove this is a substantial site fitting all the criteria for a city the size and importance of Barara. The traditional saying from the elders is that this was a city that “if you leave your home, you have difficulty returning.” In other words, the complexity and vastness made it a labyrinth.

Oral traditions and place names also fit exactly what we have sought. Bar, meaning gate and, as Mt. Yerer is locally called, Arra, would indicate this is the gate to the region of ‘Arra, or Bar-‘Arra. The local name of the site, translated “The Assembly of Multitudes”, retains the importance this region held in earlier time. Other interpretations of the meaning for Barara refer to “light” or “redemption.” Future research may tie the traditional Ethiopic name to the site we now identified with Barara. 

The scattered sites of Entoto or the setting of Addis Ababa are often claimed, albeit falsely, to be synonymous with Barara. From a professional, archaeological standpoint, the site we have identified as the probable location of Barara is exactly what we would expect for a city with pre-medieval, medieval, and post-medieval occupational contexts. Still today, the villages atop the knoll and settlements south contain mixed Christian and Islamic communities. Additionally, it is exactly where Fra Mauro’s informants claimed it to be. The consistent misreading of a map, notwithstanding, Barara is clearly indicated as directly south of Sost Amba, east of the bend in the Akaki river, northwest of the confluence of the Dukem and Mojo rivers, and west of the fertile Tich plain. No true professional, seeing the broad cultural contexts on the ground, tied with the multiple site identifications we have made, would state otherwise. Thus, simply put, one cannot have the same city in three locations. It can only be where the facts on the ground and the map clearly indicate.

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Fig. 10 – Architectural features along with hundreds of tombs over an area of nearly one square kilometer. Note: each hillock in the cemetery (bottom left) represents a tomb, many with inscriptions and designs. Scale bottom left – 100 meters

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The newly identified sites of Sadai, Tegulet, and Barara contain fantastic archaeological value and potential. The repeated mantra that Addis Ababa or the ruins on Entoto somehow secretly hide Africa’s largest lost medieval city, however, appears to have been fabricated upon frightfully wrong readings of an old map. What then of the current discourse on Entoto, or Finfinnee, or “the New Flower?” Sadly, pseudo-scholarship and misinformation has obscured true scholarship for so long, that this error has become part of, if not a central fixture to the dogmas of modern political discussions surrounding Barara. True scientific scholarship does not take sides. This research, therefore, should be utilized for promoting a broader dialog of Ethiopianness and unity rather than by proponents of a particular account for claiming proprietorship or precedence.

With the development within Addis Ababa over decades, no architecture or adequate quantities of cultural materials like ceramics and occupational soil contexts from multiple centuries have been unearthed. Would not someone, even with no training in archaeology, recognize it if it were present? Again, we, in no way, are advocating any political position or support for a given territorial dogma. We merely wish to state the evidence for the newly identified, true site of Barara far outweighs the faulty assumptions of those under-qualified to have made claims of an archaeological nature in the first place.

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Fig. 11 – Single-line 100 m field transect – Only diagnostics were collected and returned – Wheel-thrown and imported pottery, glass, and porcelain indicate outside influences and trade. Typical of an Imam Ahmed destruction, millstones and grinders have been shattered. Similar ceramic styles to early medieval vessels found at the Christian capital of Soba, Sudan (south of Khartoum) point to commerce and contacts.

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Building a Strong Foundation

Fully aware of the sensitivities related to this entire discourse, we have diligently worked directly with the Ministry and Bureau heads for Culture and Tourism for well over two years. We are in the process of accurately and professionally compiling and presenting our forthcoming publications and research for the identification of the true site of Barara. But we will not be pushed into making claims of ownership or domain. This is scholarly research, and as such, requires we continue to work with local, state, and federal partners to ensure this information is utilized for the benefit of all Ethiopians.

Going forward, the discussion should be about how we tie the broader, full archaeological record to the facts on the ground. This discovery is not about Entoto, or Addis Ababa, or Finfinnee, or Barara, or Tegulet. This is a story of the continuity of the weaving of an intricate and vibrant tapestry of Ethiopianness from the prehistory, through to today. Selectively pulling out threads somewhere in the middle of that fabric will cause the whole to unwind. We have ample evidence as to where that leads. Six centuries on, Ethiopia has yet to fully recover from those religious wars. Any artificially constructed time-line creates only division and robs Ethiopia of its fuller heritage potentials.

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Fig. 12 – A wall alignment and architectural features – west slope, to north

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Our discoveries thus far provide a promising beginning. In our on-going exploration, no day is ever routine. Using our research template, we continue seeking and identifying lost cities and ruins strewn across Ethiopia’s magnificent and varied landscapes. Daily we are tantalized with just enough of Ethiopia’s secrets to keep us coming back for more. With every footfall, the ground seems to reverberate this noble history’s sheer will to be reborn.

Thus, regarding our regions in Africa, it appears the Fra Mauro map has proven itself far more than the fanciful rendering of a medieval mind. It is indeed a prescient icon of a Mappa Mundi that launched thousands of ships which literally turned our view of the world upside down within a single generation, eventually expanding it by four new continents. It simply requires professionals to interpret and decode this medieval, African geography.

A Call for More African-based Research

Questions inevitably remain pertaining to the poorly understood, yet complex subjects around ancient and medieval studies within Ethiopia and the broader regional contexts. Ethiopia must be reminded of the larger, deeper significance of its own history and heritage and take its rightful place in the histories of civilizations. The traditional narrative of selecting only Aksum, then Lalibela, then Gondor, as the definitive and only “history” of Ethiopia limits her capacity to address so many of her current growing pains toward a modern nation-state. The mysterious, forgotten past that paints all of Ethiopia’s landscapes in myriad colors of the impossible, should inspire us. The brilliance of such varied, interred, newly-discovered empires whisper their faded splendor to all who still intently seek it.

To better understand our commonality and connectivity beyond modern or traditional boundaries, we must investigate, validate, and honor indigenous self-perceptions within linguistic, historical, national, and individual frameworks. All will benefit from the cross-pollination of worldviews originating within this wide-ranging, local historical discourse.

I remain hopeful that eventually, with properly trained, competent public servants in the emerging culture/heritage, research, and tourism sectors, Ethiopia’s cadre of new cultural resource management professionals, archaeologists, and heritage specialists will be successful in preserving and presenting Ethiopia’s rich cultures and deep heritage. I envision the next wave of exploration, discovery, and excavation under the skillful hands and careful eyes of trustworthy Ethiopian cultural resource management experts and archaeologists. 

Meanwhile, my colleagues and I wait. As does a young girl sitting in the shade of a spreading fig tree, watching her goats graze among the hundreds of tombs on the slopes of Barara, ready to learn what it means that she is offspring of some of the most powerful and impressive empires sub-Saharan Africa has ever known. And herein remains the dream. This child, and so many others like her, waiting in the shadow of her heritage, may soon learn to apprehend her broader Ethiopian heritage in true ways. May she continue to visualize her emerging story of identity, as we carefully excavate and reveal these hidden, neglected jewels of past magnificence.

Next steps

The next steps require that the ministries directly engaged in higher education and heritage and culture create an independent agency of professional cultural resource management (CRM) personnel to begin to adequately train indigenous scholars and accurately address Ethiopia’s broader archaeological and heritage potentials. Ethiopia currently is forfeiting many positive applications of heritage in terms of social/economic development or national unity and identity formation, not to mention the lost foreign currency revenues from inadequate implementation of these best practices.

Past failures of heritage leadership to grasp the changing nature of cultural resources and heritage management issues has led to the destruction of untold archaeological and heritage resources and cultural materials. It has also limited equitable access for Ethiopian scholars to research and/or to be trained in the necessary acquisition of the specialized skills of comprehensive field survey or excavation management in order to be proficient practitioners in their fields.

Much of the blame for the current misinformation and political ambiguity surrounding the case of the location and identity of Barara and related sites is the result of this leadership not comprehending or applying best practices and modern principles to heritage management. An independent and honest broker could manage heritage  in ways currently beyond the scope or capacity of existing agencies. Through allowing an independent and capable cultural resource team to adopt and implement best practices in the phased approach to heritage management of creating desk-based analyses for each site and conducting comprehensive field-walking surveys to include sub-surface/geophysical survey and remote sensing analysis, Ethiopia’s heritage and archaeological potentials will rock the world.

The primary focus of heritage-related research must, therefore, focus upon training and equipping local field experts, not solely the needs of external academics. Our continual research goals are to train professional Ethiopian Cultural Resource Management Teams (CRMT) to transmit and replicate that specialized knowledge, expertise and field experience of excavation and proper heritage management to qualified scholars. Only then can Ethiopia again sing her own ancient glories to the rest of the world.

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Web Sources 

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(Coronelli 1690) – http://www.geographicus.com/P/AntiqueMap/Abissinia-coronelli-1690

Fra Mauro 1450) – https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/1b/FraMauroDetailedMap.jpg

(Kauxt map 1868) – https://www.bigstockphoto.com/image-26737070/stock-photo-old-map-of-abyssinia-with-red-sea-region-map-insert-created-by-kautx-and-gillot,-published-on-l-illustration,-journal-universel,-paris,-1868

(Munster, 1554) – https://libweb5.princeton.edu/visual_materials/maps/websites/africa/maps-continent/1554munster.jpg  

(NASA Comparative map) – https://landsat.gsfc.nasa.gov/fra-mauros-mappamundi/ 

(Pantocrator map) http://www.bl.uk/learning/timeline/item99816.html (Pinkerton 1818) –http://www.geographicus.com/P/AntiqueMap/Abyssinia-pinkerton-1818 

(Ptolemy Map) – https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f0/Claudius_Ptolemy-_The_World.jpg

Caravans of Gold, Fragments in Time

Kathleen Bickford Berzock is associate director of curatorial affairs at the Block Museum of Art at Northwestern University. She is the author of For Hearth and Altar: African Ceramics from the Keith Achepohl Collection and the coeditor of Representing Africa in American Art Museums: A Century of Collecting and Display.

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Church and State in Late Roman Antiquity

P. J. DeMola is a postgraduate of the School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of Leicester in England.
His principle areas of interest are Roman history, archaeology, and politics, as well as Bronze Age Mesopotamia, and the political history of Middle Kingdom through Late Period Ancient Egypt. He has broad general interests in both Classic and Postclassic Mesoamerican sociopolitical structures.
Paul has studied Ancient Greek and Latin under Professor Graham Shipley, FRHistS, FSA (University of Leicester, British School at Athens), and researched Roman military history with Professor Simon James, FSA (University of Leicester).

If you think you understand the politics of ‘church and state’ relations, then you don’t understand the nature of Christianity in ancient Rome. Late Roman and Christian relationships were at an intercultural turning point by the conclusion of the reign of Diocletian. Relations between Church and State developed as a product of political and social tensions evolving from certain ‘secular’ aspects of late Roman culture. Rome, as a political entity, was in transition from the more traditional ‘pagan’ practices of its past, to a more nominally ‘Christianized’ social environment. Various social, political and economic factors influenced power struggles between church leaders and their secular counterparts. Within the first half the 3rd century, Roman hierarchical order had been pervaded by bishops, whilst Christian ideology coopted many of the old pagan customs of the masses.

 

The ‘Christianized’ Secular Period

During the period of AD 313-363 — roughly from the time of the Edict of Milan to the death of Julian the Apostate — relations of Church and State developed as a product of political and social tensions evolving from certain secular aspects of late Roman culture. Rome, as a political entity, was in a transition from its traditional ‘pagan’ past, to a more nominally ‘Christianized’ social environment. A synthesis of religious piety, pagan ritual and political expediency played out against a backdrop of civil wars and social turmoil. As a result, the historical record reflects a complex era — one that is as much a part of the later Roman period, as it is Late Antiquity. Consequently, the many processes involved during this period are overlapping and difficult to untangle.

Similarly, the latter 4th and early 5th centuries are fraught with political convulsions as the Roman Empire was besieged with existential threats both domestic and foreign. ‘Barbarian’ hoards threatened the stability of the frontiers (literally, limes), whilst subcultural movements generated political havoc. The result was a social volatility that both influenced and was impacted by various institutions. Against this backdrop, the Church’s role seems at first glance passive — at times nothing more than a source of ecclesiastical reportage of current events. For example, Ambrose’s account of the Hunnic onslaught and St. Jerome’s lamentation of the sack of Rome appear as romantic commentaries (Heather 2005: 190; Cameron 1993: 139). However, the reality is the Church was an active player in historical events; even shaping them through the pen.

Over a sixty-seven-year arc (AD 363-430), the Church increasingly expanded into the State arena. This was the product of many causes, among them the fact that Church leadership morphed into a religious oligarchy, supplanting the venerable pagan priesthoods and establishing areas of influence at the imperial court. The result was a rivaling of the old senatorial class, as Christian clergy became the new political élite (LRE 2014: 208-31). At the societal level, Christianity superseded areas of responsibility that were traditionally the purview of Roman cults. Collectively, this stress to governmental structure transformed the nature of its institutional relations into one where Church and State aims essentially aligned. I shall now examine this period in more detail, to reveal how the Church became the State.

Strength in Numbers

It has been stated that Constantine’s support of Christianity in the early decades of the 300s may have made the nascent faith ‘the dominate religion’ of the western world (See Cameron 1993: 77, Cf. 78). This is pure exaggeration. The suggestion that any single human — albeit backed by a political system — is responsible for the sheer scope of Christianity, obscures the intersocial character of Roman-Christianity. For example, churches could be found in Britannia, Carthage and Rome by AD 313. As for the numbers of Christians themselves, as early as the first century, the Apostle James stated that ‘myriads of Jews’ were followers of Christ (Acts of the Apostles 21:20). The use of the plural noun μυριάδες is interesting here because taken literally, it translates as ‘(groupings of) tens of thousands’. When coupled with the size of the population of Jerusalem — estimated to be between 50,000 and 250,000 — this suggests a significant portion of a major eastern center were ‘believers’ at this early Christian juncture (See also Bauckham 1995: 240-43).

From this premise one may extrapolate that the numbers of Christians at non-Jewish (i.e. Gentile) centers may have been equally numerous, especially by the second decade of the 300s. Utilizing primary sources from different periods (e.g. Origen, Eusebius), some scholars have inferred that the number of believers which inhabited the Empire during the early fourth century was quite small (Novak 2001: 119-20; Mitchell 2007: 239). However, the virtual absence of data relating to the number of urban poor Christians throughout the Empire renders any such assumptions invalid. Moreover, the possibility of social prejudice — which might impact an individual’s economic or political standing — suggests early Christians from affluent backgrounds would have been less inclined to identify themselves publically (Cf. Cooper 2007: 161).

Hidden Landscapes, Hidden Agendas

Therefore, I posit that on the eve of the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, Christians were part of a ‘hidden landscape’ that was an integral part of later Roman society (Cooper 2007: 161; contra Cameron 1993: 57; Mitchell 2007: 239; Cf. Stark 1996: 5-9). After all, had the Christian community of AD 313 consisted of only a few insignificant groups existing on the fringes of society, why did the Empire expend so much energy trying to eradicate them (e.g. the ‘persecution edicts’ of AD 202, 249, 250 and 303-12) (See Timbie 2010: 96). It makes little sense. In any case, the dearth of information suggests that the true number of believers is understated in the historical records.

This may be supported by aspects of early fourth century Christian literature which, intriguingly, sought to reconcile Græco-Roman culture and Christian doctrine in an attempt to portray itself as the remedy to a crumbling ‘civilization’ (Cf. St. Basil, Letters; Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum libri VII). One must ask though, who was the intended audience of these musings? The message could not just be for small rural groups. For example, whilst Lactantius warned of an imminent ‘end of Rome’, Eusebius of Caesarea and others worked to recast imperial policy in light of Christian understanding (See also Cameron 1993: 44, 61). Later, individuals such as the Cappadocian Fathers, encouraged young Christians en masse to pursue a classical education. Arguably, the goal of these ‘preachers’ was to shape a grand narrative for all Romans, of a Christian interpretation of the classical world (Brown 1971: 84, 104; Mitchell 2007: 272). In other words, the intent was to forge different segments of society into a Christian Empire (Cameron 1993: 58-59).

The Statist Bishop

Accordingly, it may be argued that it was politically expedient for Constantine to embrace Christianity. For example, changing attitudes toward Christianity in early fourth century Rome necessitated a change in official Roman policy. This is enshrined in the celebrated Edict of Milan (Cameron 1993: 51). Effectively, this decree rescinded all remaining official forms of persecution throughout the Empire. Furthermore, having been issued jointly by Constantine and Licinius — representing both the Western and Eastern halves of the Empire — it may underscore the utilization of Christianity as a sort of a ‘national salve’ for a divided society recovering from civil wars. However, when Licinius passed antichristian decrees — such as the banning of Christian assembly and synodsBishop Eusebius reacted with swift condemnation (Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.51-54.1, 2.1-2).

It has been suggested that Licinius was predisposed to favor Christianity (Cameron 1993: 57). So, how does one explain a series of anti-Christian legislation? It may be dismissed as hyperbole on the part of Eusebius (Mitchell 2007: 242). On the other hand, it is possible that there existed an antichristian element in the eastern imperial court that pressured Licinius (See also Mitchell 2007: 242). If so, this could highlight regional hostilities from certain segments of pagan communities towards Christian groups. Regardless, Eusebius’ reaction may have been further impetus for Constantine to eliminate Licinius. That is to say, it provided Constantine with ecclesiastical support for pursuing a war with Licinius. As such, this episode amplifies the essential role bishops played in fourth century social-politics as Church and State goals blended (Mitchell 2007: 241, 261; See also LRE 2014: 151).

However, the role of bishop was not reserved to acting the part of a religious consigliore to the Emperor or community organizer. Eusebius’ role as ‘official biographer’ for Constantine I helped to mold his reputation as a ‘Christian king’. Thus, it was practical for the emperor to cultivate a relationship with an individual that possessed great influence among Constantine’s ever increasing Roman-Christian subjects. In a sense, as he strives to describe the emperor in a positive light, Bishop Eusebius mirrored the pagan biographers of his time. Such as Ammianus account of Julian’s restitution of pagan rituals in AD 362 (See Cameron 1993: 60-61; Cf. Ammianus 22.5). In this fashion, the bishop had clearly become a valuable political tool at the imperial level.

Onward Christian Soldiers

On the basis of archaeological, epigraphic and textual evidence, some scholars have argued that Christians did not make up an appreciable size of the Roman army, while others have suggested that there were entire ‘Christian legions’ (Dando-Collins 2010: 461, 520; contra Mitchell 2007: 247; Horsley 1987: 123-24; Osborn 1997: 84-85; Cf. Acts 10:1-48). To be sure, during the third century, Tertullian showered hostility on the idea of believers enlisting in the North African legions, suggesting this was a common practice to do so (Dunn 2000: 30-31). However, early to mid-fourth century sources appear to be somewhat silent on the subject (See Dando-Collins 2010: 80). On the other hand, two units of the Praetorian Guard displayed Christian motifs on their shields.

What can be said then?

Because recent persecutions would have been carried out by the army, and given the disproportionately high number of pagans serving in the legions, it is likely that antichristian bigotry was common within the Roman legions during the second decade of the fourth century. Reasonably, this might have quieted soldiers in some quarters from openly confessing any Christian beliefs (Cf. Kuefler 2001: 107-08). This might explain why early fourth century sources are somewhat ambiguous as to their numbers. Conversely, it is plausible that Licinius’ edict compelling soldiers to make sacrifice is indicative of the presence of Christian soldiers openly refusing to participate in the pagan ritual (Barnes 1981: 71). That being said, it may follow that in the east Christian soldiers were more conspicuous.

For example, in AD 320, Pachomius founded a prototype monastery in Tabennisi, Egypt which emphasized communal living over solidarity. An interesting aspect of Pachomius was the fact that he was a former Roman soldier. In addition, his personal philosophy emphasized collectivism and mutual hard work within a ‘community of believers’, or ‘soldiers of Christ’ (Cameron 1993: 82). It may be inferred that his military background was expressed in the collective and ordered manner his monasteries were run. Within a few years, Pachomius had converted seven thousand individuals to an ascetic message (Brown 1971: 99, 101). It should be noted that these monks were in many cases intellectual members of Roman society who were drawn from (potential) public service into a Church lifestyle at the expense of worldly pleasures and general comforts (Brown 1971: 101; Cf. Mathew 19:21-22). It would be interesting to speculate on how many of Pachomius’ converts were former Roman soldiers, but the answer to that question may never be known.

Irrespective, one may get a sense of the complex and changing nature of Roman identity as the relationship between Church and State developed. But how did austere themes become popular amongst hedonistic segments of society? It may be argued that, once legalized, the Church simply ‘Christianized’ pagan philosophies by adopting many of their shared virtues (See Brown 1971: 96-98). For example, fourth century Roman society was already conditioned by Neoplatonism and its pagan forms of asceticism (Cf. Mitchell 2007: 270). Moreover, pagan heroes, such as Plotinus, may have even inspired the lifestyle of Christian monks, such as Anthony the Great (See also Cameron 1993: 82).

A Woman’s Place

According to textual evidence — such as hagiography, letters and imperial decrees — it appears that one of the impacts of Christianity on Roman culture was the more active role women began to play publicly (LRE 2014: 207; See also Mitchell 2007: 87-88). This was counterintuitive to mos maiorum and probably a result of the many functions women held in the early Church (e.g. Luke 8:1-3, Romans 16). However, it should be noted that a Roman-Christian’s concept of ‘public’ only selectively differed from the more pagan traditions of paterfamilias and its hierarchal structure vis-à-vis a woman’s ‘place’ (Cf. Allison 1999: 11; See also Cooper 2007: 54-55, 101). In other words, while women may have been charged publicly with certain church duties, they still held a subservient place to men in Roman state society (See Cameron 1993: 24).

Nevertheless, changing attitudes with regards to men and women was accompanied by a change in existing Roman law. For instance, in AD 320, Constantine repealed the anti-celibacy article of the lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus which forfeited the rights of inheritance to a young woman if she became celibate — a condition of service to the Church (Cameron 1993: 128; See also Cooper 2007: 112-13). Essentially, this law was intended to encourage marriage and childbearing. The repeal, however, represented a significant shift in policy as it had the potential of impacting the social structure of the Roman state by abolishing financial penalties meant to preserve property for the materfamilias in the traditional Roman household (See ‘corpora of property’ in Cooper 2007: 112). I’m not suggesting a demographic convulsion to the state, per se.

Nevertheless, the net result was young women of different social standings taking celibacy vows and entering convents. A case in point may be seen in the young widow Melania the Elder. A noblewoman, she left her only surviving son in Rome to make a pilgrimage across the Empire and live at a monastery (Salisbury 2001: 223-25). A somewhat different example is the life of Macrina the Younger (Fig.3), the daughter of Basil the Elder (Cameron 1993: 24, 83). While Macrina’s early social status is a bit murky, she eventually adopted asceticism and went to ‘live in the wilderness’ while preaching against classical learning (See Holböck 2002: 56-58). From a traditional standpoint, this is shocking. The idea of women from Roman families not marrying to enlarge and preserve the heritage of their paterfamilias, and embracing a public role preaching against conventional Roman education and Græco-Roman virtues, symbolizes a transformation in society, if not in the role of the materfamilias herself (Cf. Cooper 2007: 111-14). That is to say, essential elements of Roman identity (i.e. the ‘Romanness’ of being Roman), were either altering, or, if you prefer, ‘declining’ from their classical perch.

Moreover, by allowing property to follow non-materfamilias females into the monastic world, it had the long-term effect of transferring great amounts of public wealth from one institution — the State — to another — the Church (See Brown 1971: 108-09; Cf. Cooper 2007: 113). This may be deduced from Constantine’s edict allowing Churches to inherit property (Codex Theodosianus 16.2.4). For example, upon her father’s death, Macrina had her family’s estate converted into a covenant (Smith 2006: 224). Thus, a domain which could have possibly housed generations of Roman families invested in civic service, became a perpetual home for virginal women vowed to Christ, and poverty. For a society rooted in public consumption and materialism this had long-term implications (Cf. Heather 2006: 120-23). In any case, it may be argued that bishops, monks and nuns — without family obligations, well-funded, and possessing the ear of the people — redeveloped the Roman landscape.

The Thirteenth Apostle

Another fascinating aspect of the Church and State’s ever-changing relations may be seen in the Decurion controversy of the 320s. In c. AD 320, Constantine issued a judgment that ‘clerics’ were ‘not to be taxed’, and they and their immediate family were excused from civic duties (Codex Theodosianus 16.2.10; Cf. Codex Theodosianus 16.2.1, 2). This may have been an honest attempt to encourage public participation in church service by easing any financial hindrances on Christian charity, while elevating the State’s new Religio Romana (Cf. Mitchell 2007: 258). After all, the Church could aid the State in helping urban and poorer communities. However, it may equally be viewed as a sign of political theater, such as Constantine’s law exempting rabbis from public service (Codex Theodosianus 16.8.2). Edicts such as these generally elicit a positive reaction from their target audience. This is not to impugn Constantine’s personal religious convictions, but to point out his dual nature as a Christian Emperor.

Irrespective, Constantine created an incentive for citizens to join the clergy which had unintended consequences. Members of the Decurion class which was responsible for the maintenance of public facilities within local Roman communities, began to enter church administration to circumvent levies intended for civic amenities (LRE 2014: 68). By AD 326 Constantine had clarified the law to exclude Decurions from joining the clergy (LRE 2014: 69). It may be implied that over a few years an urban crisis had ensued: aqueducts and bath houses probably fell into disrepair, and annona (i.e. free corn dole) distribution declined (See also Harl 1996: 263-64). Here, it may be observed that a shift from pagan to Christian beliefs was motivated strictly by state monetary benefits.

Nevertheless, this should not be construed as cynicism of religious conversion. For example, during the early fourth century Christians already numbered among the senators of Rome (Potter 2014: 309). Evidence for this may be seen on the sarcophagus of one Junius Bassus — ‘a man of senatorial rank’ — which contained Christian iconography and inscriptions (Lee 2000: 97). However, one may infer from Zosimus’ writings that these ‘Christian senators’ were a minority status during the 320s (See LRE 2014: 78). Unsurprisingly, with a pagan majority, hostilities from the senate toward anti-pagan imperial decrees persisted throughout the fourth century (See Mitchell 2007: 247-48). That being said, it would not have necessarily benefited a senator’s reputation among colleagues to be labeled a ‘Christian’.

Conversely, Constantine the Great waded into a religious debate that may hint at the depth of his personal convictions. In the early 320s, the divinity of Christ was called into question by the Arians who disputed the essence of Christ as equal to God the Father (Cameron 1993: 69-70). The result was a series of synods, culminating in the first ecumenical council being called at Nicaea in AD 325 by the emperor — a political figure — to resolve the matter. Unlike some have suggested, however, I believe it was part of Constantine’s intention to have the nature of Christ defined by the council, not just in an attempt to reconcile disparate Christian sects, but as a means of solidifying public support from the non-Arian majority (See Mitchell 2007: 282). In this way, Constantine would have aligned the Church with his administration, and better integrate the bureaucracy into his post as ‘God’s Representative’ (Cf. Cameron 1993: 68). In any case, Constantine’s usage of co-substantial, literally ὁμοούσιος, to define Christ relationship with God (the Father) was so profound that it has influenced.

Churchscape: Mary is Good to Think With

  As we progress through the century, Church and State relationships become most visible in the effect they had on the architectural landscape. For example, in Ephesus, the Church of Mary was constructed during the reign of the Eastern Roman Emperor Theodosius II (Cameron 1993: 172). The location and choice of subject for this dedication is unsurprising as it is Church tradition that the Virgin Mary ascended to Heaven from Ephesus (Cameron 1993: 172). However, rather fascinating is the fact that the basilica was erected next to an earlier Græco-Roman temple — the Temple of Hadrian Olympios — dedicated to the Imperial Cult of the Emperor Hadrian who identified himself as Zeus. Now, on the one hand it may be argued that to the Church, the construction of a sacred structure in this location symbolized a triumph of Christian Rome over its pagan past. However, the temple’s 4th century history conflicts to a certain degree with this interpretation.

For instance, in AD 380, the Proconsul of Asia funded a restoration of the Olympieion which included the insertion of panels depicting the Christian Emperor Theodosius I alongside the goddess Artemis (the Roman Diana) (Cameron 1993: 172; Wilkin 1999: 45). Ironically, that project was coterminous with an edict issued by Theodosius which declared that citizens ‘should live by that religion which divine Peter the apostle is said to have given to the Romans’ (Codex Theodosianus 16.1.2). This presents a paradox. Why would a devoted Christian emperor be featured prominently alongside a pagan goddess? Perhaps the proconsul was expressing his own antichristian bigotry? This is unlikely. A staunch believer and close friend of St. Jerome, the proconsul was Nummius Aemilianus Dexter, the son of Bishop Pacianus (Jerome, De Viris Illustribus Preface, CXXXII, and XXIII).

On the other hand, it may be assumed that work on the renovation was conducted by Ephesian artisans (See Laale 2011: 234). Conceivably, it could follow that Dexter might have been channelling antichristian sentiments from a pagan populace. That is to say that ‘pagan Ephesians’ wanted to associate the emperor with Artemis, and Dexter was merely ‘going along’ for the ride. This interpretation may find support in past imperial decisions, such as Theodosius’ decision to keep temples open for ‘artistic’ reasons (Codex Theodosianus 16.10.8). That decision was meant to placate public anxieties regarding pagan traditions. If this is the case, it could be implied that the late 4th century Ephesians resisted Christianity (Cf. Book of Revelation 2:1-5). Of course, this conclusion also presupposes a strong antichristian bias amongst a population that is presumed to have been predominately pagan.

However, I posit a different solution. It wildly known that Asia Minor had a long and integrated socioeconomic history with the goddess Artemis, and that Ephesus is considered her ‘birthplace’ (Ferguson 1987: 198; Beard et al. 1998: 360). Equally, Christianity possessed a strong presence in the region quite early, and Christian-Ephesians had a history of encounters with the followers of Artemis (Acts of the Apostles 19:23-41). For example, by the end of the 1st century, pagan Ephesians dissented from their Christianized counterparts, typically over monetary issues (See Acts of the Apostles 19:25). I suggest that this cyclical dialogue between two groups created a pagan:Christian dichotomy which eventually diffused within an idolized interpretation of the Virgin Mary (Cf. Book of Revelation 2:1-5). In other words, Mary was beginning to overshadow or encapsulate Artemis.

This may be deduced from central characteristics of Artemis, such as her virginity and the requirement that her priestesses be virgins (Llewellyn-Jones 2006: 89; Cf. Mitchell 2007: 108). Separately, the maintenance of the imperial cult — as supported by the emperor and enshrined in the Temple of Hadrian Olympios — was essential to the political standing of Ephesus (See also Trebilco 2007: 30). That being said, it is probable that late 4th century Ephesians were simply holding onto traditional pagan symbolism for a practical reason (e.g. financial, or political), whilst genuinely embracing Romanized Christianity which — through a diffusion with a pagan cult — had become more tolerable (Cf. ‘religious fluidity’ in LRE 2014: 222).

Interestingly, it is the process of diffusion — encoded in the Theodosius/Artemis artwork of the Temple of Hadrian Olympios — that is essential to understanding the nature of Church and State relations at Ephesus. In short, it becomes evident that paganism preconditioned the Ephesians for Marion theology. Or, put another way, Artemis might be observed as the pagan parallel to the Virgin Mary. Accordingly, the display of a Christian emperor with a pagan deity may not necessarily have compromised an Ephesian’s beliefs because of a bifurcated religious identity rooted in commonalities between competing cults. The long-term implications of this religious synthesis may be observed in the relative success 4th century Christians had in promoting the cult of the Virgin Mary within Asia Minor (Mitchell 2007: 108).

For example, the (one time) virgin Empress Pulcheria and her sisters were key players in the perpetuation of Marion Christianity within the Roman State (Mitchell 2007: 108). Perhaps the result of their efforts can be found in the building of the Church of Mary at Ephesus. Fascinatingly, the timing of the church’s construction (c. AD 420s) coincided with the Nestorian debate over the nature of Christ and the usage of the title ‘Mother of God’, literally Θεοτόκος (Mitchell 2007: 190-91). Thus, an interreligious doctrinal statement might be implied by the edifice. Collectively, a triangulating picture emerges as pagan tradition is interwoven into Church and State politics. The irony being that an active pagan complex also housed a shrine to the mother of Christ.

The Twin Eternal Cities

Turning to the city of Rome — once a thousand-year bastion for paganism — Christianity found architectural expression which reflected both the evolution of Church and State relations that facilitated a ‘decline’ of paganism (contra Salzman 2010: 191-223). Case in point, in AD 386 Emperor Theodosius I commissioned that a new cathedral, the Basilica Papale di San Paolo fuori le Mura, be erected over a smaller Constantinian period structure. The expansion of a church structure might be an architectural metaphor symbolizing political diffusion between State and Church objectives.

In addition, it may provide a picture of the increasing social inclusion of Roman-Christians within urban Italy (See also LRE 2014: 178-79). Still, the basilica is located outside the Aurelian Walls away from the pagan temple center and this may suggest a lack of tolerance (Cf. LRE 2014: 176). Nonetheless, it sits along the Via Ostiensis immediately adjacent to the sentry gate Porta San Paolo on the road to seaport town of Ostia (Ammianus 1986: 500). Consequently, travelers and merchants making treks between Rome and Ostia met with a magnificent shrine that supposedly housed the remains of the great Apostle to the Gentiles.

Another example appears in the (then) new capital of the Western Empire: Milan. Here, Bishop Ambrose (see below) personally oversaw the erection of the colossal Basilica Ambrosiana in AD 375 (Cameron 1993: 126). At the time, Ambrose was Bishop of Milan and part of his duties included raising funds for religious ventures (Smith 2003: 160). Concurrently, municipal patronage shifted away from civic infrastructure and was redirected toward Christian building projects (Brown 1971: 108-09). Viewed from this perspective, the Ambrosiana may be a by-product of the struggles between Christianity and paganism, as a new ‘religious élite’ — sheered from its secular past — converted public space into a Christian setting. A similar occurrence might be seen at the SS Giovanni e Paolo which was financed by the patronage of one Pammachius, a Roman-Christian senator (LRE 2014: 179). The dedication stone boldly citing Pammachius by name — is a wonderful example of Christians becoming more open about their beliefs.

Be that as it may, the Ambrosiana became a focus of Christian refuge during a time of politico-religious turmoil. For instance, during a push by Emperor Valentinian II in AD 386 to install an Arian bishop at Milan, congregational believers led by Ambrose barricaded themselves inside the basilica refusing to accept the controversial appointment (Mitchell 2007: 272). Interestingly, this episode showcases the changing political dynamics in late Roman society as imperial decisions were now increasingly ‘peer-reviewed’ by the Church. Eventually the résistance won the struggle and Valentinian — an Arian himself — withdrew his forces and his controversial appointment.

Consequently, the playing out of doctrinal differences within Church and State institutions resulted in a heretical Emperor acquiescing to the wishes of an orthodox Bishop and his congregation (i.e. the church, or ἐκκλησία — the new Roman masses). In other words, an internal political decision was governed by religious pressure. Moreover, it may be inferred that the State’s influence in many socioeconomic matters — such as charitable and religious affairs — had yielded to the purview of the Church strictly because Christianity was adopted by the masses (Cf. Julian, Letter 84; See also LRE 2014: 179-80). All the while, the Ambrosiana itself functioned quite literally as a battleground for sociocultural transformation.

However, diversion of public funds and doctrinal disputations were not the only feature of Church and State relations symbolized by a church construction. It should be noted that the Church’s ability to frame communal festivities around non-pagan activities was useful. For example, during the late 4th century, the dedication of two buildings in Gaza met with public jubilance (Cameron 1993: 175-76). Drinking and fireworks were followed by cavorting on a scale unusual for ‘Christian’ ceremonies. Traditionally, such behavior was associated with pagan rituals. However, by ‘Christianizing’ activities once associated with civic functions, the Church was arguably able to redirect and conform secular energies to Church programs. In a sense, it could be seen as reverse evangelism, where ‘worldly’ conduct infected church life (Cf. Maiuma in Mitchell 2007: 229).

Deconstructionism

It was not always what was constructed but rather deconstructed that typified the playing out of Church and State affairs. More often than not, the late 4th and early 5th centuries saw the destruction of non-Christian structures which assisted in ‘converting’ the pagan landscape. For instance, in AD 386, the Praetorian Prefect of the eastern Empire Maternus Cynegius led a group of monks in the pillaging of a number of pagan temples in Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (Fig.6) (Libanius, Speech; Theodoret, Historia Ecclesiastica, V.21). In addition, that same year a temple of Zeus in Syria was destroyed in a violent anti-pagan uprising led by Bishop Marcellus which saw many pagan Romans massacred by Roman-Christians (Cameron 1993: 75). A commonality of these raids — one led by a state official and the other a member of clergy — is that it was believers, not the military, which carried them out. In other words, Christians had become violent about their convictions.

That being said, given the geographical expanse and systematic manner in which these raids were carried out, it appears that they were a religious form of ‘ethnic cleansing’. This may be supported by a comparison with previous, more moderate ‘Valentinianesque’ laws that did not touch the buildings themselves (See Codex Theodosianus 16.10.8; Cf. Codex Theodosianus 9.16.9). A picture begins to emerge where Church and State policies fused in the form of ancient pogroms. Moreover, it may be argued that the Church not only had the blessings of the emperor but possessed incredible sway over people and the local magistrates (Trombley 1993: 124). So, why did State’s policies evolve into open hostilities on pagan subjects? From various sources, I have put together a short hypothesis which may illuminate the motives behind the change.

‘The Opium of the Masses’

The earlier policies of Theodosius I targeted pagan ritual and did not encourage violence against pagan subjects. In fact, initiation rituals such as the taurobolium were tolerated, and a common circumvention of anti-sacrificial edicts (LRE 2014: 189-90). It should be noted that a strong pagan element existed within aristocratic Rome, embodied by the likes of Praetextatus and Flavianus (LRE 2014: 180). However, by the 380s, social unrest was afoot, instigated largely by Christian clergy. For example, in AD 383, the pagan Prefect of Rome Symmachus expressed concerns for the survival of paganism; later raising the issue of religious toleration (Symmachus, Letters 1.51; Symmachus, Memorandum 3.3-10).

Taken literally, it may be inferred that believers — whose numbers had increased throughout the 4th century — were becoming increasingly hostile toward sanctuaries of pagan worship (Cf. De Mola 2014: 2-3). Moreover, it suggests that the role of bishop was on parity with the emperor. This decline of imperial supremacy in matters of the Church can be traced back to Valentinian I when he suggested his power did not extend into the Church (Sozomen, Church History 6.21.7). In any case, Bishop Ambrose’s boldness in insisting that Valentinian II resist non-Christian courtiers, may be interpreted as a sign of an increasingly vociferous pro-Christian populace. This perspective may be supported by Ambrose’s personal communiques to Theodosius at Constantinople which (coincidentally?) preceded an Empire wide ban on pagan rituals (See Codex Theodosianus 16.10.10).

What can be said then? In less than a decade, the Church had grown in court influence, while more radicalized elements of Christianity spearheaded change to public perceptions. The result? A transformation of imperial policy toward pagans which gave rise to the destruction of ancient edifices and the massacre of pagan Romans. Viewed in this light, the aggressive actions of Cynegius might be seen as the direct product of the Church, and not necessarily an action spawn by the government.

In other words, while preaching to Roman masses, the Church pushed the limits of existing laws and pressured officials to sanction a wave of anti-pagan violence. The State — seemingly losing control of its own affairs — legitimized such behavior by giving its stamp of approval. In such an environment, is it any wonder why Libanius chose to speak brazenly to an emperor when he warned of imminent conflict between pagans and Christians (Lee 2000: 121)? From this train of thought, it may be concluded that the rise of Arbogast and subsequent death of Valentinian II (AD 392) was the inevitable consequence of Christian overreach into political affairs, but this is just speculation.

A similar display of imperial subservience to the Church can be seen in its dealings with Jews. A case in point being the destruction of a Callinicum synagogue in AD 388 by riotous Christians (Ferguson 1999: 43; Mitchell 2007: 236). Angered over the incident, Emperor Theodosius I demanded that the citizens pay for the restoration of the synagogue. However, Bishop Ambrose utterly rejected the notion that Christians should pay reparations to the Jews; going so far as to label them ‘condemned’ by God — ironically quoting the Hebrew Prophet Jeremiah as he did (Ambrose, Letter 87). Moreover, he compelled Theodosius to summarily rescind his own edict (Lee 2000: 159-62).

Consequently, the destruction of a part of the Jewish landscape reflected the power of the Church at the expense of the emperor. It also suggests — given Ambrose’s writings — that the Church essentially viewed Jews as ‘pagans’. However, it should be noted that the Codex Theodosianus also prevented Jews from being declared ‘heretics’, thus preserving their existence in the Empire (Foa 2000: 26; See also Codex Theodosianus 16.8.9; contra 16.8.24). Perhaps then it would be best to categorize Jews as an anomaly amongst the Romans of our period — neither pagan, nor Christian. Nonetheless, the affair at Callinicum displays a dark twist on Church and State relationships simply because it provides a glimpse into the future of Christian perceptions of Jews as the medieval world draws nigh.

Conclusions

In this article, I have discussed in some detail the playing out of relationships between the Church and State during the period of AD 363-430. To begin with, I inferred through demographic analysis of historical data, a reasonable hypothesis as to the scope of Christianity at the start of our period. This formed the theoretical foundation for my discussion as it provided a premise for deductions involving Christianity’s influence on political structures. From here, I discussed the role of bishops as religious courtiers and their function in remodeling state policy. Turning to monasticism, I examined the role monks and nuns had in reshaping cultural philosophy and how this may have transformed economic and social institutions which impacted governmental organizations. In addition, I analyzed the politico-religious difficulties arising from the administration of a ‘Christian Empire’. All the while, I endeavored to highlight changes to State and Church relations, as the latter developed and eventually upended many of the cultural traditions of the former.

During the second half I examined material remains in light of historical sources. Drawing comparisons between religious beliefs and architectural structures, I analyzed the ‘Churchscape’ of the east and west as Christianity spread throughout the empire. This allowed for an in depth theoretical survey of Christian doctrine and its reflection in the urban landscape. How Christian thought came to occupy and mould human space. From here, I turned to highlighting the pagan heritage of Roman Christian belief, or, perhaps better put, Romanized Christianity. Utilizing ancient biographers and their writings, I outlined religious conflict and diffusion as it played out in the historical landscape. This led into a description of the growing role the Church bishop played and how his authority and influence devolved from a weakening imperial court. I presented this as a hypothesis which, in part, formed a second underlining theme of this paper.

My conclusion is that the Church blended with the State, until the imperial office (within reason) became acquiescent to Church affairs. Of course, broadly, this depended on many variables, such as the personage of the bishop, strength of the emperor and the period in question. This is one of the reasons why I chose the early 360’s — specifically the end of Julian’s reign — as a dividing point for this topic. Arguably, the reign of Julian the Apostate was a turning point in the affairs of both Rome and Christianity. In any case, Church and State relations would continue to fluctuate until the end of the Western Empire.


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The Fall of Babylon: A Reassessment

Rabbi Steven Fisdel is the founder of the Center for Jewish Mystical Studies in Albany, California. Rabbi Fisdel has firsthand experience with both the esoteric and practical sides of Kabbalah, studying the original texts, clarifying the ideas and subsequently teaching the traditional doctrines to people of all spiritual backgrounds. Rabbi Fisdel served for 12 years in the congregational rabbinate in California. He served as a core faculty member of Chochmat HaLev, a center for Jewish meditation and spirituality, from its inception and was for many years a visiting scholar at the Esalen Institute in Big Sur. He is the author of two books, “The Practice of Kabbalah” and “The Dead Sea Scrolls: Understanding Their Spiritual Message.” He has written and produced two CD sets, Meditations on the Tree of Life and The Katriel Deck: The Original Kabbalist Tarot. His current work in progress is an in-depth explanation of the fundamental principles of Kabbalist thought and practice.

Rabbi Fisdel received his BA at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and both his BHL and MA at Spertus College of Judaica in Chicago. He was trained and received rabbinic ordination from Rabbi Zalman Schachter-Shalomi, the founder of the Jewish Renewal movement.

One of the most pivotal points in ancient history is the fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire[i]. Its demise was sudden and unexpected. It changed the reality and the very trajectory of civilization in the Old World. Since the fall of Babylonia helped ensure and consolidate the establishment of the Persian Empire under Cyrus II[ii], it is important that a more accurate assessment be made to understand exactly what happened that changed things so profoundly. In this brief paper, the intention is to reconstruct as effectively as possible the actual circumstances of Babylon’s fall by reviewing and reassessing the materials that we have available to us from antiquity.

I contend that to understand the dimensions of this epic series of events it is necessary to view the information that we already have, primarily from a political perspective, which means taking into account the practical nature of political struggle, its complexity and the attending intrigue.

Rise to Power

The best way to approach this subject is as a narrative centering on the reign of the sixth ruler of the 11th Dynasty, the last king of Babylon, Nabonidus[iii]. As background, it is important to note that the Neo-Babylonian Empire only lasted 87 years, from 626 to 539 BC. The first Neo-Babylonian ruler of the 11th dynasty was Nabopolassar (626 -605 BC), an Assyrian official who rebelled and established himself as king in Babylonia, ejecting the Assyrians in 616 BC and then proceeding to destroy the Assyrian Empire. His son, Nebuchadnezzar, sent an army (possibly more than once) west toward Egypt, conquered Judah, destroyed the Jerusalem Temple in the process, and incorporated both Phoenicia and Cilicia into the empire.

Amel-Marduk, the third king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, reigned only two years before being murdered by Nebuchadnezzar’s son-in-law, Neriglissar, who was a capable official and good businessman. His son, Labashi-Marduk, however, was killed within a year by a group of senior officials, who saw him as absolutely unfit to rule. Labashi-Marduk was seen as a child who was cruel and evil. After 9 months, he was tortured to death. In his place, Nabonidus was named to be king. Remarkably, his reign lasted 17 years. On the whole, though, it seems that the whole tenor of the 11th dynasty was not particularly stable.

The Nabonidus Reign, Exile and Belshazzar

Upon taking the throne, Nabonidus was 60 years old. He was from a noble family, but not the royal family. He had held important posts under both Nebuchadnezzar and Neriglissar. One of the most noticeable traits of Nabonidus was that he was a great devotee of the god Sin[iv], whose central shrine appears to have been in Harran. He seems to have made it his mission to promote and elevate the worship and position of Sin within the empire as a whole. It is important to remember that Sin, the moon god, was central and pivotal in the Assyrian pantheon. This would not make Nabonidus popular, since the Babylonians suffered for a very long time under the Assyrian yoke.

Moreover, Harran was the strategic city commanding the roads from Northern Mesopotamia to Syria and Asia, therefore possessing as a result a hugely important marketplace. This is certainly a prime reason why Nabonidus would lavish great attention on its god. However, Nabonidus by no means restricted the promotion of Sin to just Harran. He rebuilds the Temple to Sin there, which was destroyed by the Medes in the process of overthrowing Assyria. It is stated in the Nabonidus Cylinders[v] that the god Marduk commanded him to rebuild the sanctuary of Ehulhul and specifically establish the god Sin there. In doing so, Nabonidus marched from Gaza with numerous troops and rebuilt it anew on the foundation of Assurbanipal, who had built on the foundation of Shalmaneser III. He refers to Sin as the Creator and King of the Gods[vi].

Apparently, there was a great deal of discontent and opposition against Nabonidus in the first half of his reign. In the stele called the Verse Account of Nabonidus[vii], the statement is made that the country had descended into lawlessness. The king listened to no one. As a result, the common people perished through hunger. Trade was interfered with and prosperity ruined. The nobility was decimated, killed in war. Farmers were ruined, because the country’s arable land was not being protected. This was complicated by the confiscation of property (probably illegally or wantonly). The accusation is leveled that the king has defied the gods and established Sin as lord of the gods. The stele also laments that a cessation of the New Year festival has occurred.

The Nabonidus Chronicle states that the king went into self-imposed exile in Arabia for a period of 10 years. It would seem that he really had no other viable choice under the circumstances, if he wished to save his crown. However, due to Nabonidus’ decade long absence, the New Year’s Festival[viii] ceased. It could not be held, since the presence and participation of the king was central to this vital ritual. The Babylonians believed the order of the universe had to be restored every year in order to prevent the cosmos from devolving back into chaos.

During the New Year Festival, the critical rituals were done to maintain order and ensure blessing and prosperity. The rituals revolved on reestablishing the proper relationship between the people — represented by the king — and the gods, represented by the chief god, Marduk.

The welfare of the nation and its structural coherence, as well as the natural hierarchy of the universe was seen to be totally dependent on the precise rituals that had to be carried out during the New Year Festival.  The rituals revolved around the re-creation of the World, the Defeat of Chaos, the Restoration of Order, the Forgiving of the Past and the Determination of Destiny. The King was the representative of the country. It was he who faced Bel and then installed Marduk.

Any cessation of the New Year Festival would have been devastating, let alone one that lasted a full decade. The practical and psychological trauma this induced must have been enormous. Moreover, it came on the heels of a period of time in which the country had deteriorated into lawlessness.

The Verse Account indicates that Nabonidus entrusted the army to his son, Belshazzar[ix] and entrusted kingship to Belshazzar and himself. It appears then that Belshazzar was empowered to run the government, while Nabonidus moved to Arabia for political refuge and for purposes of political maneuvering. It seems that one of Nabonidus’ aims was to build up the Arabian Peninsula as a buffer against possible Persian expansion. It is also interesting that the god Sin was a very prominent deity in the Arabian pantheon.

It is important to note that in the Nabonidus Cylinders from the great city of Ur, Nabonidus fervently prays to Sin that he not sin against the god and that he fulfill all the rituals without any errors or mistakes. He makes a point of praying that Belshazzar show the same reverence and care, so that as a result both he and Belshazzar are rewarded for their piety. This indicates that divine rituals had to be completed fully and meticulously in order to bring harmony and blessing. More importantly, it is clear that Nabonidus, at the time of his departure from Babylon, understood he and Belshazzar to be completely on the same page. Nabonidus at that time had total confidence in Belshazzar and felt comfortable leaving him as his agent in the capital and in effective administrative and military control.

The famous authority on Ancient Mesopotamia, Georges Roux, asserts that Belshazzar was put in charge of the country because he had a record of being an able soldier and administrator and that he respected and revered the ancient traditions, thus restoring and renovating the Temples of Marduk, something erroneously attributed to Nabonidus.

The Chronicle of Nabonidus states that from the seventh to the eleventh year of his sojourn in Arabia (meaning the seventh through tenth year) Nabonidus was in the oasis of Tayma. Inscriptions from Harran note that Nabonidus wandered from oasis to oasis as far as Yathrib. This would accord with the Biblical evidence that Nabonidus went through a period where he completely lost his mind and his mental faculties.

Upon arriving in Tayma, Nabonidus kills the ruling prince. He and the army then take up residence there and proceed to literally work the people to death building a replica of his palace in Babylon. This very possibly indicates that he was in permanent exile and could not return to Babylon.

It is interesting here to note that the following story appears in the fourth chapter of the Book of Daniel: A dream that Daniel interprets for the king prophesies that because of the king’s iniquities and arrogance, he will be driven away from men and live like a beast in the field, eating grass and being washed only by the dew of heaven[x]. Only through generosity to the poor can his sins be redeemed. But the king did not heed this advice. He remained selfish and arrogant. As a result, twelve months after the prophecy, the king is driven away and for seven seasons lives in the fields with the animals, eats grass and drinks the dew, his hair growing as long and thick as eagle’s wings and his nail resembling the talons of a bird. When the allotted time is up, the king regains his senses and his faculties return. He gives thanks and admits that there is greater power in the world than he is.

In the Biblical story, the king named is Nebuchadnezzar. However, in the same account found in the Dead Sea Scrolls, the king is Nabonidus. This accords with many of the ancient assertions that Nabonidus was insane. It seems that in general, Nabonidus was very self-referenced (possibly narcissistic), arrogant and unconcerned about the welfare of others. However, at some juncture during the years he was in Tayma, Nabonidus seems to have had a complete nervous breakdown and/or a psychotic episode. In the cuneiform text, the Verse Account of Nabonidus, he is called a liar, claiming victories he never won. The stele asserts that Nabonidus claimed triumphs that were either not his or never occurred. He would also claim to see visions and those would provide him with access to secret, esoteric knowledge. Such knowledge led him to lecture the priests on holy matters and rituals He was branded as a heretic.

This account raises the possibility that Nabonidus did not necessarily go into exile completely voluntarily. He may have been under considerable pressure to do so by the kingdom. The ancient record does indicate that he was not very well liked. Moreover, the exile in Arabia seems to have exacerbated matters and pushed him over the edge completely.

A more important point is that for ten years Belshazzar ran the empire primarily on his own. Much of the army and all of the administration were left in his hands, while Nabonidus was driven away (according to Daniel) and preoccupied with establishing control over Arabia. The fact that Nabonidus built an exact duplicate of the royal palace in Tayma surgests he did not believe he could ever return or at least would be in exile for a very long time, if not permanently.

It is quite likely that Belshazzar did keep Nabonidus responsibly updated on what the situation in Babylonia was, on a regular basis. Belshazzar had a great respect for tradition, family and duty. Whether Nabonidus responded or not, or even cared that much, is another question, considering he had his own agenda and focus.

Cyrus II ascended the throne of Persia 3 years prior to Nabonidus’ ascension in Babylonia. During the years Nabonidus was in Arabia, Cyrus was establishing his own empire. He conquered Ionia, Asia Minor, Parthia, Sogdia, Bactria and part of India. In response, Nabonidus raised troops in Syria and subsequently invaded Arabia.

Return of the King

According to the Book of Daniel, it was the king’s conviction that his sanity was restored to him in its entire splendor specifically for the glory of Babylonia. After completely recovering his faculties, it says that at that juncture Nabonidus was sought out by the court and the nobility and that he was reestablished in the kingdom with even more power. This would indicate that several crucial realities were emerging as a result of his recovery. First, that upon regaining his sanity, Nabonidus believed that he had been brought back to life and elevated to an even higher level of competence and grandeur than he previously exhibited. With this greater power, he was destined to expand the glory and power of the empire.

At this point, Nabonidus is contacted by the nobility, who want to reestablish him in Babylon and are willing to give the king substantial support. This does not mean that all of the nobility was reaching out to Nabonidus. The biblical text refers to “companions” and “nobles.” That presumably means close friends and supporters. The increasing success of Cyrus may have been the pivotal, if not the most salient and pressing, reason for turning to the king, i.e. the defense of the empire.

It is now that we need to examine the position that Belshazzar was in, so as to understand the dynamics of what actually transpired and how the Neo-Babylonian Empire was brought to an end.

What is most important to bear in mind is that while the archeological and historic records all blame Nabonidus with causing economic ruin[xi], social turmoil, injustice and heresy, no such complaints or allegations were made throughout the 10 years that Belshazzar was effectively the ruler. It seems fairly apparent that Nabonidus’ push to promote Sin as the prime deity of Babylon and the empire caused very fundamental and practical ruptures within the daily life of the people and government. It was also a direct assault on the power and prestige of the central priesthood that served Marduk.

The ardent desire of Nebuchadnezzar (and his successors in all likelihood) was to model the Neo-Babylonian Empire socially, politically and economically along the lines of the laws, policies and culture of the early Babylonian dynasties. The focus was on reviving all of the elements that had made Old Babylonia great in the more distant past. This policy reflects a society that was very mindful of tradition. The religion of Mesopotamia was astrologically based, so an important function of the priesthood was to determine what the gods were planning to do and what fate they were ordaining so that the leaders and people knew how to proceed. They could propitiate the gods and beg for forgiveness if the gods were unfavorable or angry. Alternately, they could offer praise and lavish offerings to the gods if they were well disposed.

By promoting Sin as the central deity, not only was the divine order being massively disrupted, much of practical life and society was directly affected by the commotion. Not only were the temples the cultic centers, they were also the major economic and financial centers. Nabonidus’ policies undermined the system, throwing much of the society and the economy into deep uncertainty and subsequent chaos. This would appear to be the cause of the distress and commotion that forced Nabonidus to flee or be exiled to Arabia. It would also be the root conflict between Belshazzar and Nabonidus.

Historical accounts do not accuse Belshazzar of ever being lawless, arrogant or of being a heretic. Nabonidus was preoccupied by the subjugation of Arabia, while Belshazzar ran the governance of the empire. Belshazzar continued to operate as the sole ruler effectively during the years that Nabonidus lost his mind altogether.

We do not know exactly at what point in time Nabonidus recovered from his debilitating condition. We do know, however, that the New Year Festival[xii] was resumed during the 17th year of Nabonidus’ reign. This means it was at that time, the last year of his reign, that Nabonidus returned to Babylon per se. Whether or not he returned to Babylonia in general, earlier than his entrance into the capital, is another question.

In psychological terms, a person coming out of a coma, an emotional trauma or an emotional breakdown often exhibits personality and/or behavioral changes. Sometimes, these changes manifest as the intensification of certain already active beliefs and behaviors. At other times, the experience can activate latent or dormant ones.

When Nabonidus ‘reclaimed’ his sanity, he had to have realized that Belshazzar had become the sole ruler of the empire during his absence, and easily have come to the paranoid conclusion that Belshazzar had usurped the throne. His son, in his mind, had become his biggest enemy. If he wished to regain the throne, Nabonidus would need a strong ally and a covert plan of operation.

It would appear that Nabonidus, upon returning, set about exercising his authority. This normally would have had to be done gradually and discreetly. However, under the threat of an imminent war with Persia, the process could be moved along much faster. Under urgency of these circumstances, it would also be easier to marginalize Belshazzar. This could be reinforced by slander to Belshazzar’s subordinates about his son. In the ancient records, Nabonidus was accused of lying as well as taking credit for achievements that were not his. Slandering an opponent to destroy his credibility and isolate him is a critical step in the process of destroying him. It is all the more effective if the statements are coming from an authority figure that abuses his title for self gain.

By this time, Cyrus had extended his empire to the Arabian Gulf and the two empires were bordering each other. Cyrus crossed the Tigris River in 539 BC and attacked the Babylonian forces at Opis. We have no direct information about who the Babylonian commander was or what the casualty figures were. However, the people of Opis and/or elements of the army revolted and it was Nabonidus who quashed the rebellion. This would indicate that it was Nabonidus at the head of the army. The sources report that the Persians massacred the Babylonian forces and that the governor of Gutium (Assyria) with his forces changed sides and defected to Cyrus.

This fiasco could be understood in two different ways: (1) Nabonidus was old and incompetent at this juncture. After all, he was in his late 70’s and had recently recovered from a major psychological breakdown in the not too distant past. And (2), he was secretly working with Cyrus in order to regain his throne, this claim supported by both Cyrus’ and Nabonidus’ cylinders referencing each other in a manner that indicates comradery. In that case, the army at Opis, as well as the population, realized from Nabonidus’ behavior that something was very seriously wrong and that the king was either endangering their lives or betraying them. When they rebelled, he ruthlessly cut them down. In this scenario, he would have also ordered the Assyrian forces to defect. This would leave Babylonia highly, but not completely, vulnerable.

To prepare for the takeover of Babylonia, there was already fierce psychological warfare being waged by the Persians depicting Cyrus not as a conqueror, but as a liberator and savior. He was heralded as a very wise, humane and enlightened ruler who freed peoples from corruption, crisis and oppression and was benevolent and merciful.

After the Battle of Opis, Cyrus takes a circuitous route before he reaches the very important city of Sippar, which he conquers without any resistance. After the surrender of the city, Nabonidus, who was there at the time, exits and heads directly to Babylon itself. Two factors are worth considering here. One is why was Nabonidus in Sippar without an army? The second question would be; is it possible that it was not the bulk of the Babylonian army that was defeated at Opis. Perhaps that is why Cyrus approached Sippar cautiously. However, if Nabonidus did have a sizable army at hand, why would he avoid facing the Persians?

It is worth seriously considering that in order to regain his throne from Belshazzar he worked out an arrangement with Cyrus to facilitate a takeover, in exchange for making the Babylonian empire an ally of the Persian or for ruling Babylonia as a co-regent in a united empire. Both Cyrus’ and Nabonidus’ cylinder transcripts suggest as much.

Babylon and the Jews

Before going into the fall of Babylon itself, it is important to discuss the significance of the Jews, their position in the empire and their relationship to the court.

The status of the Jews in the Neo-Babylonian Empire was very favorable as can be deduced from the biblical material. In the first chapter of the Book of Daniel it states that Nebuchadnezzar specifically took talented men from among the Judaean captives and had them trained in Aramaic, the literature and culture of Babylonia and then incorporated them into the court as officials and administrators. When Meshach, Shadrach and Abed-Nego survived the ordeal of the fiery furnace, the king made them administrators of the province of Babylonia. For his service, Daniel was appointed the prefect of all the wise men of Babylon and appointed governor of the province.

In the Book of Ezra, Chapter 1, it lists the names of the prominent men and their families that were returning to Judaea to resettle under Cyrus’s edict. The amount of wealth that they carried with them was substantial, apart from the Holy Vessels of Jerusalem and the monetary donations collected from the Jewish community. It is stated that priests, prophets, heads of the clans and even Nehemiah, who Cyrus appointed as governor of Judaea, went. The Book of Daniel places the number at over 42,000[xiii]. In accord with Biblical reckoning this number in all probability only includes the important families, not necessarily the ordinary people who chose to return as well. One way or the other, in spite of the intense emotional pull and the joy of being repatriated in their homeland, the number of people returning by no means is anywhere near the total Jewish population. The vast majority of the Jews in Babylonia chose to stay, which strongly suggests that they had found a comfortable place in Babylonian society.

Their acceptance and success may be the reason why, on one hand, Meshach, Shadrach and Abed-Nego and later, Daniel, are denounced by some nobles and why, on the other, that Darius is so relieved and happy that Daniel survived the lions’ den. Daniel remained a prominent figure from the time of Nebuchadnezzar until the ascension of Cyrus, which means that he had to have had a similar relationship to Belshazzar. In other words, the Jews remained valuable assets and loyal servants of the crown throughout the existence of the empire.

In Mesopotamian belief, an idol was not a statue. It was the god or goddess incarnate. The god or goddess inhabited the image and operated from their temple to dwell amidst people of the city, so as to watch over them and rule. When the hostilities first began with the Persians, Nabonidus had the gods from many of important cities removed from their sanctuaries[xiv] and brought to Babylon. This would frighten and demoralize the population since in times of danger the people looked to the gods for protection and solace. Nabonidus’ move rendered the populous helpless and terrified. The gods had left them abandoned. In essence, Nabonidus was holding the gods captive, thereby removing any aid and protection.

According to Herodotus, shortly after Nabonidus went into exile, the queen Nitocris (most likely with Belshazzar’s help) built fortifications in defense of Babylonia. Since Belshazzar was in constant communication with Nabonidus[xv], it is almost certain that he had a fair working knowledge of the whole system. That would mean Nabonidus was in a position to provide Cyrus information vital for bypassing Babylon’s defenses and taking the city by stealth and surprise. The Persians knew to dig canals to divert the river water that ran under Babylon’s walls, so as to lower the water level and allow troops into the city. Who fed them the schematics of the defense system, if not Nabonidus?

This brings us to the issue of the feast[xvi] taking place in the palace, the coup de grâce. With the loss of a substantial part of the army during the battle of Opis and the surrender of Sippar, the last step in the process of bringing down Belshazzar and regaining control of the country was the capture of Babylon itself. With knowledge of the empire’s defenses, the Persians could infiltrate the city. However, it was not in Nabonidus’s interest to have his forces slaughtered if his aim was to effectively govern. They needed to be neutralized, not killed.

At the time of the assault on Babylon, there was a great feast occurring in the palace. This feast is stressed in the Book of Daniel and in the writings of Herodotus and Xenophon. At such a time, this makes no sense whatsoever. During a major war which threatens Babylonia’s empire, if not her independence, why have such a huge feast at such an inappropriate time?

In the 5th chapter of Daniel, it states that Belshazzar organized the feast and was present. It also points out that the feast was attended by 1000 of his nobles. In other words, a very large number of those present were supporters of Belshazzar, as opposed to those nobles who were allied more directly to Nabonidus.

In Daniel, mention is made that during the course of the feast, everyone became very drunk and that not only were the nobles there, but so were their consorts and concubines. Herodotus describes the feast as being filled with debauchery. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that Babylon fell without a struggle. It was not because the population was looking to be liberated from traumatic conditions, as Persian propaganda claimed. Rather, the “peaceful takeover” was due to the fact that the city was invaded by stealth, while the nobles were conveniently all gathered together in the same place. Drunk and exhausted, they were not in any mental or physical shape to think clearly, let alone to fight.

Why the feast was held at all is a matter of conjecture. However, a couple of logical possibilities come to mind. Belshazzar was an effective and intelligent ruler. It is not likely that he came up with this idea on his own. Ordinarily, having a great feast at this time would not make sense, either logically or militarily. The order to have such a lavish celebration had to have come from elsewhere. That would be Nabonidus, who could act through his supporters at court without being there himself. Nabonidus was in the country, though not in Babylon proper. This would allow him to issue orders, marginalize Belshazzar and set him up to take the fall.

The two strongest possibilities for explaining why the feast was held when it was are; Nabonidus ordered it on the pretext that he was returning to the capital and that reconciliation was about to take place, or that word had been spread deliberately that the Persians had suffered a massive defeat and a celebration was in order.

This ‘celebration’ tactic would include Nabonidus demanding the sacred vessels from the Temple in Jerusalem be used in the feast. The use of the sacred vessels is stressed in Daniel and mentioned as a serious issue in both Herodotus and Xenophon. The primary reason for such mention and emphasis is that this kind of action constitutes an act of wanton and deliberate sacrilege.

Jeremiah had prophesied at the time Jerusalem was destroyed, that the exile would be over in 70 years time. The Jewish community in Babylonia, as well as the government, was very aware of this fact. Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonidus and even Darius the Mede, had direct experiences with the God of the Jews and respected His power.

The Jews were longing to go back, reestablish the homeland and to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem. Both, symbolically and practically, this meant that they would be returning with the Temple vessels. However when some of the vessels were used in the feast under Nabonidus’ order, they were defiled ritually and could never, under biblical law, be used again in the Temple. The political message that this transmitted was that the government, ostensibly under Belshazzar, had no intention of ever repatriating the Jews to Judaea.

The objective of this move by Nabonidus was to drive a wedge between the Jews and Belshazzar, thus depriving him of a strong base of support. The feast had a double-edged purpose. On one hand, it neutralized the nobles who supported Belshazzar and turned them over to the Persians ‘without a struggle’ and also caused a tremendous breach between the Jews and Belshazzar.

In one fell swoop, two of the central pillars upon which Belshazzar depended were torn away, completely destroying his position and laying the blame for Babylon’s fall squarely on his shoulders.

It is emphasized in Cyrus’ cylinder material that Sippar and Babylon were taken without a fight. Nabonidus was present in or around both locations at the time they ‘welcomed’ the Persians. It would seem that in all probability, Nabonidus pulled off the same type of deceit and betrayal in Sippar as he did in Babylon. There was a close relationship between what happened in both locales, probably because there were close connections between the two cities. An indication of this is the fact that when Nabonidus removed the gods from most of their sanctuaries and brought them to Babylon, Sippar was one of the few cities that was exempted.

Belshazzar seems to ask for Daniel’s help. When Daniel was able to interpret the vision that Belshazzar had of the feast’s writing on the wall[xvii], the message made known that the kingdom was falling to Cyrus citing, ‘your kingdom is divided’ in present tense. It was not a prophecy of future events, but rather a notice stating the current facts, with premeditated intentions. Belshazzar’s knees knocked, he was terrified at realizing the full truth of how he was manipulated and deceived, what his father’s agenda really was and the extent of the betrayal.

Prior to translation, he offers Daniel the position of third in the kingdom. This means that Daniel should join a triumvirate. The first in line would be Nabonidus, who regardless of all the treachery is still the lawful king. Belshazzar would remain as second and Daniel would be the third in command. With that constellation of power, tradition would be respected and upheld and the combination of Belshazzar and Daniel working together would hold Nabonidus in check. Belshazzar was hoping to reverse the unfolding situation and save Babylon.

What he did not realize was that it was already too late. Within hours, the nobility would be captured and he himself would be killed. It is noteworthy that he is the only one that dies. This would support the assumption that Belshazzar was ultimately the target. He had to be overthrown and eliminated because he effectively held the real power on the throne. It was in the interest of both Nabonidus and Cyrus to have Belshazzar killed.

Nabonidus returns to Babylon immediately after its fall, in anticipation of being placed on the throne by Cyrus, only to be double-crossed. When Cyrus enters the city a couple of weeks later, Nabonidus is arrested[xviii]. Instead of killing him, Cyrus rewards his assistance by making Nabonidus the governor of Carmenia in Persia itself. This worked for Cyrus on two counts. He was being honorable enough by acknowledging Nabonidus’ enormous contribution in facilitating the incorporation of the Babylonian Empire, and he was furthering a wise political policy of treating conquered people humanely and compassionately.

Cyrus

Cyrus’ strategy was well thought out and very effective politically. It established Cyrus’ reputation as one of being a merciful ruler, not only deeply concerned about the welfare of his own people, but also responsive to the needs and sensitivities of even subject peoples. In the Bible, Cyrus is highly regarded and described as sent by God to restore the Jews to their homeland. Even Herodotus saw Cyrus as the model of a true ruler.

In addition, it should be pointed out that this policy also had tremendous propaganda and public relations value. It set forth the feeling that Cyrus was not a ruthless enemy, that he was a man with a wide perspective and enlightened viewpoint. He might even be considered a potential liberator from injustice, oppression and chaos. Moreover, his policy of working to restore the fortunes of conquered peoples, treating them with dignity and understanding went a long way in co-opting subject peoples and creating a strong bond of loyalty.

Though Cyrus did not punish and destroy former enemies, it seems that it was not a universal policy. Cities and countries that Cyrus was concerned about “courting” and co-opting, generally were named specifically in the records. These were usually peoples or places that were of strategic and economic importance.

It is of interest that one of the first things Cyrus did after capturing Babylon was to create an edict allowing for the restoration of Judea[xix]. It is one thing to rebuild a fallen city, to protect the rights of a subject people and to integrate them into the empire. However, the Jews were already integrated, not only into Babylonian society, but holding high ranks within the government itself.

The intention of the edict was to reestablish a strong Jewish presence in Judea. Cyrus allowed aristocracy, the heads of the clans, the priests and prophets as well as officials and administrators to return. They were encouraged to solicit contributions for the Temple’s rebuilding from all over the empire. When they arrived in Judaea, families settled in their original towns. Obviously, the plan was to rebuild and empower a strong Jewish presence in the province in Judaea, which would be loyal to Persia. This would solidify Persia’s hold on the land bridge between Asia and Africa. It both held Egypt in check and subsequently opened the door for its eventual conquest.

Since Belshazzar was well aware of the anticipation around the possible fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prophecy, it is quite conceivable that in order to secure Babylonia’s future, protect it from the Persians and the Egyptians and expand the empire, Belshazzar was planning to utilize the Jews in the same way. Cyrus being alerted of this by Nabonidus may explain why he attacked Babylonia when he did. He may have felt that he had to preempt or face a stronger enemy in Babylon.

The tragedy is that Babylonia could have regained its former glory or possibly surpassed it under an unencumbered reign of Belshazzar. Instead, the Neo-Babylonian Empire was short-lived due to Nabonidus’ insanity, sabotage and betrayal. Rather, Belshazzar, the king who could have laid the foundations for a resurgence of Babylonian culture and influence was marginalized, slandered, and murdered. This was one of the greatest tragedies to play out in the ancient world.

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Reference sources:

[i] Wikipedia Fall of Babylon

[ii] Britannica Cyrus The Great

[iii] Livius Nabonidus

[iv] Britannica Mesopotamia God Sin

[v] Wikivisually Cylinders of Nabonidus translation

[vi] Livius Nabonidus Cylinder from Sippar

[vii] Wikipedia Verse account of Nabonidus

[viii] New Encyclopedia Nabonidus (3rd paragraph ‘Reign’)

[ix] Creation.com Belshazzar

[x] Ancient Origins The Lost Years of Nabonidus

[xi] Cambridge University Press Neo-Babylonian Society and Economy (‘summary’ footnote) Also note JSTOR’s ‘abstract’ citing Nabonidus additionally collapsing the Iron Age polity of Edom

[xii] World History Akitu – The Babylonian New Year Festival (second and last paragraphs)

[xiii] Complete History of the Holy Bible

[xiv] Nabonidus The Mad King Page 139

[xv] Nabonidus and Belshazzar – the Neo-Babylonian Empire by Raymond Philip Dougherty

[xvi] Bible.org Belshazzar’s Feast

[xvii]  Bible Gateway Writing on the Wall, Book of Daniel

[xviii] Encyclopedia Nabonidus

[xix] My Jewish Learning Palestine Under Persian Rule

Cyrus Cylinders translation

‘Translation of A’ (point 3) referencing Nabonidus as incompetent and causing disarray by demanding the Babylonians pray to his moon god, Sin. For two thousand years, the Babylonians had only prayed to Marduk.

‘Cyrus takes Babylon’ – Cyrus clarifies Nabonidus as an ally when Babylon was conquered the night of the feast, with Nabonidus helping to plan and successfully invade the Empire.

‘Religious Measures’ (point 33) proving Nabonidus ordered the feast and that the Jerusalem Temple goblets be used at this celebration of his return – this was sacrilegious, disobeying God. Hence the writing on the wall was directed at Nabonidus yet he failed to show at the feast. All fingers pointed to Belshazzar.

Nabonidus Cylinders translation

Specifically this excerpt ‘while Cyrus is the king of the world whose triumphs are true and whose yoke the kings of all the countries are pulling.’ He acknowledges Cyrus as a great warrior and leader, followed by hallucinations that without him, Cyrus wouldn’t have successfully invaded Babylon. This is where Nabonidus egomania and long term insanity is self transcribed with delusions of grandeur and power. Nabonidus has regularly been cited as mentally unstable but not in the context of anything more than an isolated topic. Not one person, aside Rabbi Fisdel and I, has associated his insanity as spearheading the Babylonian collapse. That’s why this cylinder is important. 

Woolly mammoths and Neanderthals may have shared genetic traits

AMERICAN FRIENDS OF TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY—A new Tel Aviv University study suggests that the genetic profiles of two extinct mammals with African ancestry—woolly mammoths, elephant-like animals that evolved in the arctic peninsula of Eurasia around 600,000 years ago, and Neanderthals, highly skilled early humans who evolved in Europe around 400,000 years ago—shared molecular characteristics of adaptation to cold environments.

The research attributes the human-elephant relationship during the Pleistocene epoch to their mutual ecology and shared living environments, in addition to other possible interactions between the two species. The study was led by Prof. Ran Barkai and Meidad Kislev of TAU’s Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures and published on April 8 in Human Biology.

“Neanderthals and mammoths lived together in Europe during the Ice Age. The evidence suggests that Neanderthals hunted and ate mammoths for tens of thousands of years and were actually physically dependent on calories extracted from mammoths for their successful adaptation,” says Prof. Barkai. “Neanderthals depended on mammoths for their very existence.

“They say you are what you eat. This was especially true of Neanderthals; they ate mammoths but were apparently also genetically similar to mammoths.”

To assess the degree of resemblance between mammoth and Neanderthal genetic components, the archaeologists reviewed three case studies of relevant gene variants and alleles — alternative forms of a gene that arise by mutation and are found at the same place on a chromosome — associated with cold-climate adaptation found in the genomes of both woolly mammoths and Neanderthals.

The first case study outlined the mutual appearance of the LEPR gene, related to thermogenesis and the regulation of adipose tissue and fat storage throughout the body. The second case study engaged genes related to keratin protein activity in both species. The third case study focused on skin and hair pigmentation variants in the genes MC1R and SLC7A11.

“Our observations present the likelihood of resemblance between numerous molecular variants that resulted in similar cold-adapted epigenetic traits of two species, both of which evolved in Eurasia from an African ancestor,” Kislev explains. “These remarkable findings offer supporting evidence for the contention regarding the nature of convergent evolution through molecular resemblance, in which similarities in genetic variants between adapted species are present.

“We believe these types of connections can be valuable for future evolutionary research. They’re especially interesting when they involve other large-brained mammals, with long life spans, complex social behavior and their interactions in shared habitats with early humans.”

According to the study, both species likely hailed from ancestors that came to Europe from Africa and adapted to living conditions in Ice Age Europe. The species also both became extinct more or less at the same time.

“It is now possible to try to answer a question no one has asked before: Are there genetic similarities between evolutionary adaptation paths in Neanderthals and mammoths?” Prof. Barkai says. “The answer seems to be yes. This idea alone opens endless avenues for new research in evolution, archaeology and other disciplines.

“At a time when proboscideans are under threat of disappearance from the world due to the ugly human greed for ivory, highlighting our shared history and similarities with elephants and mammoths might be a point worth taking into consideration.”

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Neanderthals and mammoths shared the same environments, impacting their respective biologies.

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Article Source: AMERICAN FRIENDS OF TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY news release

Early agricultural strategies in southern Polynesia

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—Researchers report* fossil evidence of early taro cultivation in southern Polynesia, a region marginally suited for the tropical crop. The importance of the tropical crop taro during the early human colonization of New Zealand and other southern Polynesian islands is poorly understood. Little evidence of cultivation of the crop remains, in contrast to evidence of big-game hunting and later expansion of sweet potato crops. Matthew Prebble and colleagues collected sediment cores from three southern Polynesian islands: Ahuahu, Raivavae, and Rapa. The cores, containing fossil plants and animal remains, extend past the initial colonization period beginning in the 13th century CE. The results suggest a history of taro production in the islands, given that taro pollen appeared in the fossil records during 1300-1550 CE. The presence of pollen indicates flowering plants, which would be absent if the plants had been frequently harvested. During early cultivation, fire was likely used to clear forest cover, as suggested by sedimentary charcoal. Fire decreased over time, concurrent with an increase in short-lived plants, including weeds and leaf vegetables indicative of high-intensity production, forest decline, and species extinctions leading to widespread sweet potato cultivation by 1500 CE. According to the authors, the results show how Neolithic societies coped with the spread of tropical crops into marginal habitats.

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Map of the South Pacific Ocean showing the southern Polynesian islands (brown dashed line) examined in this study (blue boxes). Insets A-C show the study islands, including sediment core locations and high elevation points. Matthew Prebble

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Photomicrographs of the invertebrate fossil taxa. B, A1 (head, EA204, 210 cm to 220 cm, early garden), B, A2 (head, RAIDA4, 90 cm to 95 cm, late garden), B, A3 (elytron, EA204, 210 cm to 220 cm, early garden), B, A4 (thorax, EA204, 210 cm to 220 cm, early garden), and B, A5 (prothorax, EA204, 210 cm to 220 cm, early garden) are C. desjardinsi; B, B (forceps, TUKOU2, 58 cm to 60 cm, late garden) is E. annulipes; B, C1 and C2 (elytra, EA204, 170 cm to 180 cm, late garden) are Ataenius cf. picinus; B, D1 and D2 (heads, EA204, 170 cm to 180 cm, late garden) are Aleocharinae spp.; B, E1 (head, EA204, 190 cm to 200 cm, early garden) and B, E2 (pronotum, EA204, 190 cm to 200 cm, early garden) are Carpelimus sp.; B, F1 (elytron, EA204, 80 cm to 90 cm, PEC) is Dactylosternum cf. marginale; B, F2 (elytron, RAIDA4, 100 cm to 105 cm, late garden) is D. abdominale; B, G1 (elytron, EA204, 190 cm to 200 cm, early garden) is Saprosites sp.; B, G2 (elytron, RAIDA4, 50 cm to 55 cm, PEC) is S, pygmaeus; B, H (head, TUKOU2, 74 cm to 76 cm, late garden) is Tetramorium pacificum (Formicidae); B, I (head, EA204, 90 cm to 100 cm PEC) is Hypoponera cf. punctatissima (Formicidae); and B, J (head, RAIDA4, 95 cm to 100 cm, late garden) is Nylanderia sp. (Formicidae). (Scale bar, 0.5 mm.). Nicholas Porch and Matthew Prebble

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Article Source: PNAS news release

*”Early tropical crop production in marginal subtropical and temperate Polynesia,” by Matthew J. Prebble et al.

Scientists shed light on preservation mystery of Terracotta Army weapons

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON—The chrome plating on the Terracotta Army bronze weapons – once thought to be the earliest form of anti-rust technology – derives from a decorative varnish rather than a preservation technique, finds a new study co-led by UCL and Terracotta Army Museum researchers.

The study*, published today in Scientific Reports, reveals that the chemical composition and characteristics of the surrounding soil, rather than chromium, may be responsible for the weapons’ famous preservation power.

Lead author Professor Marcos Martinón-Torres (University of Cambridge and formerly of UCL Institute of Archaeology), commented: “The terracotta warriors and most organic materials of the mausoleum were coated with protective layers of lacquer before being painted with pigments – but interestingly, not the bronze weapons.”

“We found a substantial chromium content in the lacquer, but only a trace of chromium in the nearby pigments and soil – possibly contamination. The highest traces of chromium found on bronzes are always on weapon parts directly associated to now-decayed organic elements, such as lance shafts and sword grips made of wood and bamboo, which would also have had a lacquer coating. Clearly, the lacquer is the unintended source of the chromium on the bronzes – and not an ancient anti-rust treatment.”

The world-famous Terracotta Army of Xi’an consists of thousands of life-sized ceramic figures representing warriors, stationed in three large pits within the mausoleum of Qin Shihuang (259-210 BC), the first emperor of a unified China.

These warriors were armed with fully functional bronze weapons; dozens of spears, lances, hooks, swords, crossbow triggers and as many as 40,000 arrow heads have all been recovered. Although the original organic components of the weapons such as the wooden shafts, quivers and scabbards have mostly decayed over the past 2,000 years, the bronze components remain in remarkably good condition.

Since the first excavations of the Terracotta Army in the 1970s, researchers have suggested that the impeccable state of preservation seen on the bronze weapons must be as a result of the Qin weapon makers developing a unique method of preventing metal corrosion.

Traces of chromium detected on the surface of the bronze weapons gave rise to the belief that Qin craftspeople invented a precedent to the chromate conversion coating technology, a technique only patented in the early 20th century and still in use today. The story has been cited in some books and media.

Now an international team of researchers show that the chromium found on the bronze surfaces is simply contamination from lacquer present in adjacent objects, and not the result of an ancient technology. The researchers also suggest that the excellent preservation of the bronze weapons may have been helped by the moderately alkaline pH, small particle size and low organic content of the surrounding soil.

Dr Xiuzhen Li (UCL Institute of Archaeology and Terracotta Army Museum), co-author of the study, said: “Some of the bronze weapons, particular swords, lances and halberds, display shiny almost pristine surfaces and sharp blades after 2,000 years buried with the Terracotta Army. One hypothesis for this was that Qin weapon-makers could have utilized some kind of anti-rust technology due to chromium detected on the surface of the weapons. However, the preservation of the weapons has continued to perplex scientists for more than forty years.

“The high-tin composition of the bronze, quenching technique, and the particular nature of the local soil go some way to explain their remarkable preservation but it is still possible that the Qin Dynasty developed a mysterious technological process and this deserves further investigation.”

By analyzing hundreds of artifacts, researchers also found that many of the best preserved bronze weapons did not have any surface chromium. To investigate the reasons for their still-excellent preservation, they simulated the weathering of replica bronzes in an environmental chamber. Bronzes buried in Xi’an soil remained almost pristine after four months of extreme temperature and humidity, in contrast to the severe corrosion of the bronzes buried for comparison in British soil.

“It is striking how many important, detailed insights can be recovered via the evidence of both the natural materials and complex artificial recipes found across the mausoleum complex—bronze, clay, wood, lacquer and pigments to name but a few. These materials provide complementary storylines in a bigger tale of craft production strategies at the dawn of China’s first empire,” said co-author, Professor Andrew Bevan (UCL Institute of Archaeology).

Professor Thilo Rehren (The Cyprus Institute and UCL Institute of Archaeology), stressed the importance of long-term collaboration. “We started this research more than 10 years ago between UCL and the museum. Only through the persistence, trusting cooperation and out-of-the-box thinking of colleagues in China and Britain were we able to solve this decade-old mystery.”

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View of Pit 1 of the Terracotta Army showing the hundreds of warriors once armed with bronze weapons. Xia Juxian

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Detail from the grip and blade from one of the Terracotta Army swords. In most of the swords analyzed, the highest concentrations of chromium are detected in the guard and other fittings, which would have been in contact with the lacquered organic parts. Zhao Zhen

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Article Source: University College London news release

Human history through tree rings: Trees in Amazonia reveal pre-colonial human disturbance

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY—In a new paper published in PLOS ONE, an international team of scientists reports the combined use of dendrochronology and historical survey to investigate the effects of societal and demographic changes on forest disturbances and growth dynamics in a neotropical tree species, the Brazil nut tree. The study, led by scientists from the National Institute for Amazonian Research, alongside colleagues from the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, shows the influence of human populations and their management practices on the domestication of rainforest landscapes. The researchers used non-destructive sampling, in which small samples are removed from the bark to the center of the trees, and compared tree-ring data from cores of 67 trees. This is the first study of human influence on the growth of trees that extends as far back as 400 years, to pre-colonial times in that region of Brazil. This work also reinforces that pre-colonial populations left important imprints in the Amazon, contributing to changing forest structure and resources through time.

Domesticated Amazonia

Until recently, forests in the Amazon Basin have often been argued to be “pristine” or the site of only small-scale human occupation and use prior to the arrival of European explorers in the 16th century. However, recent archaeobotanical, archaeological, palaeoenvironmental, and ecological research has highlighted extensive and diverse evidence for plant domestication, plant dispersal, forest management, and landscape alteration by pre-Columbian societies.

Nevertheless, human management of tropical forests has undergone a number of drastic changes with the rise of global industrialized societies. Many economically important trees dominate modern Amazonian forests, some of which have undergone domestication processes. Therefore, understanding the changes in forest management witnessed by Amazonian forests over the course of the last centuries has significant implications for ongoing human interaction with these threatened ecosystems.

“The results of this study demonstrate that Brazil nut tree growth reflects human occupation intensity and management. This is one more step to understanding the crucial interactions that led the Amazon forest to be the dynamic, humanized landscape it is today”, says Victor Caetano Andrade, lead author of the study, of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.

A history recorded in rings

Recently, dendroecological studies have emerged as a promising avenue for the investigation of changes in the environment in tropical forests. These studies evaluate the rings formed annually in some tree species to obtain information on their age and annual growth, as is the case with the Brazil nut tree. Patterns of establishment and abrupt changes in tree growth, which are visible in a tree’s rings, provide insights into past local environmental conditions. In the current study, the researchers worked in an area of Central Amazonia near Manaus with high Brazil nut tree density, known locally as castanhais. Through non-destructive sampling, in which small samples are removed from the bark to the center of the trees, they compared tree-ring data from cores of 67 trees with the available historical information on the political, economic, and human demographic changes in the region over the last 400 years.

Indigenous and colonial: a change in the way of living with the forest

Based on their interpretation of the tree rings, the researchers were able to construct a picture of the life-histories of these nut trees and how they correlate with pre- and post-colonial human forest management. The management of trees in the Amazon forest often involves practices that include the clearance of the understory, opening of the forest canopy, cutting down woody vining plants, and active protection of individuals. The researchers undertook the study hoping to find evidence of these practices in tree rings.

The researchers gathered historical information about the Mura indigenous people, who inhabited the region before the establishment of the Portuguese colonial administration and witnessed their own population decline from the 18th century onwards, followed by the emergence of a new post-colonial society. During the transition between indigenous population decline and the expansion of a post-colonial political center (the city of Manaus), human population was low, coinciding with a period during which no new trees were established in the region.

This gap in the establishment of new trees suggests that there was an interruption of indigenous management practices likely due to population collapse, as in many other pre-Columbian societies. A later period of renewed tree establishment, also associated with changes in growth rates of existing trees, aligns with a shift to modern exploitation of the forest in the late 19th and 20th century.

Understanding how forest management has changed following the arrival of European colonists and the rise of industrial powers over the course of the past centuries has implications for the future of sustainable forestry and conservation in Amazonia. “Our findings shed light on how past histories of human-forest interactions can be revealed by the growth rings of trees in Amazonia,” explains Caetano Andrade. “Future interdisciplinary analysis of these trees, including the use of genetics and isotopes, should enable more detailed investigations into how human forest management has changed in this part of the world, through pre-colonial, colonial, and industrial periods of human activity, with potential implications for conservation.”

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Brazil nut tree close to a house on the lakeshore. Victor L. Caetano Andrade

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Measuring the diameter of a Brazil nut tree trunk. Victor L. Caetano Andrade

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Brazil nut fruit and tree in the background. Victor L. Caetano Andrade

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Article Source: PLOS ONE news release

Food for thought: Why did we ever start farming?

UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT—The reason that humans shifted away from hunting and gathering, and to agriculture—a much more labor-intensive process—has always been a riddle. It is only more confusing because the shift happened independently in about a dozen areas across the globe.

“A lot of evidence suggests domestication and agriculture doesn’t make much sense,” says Elic Weitzel, a Ph.D. student in UConn’s department of anthropology. “Hunter-gatherers are sometimes working fewer hours a day, their health is better, and their diets are more varied, so why would anyone switch over and start farming?”

Weitzel sought to get to the root of the shift in his new paper in American Antiquity, by looking at one area of the world, the Eastern United States.In a nutshell, he looked for evidence to support either of two popular theories.

One theory posits that in times of plenty there may have been more time to start dabbling in the domestication of plants like squash and sunflowers, the latter of which were domesticated by the native peoples of Tennessee around 4,500 years ago.

The other theory argues that domestication may have happened out of need to supplement diets when times were not as good. As the human population grew, perhaps resources shifted due to reasons such as over-exploitation of resources or a changing climate. “Was there some imbalance between resources and the human populations that lead to domestication?”

Weitzel tested both hypotheses. He did this by analyzing animal bones from the last 13,000 years and taken from a half-dozen archeological sites in northern Alabama and the Tennessee River valley, where human settlements and their detritus give clues about how they lived, including what they ate.He coupled the findings with pollen data taken from sediment cores collected from lakes and wetlands, cores that serve as a record about the types of plants present at different points in time.The findings are … mixed.

Weitzel found pollen from oak and hickory, leading to the conclusion that forests composed of those species began to dominate the region as the climate warmed, but also led to decreasing water levels in lakes and wetlands. Along with the decreasing lakes, the bone records showed a shift from diets rich in water fowl and large fishes to subsistence on smaller shellfish.

Taken together, that data provides evidence for the second hypothesis: There was some kind of imbalance between the growing human population and their resource base, effected perhaps by exploitation and also by climate change.

But Weitzel also saw support for the first hypothesis in that an abundance of oak and hickory forest supported an equally prevalent game species population. “That is what we see in the animal bone data,” says Weitzel.”Fundamentally, when times are good and there are lots of animals present, you’d expect people to hunt the prey that is most efficient,” says Weitzel. “Deer are much more efficient than squirrels for example, which are smaller, with less meat, and more difficult to catch.”

A single deer or goose can feed several people, but if over-hunted, or if the landscape changes to one less favorable for the animal population, humans must subsist on other smaller, less efficient food sources. Agriculture, despite being hard work, may have become a necessary option to supplement diet when imbalances like these occurred.

Despite the mixed results, the findings supporting domestication happening in times when there was less than an ideal amount of food is significant, says Weitzel.

“I think that the existence of declining efficiency in even one habitat type is enough to show that … domestication happening in times of plenty isn’t the best way to understand initial domestication.”The broader context of this research is important, says Weitzel, because looking to the past and seeing how these populations coped and adapted to change can help inform what we should do as today’s climate warms in the coming decades.

“Having an archaeological voice backed by this deep-time perspective in policy making is very important.”

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Wheat Field. Myrabella, Wikimedia Commons

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Article Source: University of Connecticut news release

Complex artifacts don’t prove brilliance of our ancestors

UNIVERSITY OF EXETER—Artifacts such as bows and arrows do not necessarily prove our ancestors had sophisticated reasoning and understanding of how these tools worked, new research suggests.

Instead, such items could have emerged from an “accumulation of improvements made across generations” – with each generation understanding no more than the last.

The new study, by the University of Exeter and the Catholic University of Lille, does not question humanity’s capacity for “enhanced causal reasoning” – but argues this did not necessarily drive the development of technologies such as bows, boats and houses.

Researchers used “chains” of volunteers to tackle an engineering problem, with each volunteer able to learn from the last. Solutions improved with each “generation” – but those at the end of the chain had no more understanding of key concepts than their predecessors.

“We tend to explain the existence of complex technologies by saying humans have big brains and superior causal reasoning abilities,” said Dr Maxime Derex, of the University of Exeter and the Catholic University of Lille.

“But – as our study shows – you don’t have to understand how something works in order to improve it.

“Artifacts from hundreds or thousands of years ago do not necessarily show that their makers had a plan or a theory about how something would work.”

The study used 14 chains of five French university students, each aiming to optimize a wheel that rolled down a track – moving faster or slower depending on the adjustment of moveable weights on its four spokes.

Each participant had five attempts to minimize the time it took for the wheel to reach the end of the track, and all but the first participant in each chain got details of the last two configurations used by the previous person.

Afterwards, researchers tested each participant’s understanding by asking them to predict which of two wheels would cover the distance faster.

The study found: “The average wheel speed increased across generations while participants’ understanding did not.”

A further 14 chains of students completed the same process, but this time they could write down a theory to pass to the next participant.

Wheel speed rose at a similar rate as that seen in groups who passed on no written instructions, but once again understanding “barely changed across generations”.

The researchers said: “Most participants actually produced incorrect or incomplete theories despite the relative simplicity of the physical system.”

The findings prove the power of “cultural transmission, without the need for an accurate causal understanding of the system”, they said.

“Our experiment indicates that one should be cautious when interpreting complex archaeological materials as evidence for sophisticated cognitive abilities such as reasoning, problem solving or planning, since these abilities are not the sole driver of technological sophistication,” said Dr Alex Mesoudi, of the University of Exeter.

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Above and below: Artifacts such as bows and arrows do not necessarily prove our ancestors had sophisticated reasoning and understanding of how these tools worked, new research suggests. University of Exeter

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Article Source: University of Exeter news release

The project received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under a Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant.

The paper, published in Nature Human Behaviour, is entitled: “Causal understanding is not necessary for the improvement of culturally evolving technology.”

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See, first-hand, the original fossils. See original artifacts. See the actual sites. Talk with the famous scientists. Join us on this unique specialized study tour.

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Ritual offerings, sacrifice in ancient Tiwanaku state formation

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—A study* uncovers archaeological evidence that underscores the role of religious rituals, including animal sacrifice, in state formation in the Lake Titicaca basin. Religion is thought to have promoted cooperation between groups and consolidated the ancient Tiwanaku state between 500 and 1100 CE in the Lake Titicaca basin in south-central Andes. However, a dearth of evidence of rituals has hampered understanding of religion’s role in reinforcing a moral code of behavior that supported state formation in the region. In 2013, Christophe Delaere, José Capriles, and Charles Stanish conducted underwater excavations in Khoa Reef in an archipelago on Bolivia’s Island of the Sun in the Titicaca basin, extending previous excavations. The authors surfaced Tiwanaku puma incense burners, metal ornaments, including gold medallions engraved with the Tiwanaku ray-faced deity, and semiprecious stone artifacts, including a turquoise stone pendant, a lapis-lazuli puma figurine, and green glacier moraine stones. Animal bones recovered from the submerged deposits were traced to teals, cormorants, frogs, killifish, and catfish, and, unexpectedly, camelids. Osteometric analysis identified the camelid bones as domesticated llamas, and the completeness of the assemblage suggested at least one infant and three juvenile llamas were likely sacrificed. Radiocarbon dating traced the offerings to 794-964 CE, consistent with expansion of the Tiwanaku state. Religious iconography on the ornaments as well as the sumptuary gold, shell, and lapidary finds signaling ceremonial disposal of wealth hinted at the rituals’ relevance to state formation. Together, the evidence suggests that Khoa, situated at a vantage in the middle of the lake, was a hub for religious rituals officiated by an elite group. Such rituals, marked by worship of the ray-faced deity, animal sacrifice, and display of wealth, may have consolidated power and served as a binding sinew for the Tiwanaku body politic, according to the authors.

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A modern underwater offering (Lake Titicaca, Bolivia). Teddy Seguin (photographer)

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Underwater excavation unit (Lake Titicaca, Bolivia). Teddy Seguin (photographer)

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Typical Tiwanaku-Period offering in the Khoa reef (Lake Titicaca, Bolivia). Teddy Seguin (photographer)

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Article Source: PNAS news release

*”Underwater ritual offerings in the Island of the Sun and the formation of the Tiwanaku state,” by Christophe Delaere, José Capriles, and Charles Stanish

UC researchers find ancient Maya farms in Mexican wetlands

UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI—Archaeologists with the University of Cincinnati used the latest technology to find evidence suggesting ancient Maya people grew surplus crops to support an active trade with neighbors up and down the Yucatan Peninsula.

They will present their findings at the annual American Association of Geographers conference in Washington, D.C.

The Mayan civilization stretched across portions of Mesoamerica, a region spanning Mexico and Central America. The oldest evidence of Maya civilization dates back to 1800 B.C., but most cities flourished between 250 and 900 A.D. By the time Spanish ships arrived in the 1500s, some of the biggest cities were deserted. Researchers at UC are trying to piece together the life history of the Maya before the Spanish conquest.

Nicholas Dunning, a professor of geography in UC’s McMicken College of Arts and Sciences, was part of a research team that found evidence of cultivation along irregular-shaped fields in Mexico that followed the paths of canals and natural water channels at a place called Laguna de Terminos on the Gulf of Mexico. The archaeologists expect to find evidence of habitation when they begin excavations.

The extensive croplands suggest the ancient Maya could grow surplus crops, especially the cotton responsible for the renowned textiles that were traded throughout Mesoamerica.

“It was a much more complex market economy than the Maya are often given credit for,” Dunning said.

Local workers brought the Laguna de Terminos site to the attention of researchers about seven years ago.

“A forester working in the area said there seemed to be a network of ancient fields,” Dunning said. “I looked on Google Earth and was like, ‘Whoa!’ It was an area in the Maya Lowlands that I’d never paid any attention to. And obviously not a lot of other people had, either, from the perspective of looking at ancient agriculture.”

Satellite images revealed a patchwork quilt of blocks along drainage ditches that suggested they were built. Archaeologist also studied imagery NASA created of the region using a tool called Light Detection and Ranging, or LIDAR, that can depict the contours of the ground beneath the leafy canopy of trees and vegetation. Their review confirmed Dunning’s suspicions: the area was covered in ancient farm fields.

“It appears they developed fairly simply from modifications of existing drainage along the eastern edge of the wetlands,” Dunning said. “They probably deepened and straightened some channels or connected them in places, but then further expanded the fields with more sophisticated hydro-engineering.”

LIDAR gives scientists a never-before-seen picture of the Earth’s surface even after centuries of unchecked jungle growth conceals the remains of ancient structures. Researchers look for telltale signs of human activity: squares and rectangles indicating old foundations and circular pits from man-made reservoirs and quarries where the chert used in stone tools was mined. On the LIDAR maps, any hidden structures pop out, including ancient roads and former villages.

“That’s the magic of LIDAR,” UC assistant research professor Christopher Carr said. Carr spent a career practicing engineering before returning to UC to study and eventually teach in the geography department. He approaches questions about the ancient Maya from an engineer’s perspective.

Carr pointed to a map of Yaxnohcah, Mexico, showing a small reservoir the ancient Maya apparently dug in a wetland far from cultivated fields or known settlements.

“What were my ancient counterparts thinking when they built that water reservoir? What did they want to accomplish?” he asked.

Carr also used the LIDAR imagery in the project to follow an ancient Maya road that perhaps hasn’t been traveled in more than 1,000 years. The road is perfectly visible on the LIDAR map but is virtually impossible to discern when you are standing right on it, Carr said.

“There’s vegetation everywhere. But when you’ve been doing this for a while, you notice little things,” Carr said. “I’ll have a LIDAR image on my smartphone that shows me where I am, but I don’t see anything but rainforest. You just walk back and forth until you can feel something underfoot and follow it.”

Identifying possible roads is important for another interest of the UC researchers: ancient Maya marketplaces. Dunning and Carr are working at Yaxnohcah with researchers such as Kathryn Reese-Taylor from the University of Calgary and Armando Anaya Hernandez from Universidad Autónoma de Campeche to unlock the mysteries of the ancient Maya economy. Additionally, they and graduate student Thomas Ruhl have been analyzing NASA’s LIDAR imagery across the Yucatan Peninsula to identify more ancient marketplaces.

Unlike pyramids or even many homes, marketplaces had no foundations or permanent structures, researchers said. They were built on low platforms or cleared areas, perhaps like a seasonal fair or flea market. But they were an important part of life in Maya culture

Dunning said the presence of roads between Maya cities would lend credence to the value the ancient Maya placed on trade with their neighbors. He thinks some of the larger squares identified on the LIDAR maps represent these open markets.

“In some areas, they have this very distinct physical signature,” Dunning said. “So far, we’ve identified several possible marketplaces. We don’t know for sure that they’re marketplaces, but they have an architectural layout that is suggestive of one.”

Soil analysis at other locations identified evidence of ancient butcher shops and stone masons. Dunning solicited the help of UC’s botanists who are conducting analyses that might shed light on his marketplace hypothesis. But the LIDAR maps themselves are instructive.

“I look at spatial patterns. If you look at these big structures and small pyramids, you can tell they’re important structures,” Carr said. “And then you have this ‘lightweight’ thing next to it. That’s what a marketplace looks like to me.”

Dunning said the ancient Maya likely sold perishable goods such as maize and a starchy tuber called manioc. And they traded “mantas,” or bolts of the ornate and richly patterned textiles made from the cotton they grew. These were prized by the Spaniards who arrived in the 1600s.

“We don’t have direct evidence of what the textiles look like in this area. But if you look at ancient paintings and sculptures, people were wearing very elaborate garments,” Dunning said.

Dunning first explored the historic sites of the Yucatan Peninsula at age 14 when he and his older brother drove down to Mexico from Illinois.

“We took a train to the Yucatan and used public transportation to get around to the sites,” Dunning said.

He applied to the University of Chicago partly because it offered a Mayan language class. Dunning returned to Mexico while in college to conduct his first field research. He’s been back many times since.

“My interest in archaeology is in human-environment interactions, including agriculture,” Dunning said.

Dunning is learning more about how ancient Maya people shaped their world to overcome challenges and take advantage of natural opportunities. Dunning’s work also took him to a place called Acalan near the Gulf of Mexico.

“Roughly translated, Acalan means ‘place of canoes’ because it’s very watery,” Dunning said. “And getting around by water is far easier than any other means in that area.”

Then as now the region is covered in thick tropical rainforest. Researchers have to be wary of cheeky monkeys that will throw fruit or worse from the treetops. Carr said one encounter left him sore for days.

“There was this aggressive spider monkey. He’d seen me a couple days earlier. And he’s back shaking the trees,” Carr said. “And all of a sudden, I’m lying flat on the ground. A branch hit me in the shoulder and knocked me to the ground.”

Visiting archaeologists at Yaxnohcah stay at a former Army outpost that was converted into a staffed research station.

“Living conditions are actually luxurious by camping standards. You’re in the field all day and you’re dirty and tired. But you can take a shower. And when you’re finished, someone has cooked you a meal,” Carr said.

At Laguna de Terminos, UC researchers are working to collect clues about the ancient Maya before they are lost to development. Many of the wetlands are being drained or plowed up for grazing pasture.

Dunning said ironically these low-yield pastures provide far less economic value to today’s farmers than the seeming bounty of crops the ancient Maya derived from them more than 1,000 years ago. Their study warns the land-use practices are causing environmental damage to some of these valuable wetlands.

“It’s a shame because the grazing isn’t particularly good. The economic production from that land use is minuscule compared to what was produced by the Maya,” Dunning said.

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UC assistant professor Christopher Carr examines an ancient quarry in Yaxnohcah, Mexico. Nicholas Dunning/UC

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University of Cincinnati student Jeff Brewer stands above UC geography professor Nicholas Dunning at an archaeological site in Mexico’s Yucatan Peninsula. Nicholas Dunning/UC

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Article Source: University of Cincinnati news release

Artifacts found at Bronze Age site in suburban Moscow

RAS Institute of Archaeology—Researchers from the RAS Institute of Archaeology have found a burial site from 4,500 years ago, just 80 kilometers from Moscow. The find was made during building work for a new private school. Experts identified rare items such as battle-axes, spear-tips, arrows and knife blades, alongside ceramic burial vessels. Scientists believe the site had been a settlement of Fatyanovo culture, as evidenced by the eastern origins of the battle-axes and corded-ware ceramics. The find is a significant event for Russian archaeology, since no similar site has been uncovered for the past quarter-century.

“What’s special about these finds are their extreme rarity” said Dr Asya Engovatova, Deputy Director of the RAS Institute of Archaeology. “We could never hope to predict such finds. The last time a site of this kind was uncovered was twenty-five years ago – a huge interval, in scientific terms. Over the intervening period new research technologies have become available – meaning that we can analyze these artifacts at an entirely new level.”

The Fatyanovo culture is identified by archaeologists as a period of the Middle Bronze Age, whose sites are widely spread over the modern-day area of Western Russia, Poland, the Baltic States, Finland, Poland, Belarus. snd Germany. It takes its name from excavations at the village of Fatyanovo, conducted in 1873 by archaeologist Alexei Uvarov — who found the first such cemetery.

Fatyanovo sites are characterized by finds of ceramics with ‘corded’ ornamentation, and of weaponry such as battle-axes. It seems to have been a funeral tradition to inter a battle-axe in men’s burials. During the mid-3rd millenium BC, tribes of this ‘battle-axe’ culture began migrating eastwards along river valleys – either conflicting, or living peaceably with local tribes – hunters, fishermen, and gatherers – who had lived there previously, such as tribes of the Volovo culture. The Fatyanovo people were the first to first to raise cattle in the forest zones of the Russian plains, and to practice slash-and-burn agriculture, or to engage in metal-working with copper and bronze. Later, three millennia ago, the Fatyanovo people disappeared – dispersed among the tribes of the Volga & Oka intersection.

The Fatyanovo people had their own distinctive burial traditions, which depended on the gender of the deceased. Men were buried with their bodies curled on their right side, and their heads facing west – whereas women were placed on their left side, with their heads facing east. The funeral pit was strengthened with wooden planking or birch bark, or intertwisted sticks. Above, the pit was sealed with

timber planks. The burial site in Moscow County Region contained the typical funerary attributes which the Fatyanovo people chose to accompany them in the ‘afterlife’. A wedge-shaped axe of polished flint – not merely a funerary ornament, but a working tool that had practical applications. Flint arrowheads were also found in the grave, along with long sharp flint blades, apparently for use as knives. The deceased were seen off into the afterlife with ornamental vessels, decorated with the characteristic cord-pattern ornamentation of the Fatyanovo people. These vessels were not cleaned during the excavation – in case some traces of food had been left inside them.

The battle-axes found at the Moscow County Region site are fashioned from Diorite stone (Greenstone), and are a representation of bronze axes – they have the protruding rib, which, on metal blades, would be their point of contact with the mold. This kind of axe was used in battle, mostly for splitting heads – a blow from such a weapon would have been a fatal wound.

The finds retrieved from this Fatyanovo culture cemetery will form the basis for a study of the sources of this culture. “We do not have a full picture of who the Fatyanovo people were”, said Dr Asya Engovatova. “In Russia, their DNA has never been analyzed. This means that every new Fatyanovo site uncovered is a unique opportunity for researchers. If we could only recover some bone material, we could use modern DNA-extraction techniques, to find out what their origins had been”.

As the scientists carrying out the excavations admitted, the problem with researching Fatyanovo culture burials is that they are most often found in sandy soil – an environment in which bone material is poorly preserved. From the dozens of fresh samples of decayed wood and coal from the roof of the funeral chamber, radiocarbon analysis may be able to put an accurate date, for the first time, on a Fatyanovo burial site. This will bring new scientific data into play, and such a dating would enable comparisons to be made with similar Cordware Culture sites in other locations in Europe – and make a reliable basis for determining the locations of the Fatyanovo people in this wider community.

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Stone Battle-Axe, Fatyanov Culture,Bronze Age (one of the Battle-Axe and Corded Ceramics cultures), Material from a burial site at Pavlovskaya Sloboda, Moscow County Region. 535 grams. length 16 cm, made from diorite. RAS Institute of Archaeology

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Flint Spear-Heads. Lengths: 9, 9,5 cm and 13 cm. Fatyanov Culture,Bronze Age (one of the Battle-Axe and Corded Ceramics cultures), Material from a burial site at Pavlovskaya Sloboda, Moscow County Region. RAS Institute of Archaeology

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Flint Axe-Heads. Lengths: 11,14cm and 14,5cm. The taper on these axe-heads shows that they saw significant practical use. Fatyanov Culture,Bronze Age (one of the Battle-Axe and Corded Ceramics cultures), Material from a burial site at Pavlovskaya Sloboda, Moscow County Region. RAS Institute of Archaeology

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Flint Arrow-Heads, Lengths from 3.5cm to 6.7cm. It’s interesting to note the range of different kinds of arrow-head found at a single burial site. Fatyanov Culture,Bronze Age (one of the Battle-Axe and Corded Ceramics cultures), Material from a burial site at Pavlovskaya Sloboda, Moscow County Region. RAS Institute of Archaeology

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Article Source: RAS Institute of Archaeology news release

Researchers shed new light on the origins of modern humans

UNIVERSITY OF HUDDERSFIELD—Researchers from the University of Huddersfield, with colleagues from the University of Cambridge and the University of Minho in Braga, have been using a genetic approach to tackle one of the most intractable questions of all – how and when we became truly human.

Modern Homo sapiens first arose in Africa more than 300,000 years ago, but there is great controversy amongst scholars about whether the earliest such people would have been ‘just like us’ in their mental capacities – in the sense that, if they were brought up in a family from Yorkshire today, for example, would they be indistinguishable from the rest of the population? Nevertheless, archaeologists believe that people very like us were living in small communities in an Ice Age refuge on the South African coast by at least 100,000 years ago.

Between around 100,000 and 70,000 years ago, these people left plentiful evidence that they were thinking and behaving like modern humans – evidence for symbolism, such as the use of pigments (probably for body painting), drawings and engravings, shell beads, and tiny stone tools called microliths that might have been part of bows and arrows. Some of this evidence for what some archaeologists call “modern human behaviour” goes back even further, to more than 150,000 years.

But if these achievements somehow made these people special, suggesting a direct line to the people of today, the genetics of their modern “Khoi-San” descendants in southern Africa doesn’t seem to bear this out. Our genomes imply that almost all modern non-Africans from all over the world – and indeed most Africans too – are derived from a small group of people living not in South Africa but in East Africa, around 60,000-70,000 years ago. There’s been no sign so far that southern Africans contributed to the huge expansion of Homo sapiens out of Africa and across the world that took place around that time.

That is, until now. The Huddersfield-Minho team of geneticists, led by Professor Martin Richards at Huddersfield and Dr Pedro Soares in Braga, along with the eminent Cambridge archaeologist Professor Sir Paul Mellars, have studied the maternally-inherited mitochondrial DNA from Africans in unprecedented detail, and have identified a clear signal of a small-scale migration from South Africa to East Africa that took place at just that time, around 65,000 years ago. The signal is only evident today in the mitochondrial DNA. In the rest of the genome, it seems to have been eroded away to nothing by recombination – the reshuffling of chromosomal genes between parents every generation, which doesn’t affect the mitochondrial DNA – in the intervening millennia.

The migration signal makes good sense in terms of climate. For most of the last few hundred years, different parts of Africa have been out of step with each other in terms of the aridity of the climate. Only for a brief period at 60,000-70,000 years ago was there a window during which the continent as a whole experienced sufficient moisture to open up a corridor between the south and the east. And intriguingly, it was around 65,000 years ago that some of the signs of symbolism and technological complexity seen earlier in South Africa start to appear in the east.

The identification of this signal opens up the possibility that a migration of a small group of people from South Africa towards the east around 65,000 years ago transmitted aspects of their sophisticated modern human culture to people in East Africa. Those East African people were biologically little different from the South Africans – they were all modern Homo sapiens, their brains were just as advanced and they were undoubtedly cognitively ready to receive the benefits of the new ideas and upgrade. But the way it happened might not have been so very different from a modern isolated stone-age culture encountering and embracing western civilization today.

In any case, it looks as if something happened when the groups from the South encountered the East, with the upshot being the greatest diaspora of Homo sapiens ever known – both throughout Africa and out of Africa to settle much of Eurasia and as far as Australia within the space of only a few thousand years.

Professor Mellars commented: “This work shows that the combination of genetics and archaeology working together can lead to significant advances in our understanding of the origins of Homo sapiens.”

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Map showing early African archaeological sites with evidence for symbolic material and microlithic stone tools. NASA Goddard Space Flight Center Image by Reto Stöckli

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Article Source: University of Huddersfield news release

* The article, A dispersal of Homo sapiens from southern to eastern Africa immediately preceded the out-of-Africa migration, can be found online in Scientific Reports.

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North Africans were among the first to colonize the Canary Islands

PLOS—People from North Africa are likely the main group that founded the indigenous population on the Canary Islands, arriving by 1000 CE, reports a new study by Rosa Fregel of Stanford University, USA and Universidad de La Laguna, Spain, and colleagues, published March 20, 2019 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE.

Numerous studies of the culture and genetics of indigenous people living in the Canary Islands, an archipelago off the coast of Morocco, point to North African Berbers as the founders, but more recent human activities – such as the Spanish conquest, the start of sugarcane plantations and the slave trade – have changed the indigenous population’s genetic makeup. To shed light on who first colonized the archipelago, researchers analyzed 48 ancient mitochondrial genomes from 25 archaeological sites across the seven main islands. They selected mitochondrial genomes because, since they are inherited directly from the mother, they are especially consistent and useful for tracking human migrations.

The researchers discovered lineages that have only been observed in Central North Africa, and others that have a wider distribution including both West and Central North Africa, and, in some cases, Europe and the Near East. They also identified four new lineages specific to the Canary Islands, which, when analyzed together, are consistent with radiocarbon dating evidence showing that people reached the islands by 1000 CE. Additionally, the researchers found that the distribution of the different lineages on each island varies depending on the island’s distance from the continent, which supports previous studies finding that the islands experienced at least two distinct early migration events.

The Canary Islands lineages discovered in this study fit into a larger pattern of Mediterranean migration through North Africa, as part of the Neolithic expansion of humans from the Middle East to Europe and Africa. The presence of these Mediterranean lineages suggests that the Berbers had already mixed with Mediterranean groups at the time that they colonized the islands.

The authors add: “Using next-generation techniques, we have been able to obtain ancient DNA of the indigenous population of all the seven Canary Islands for the first time. Our results indicate that mitochondrial DNA diversity is variable within the archipelago, suggesting that the colonization of the islands was a heterogeneous process and that the different islands had different evolutionary histories.”

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Guanche mummy of a woman (830 AD). Museo de la Naturaleza y el Hombre, Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Wofgang Sauber

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Fregel R, Ordóñez AC, Santana-Cabrera J, Cabrera VM, Velasco-Vázquez J, Alberto V, et al. (2019) Mitogenomes illuminate the origin and migration patterns of the indigenous people of the Canary IslandsPLoS ONE 14(3): e0209125. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0209125

New Archaeological Investigation Promises Findings on an Eccentric 18th Century Politician and Planter and the Lives of his Enslaved

WILLIAMSBURG, Va. (March 19, 2019) – This winter the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation launches a multi-year archaeological investigation at the site of John Custis IV’s city home and gardens, known as Custis Square, promising new findings about the life of the eccentric politician, planter and first father-in-law to Martha Washington, the enslaved people living on the site, and early 18th-century horticulture.

The Custis Square project is expected to create 10 multi-year archaeology positions in the foundation. A generous lead gift from the Jacqueline Badger Mars Landmark Investments 8, LLC Charitable Lead Trust is helping to make the Custis archaeology project possible.

“More than 90 years after its establishment, Colonial Williamsburg continues to pursue a fuller understanding of 18th-century America, its people and their culture in order to tell our shared American story more fully,” said Colonial Williamsburg President and CEO Mitchell B. Reiss. “We are enormously grateful for the generous gift that has launched the Custis Square project, and we look forward to sharing both our work and our findings with visitors of all ages.”

Custis lived from 1678 until 1749, leading a prosperous family that first settled on Virginia’s Eastern Shore in the mid-17th century. After his turbulent marriage to Frances Parke Custis ended with her death of smallpox in 1715, he moved to the colony’s capital of Williamsburg. There, he served as a member of the royal Governor’s Council, immersed himself in horticulture and constructed an elaborate garden on his four-acre property. Custis Square was maintained by some of his enslaved laborers, who at the time of his death numbered nearly 200, most of whom worked on his four plantations outside the city.

“The shared history we interpret at Colonial Williamsburg is not static. It grows daily, enhanced by the research of our team and our peers,” said Colonial Williamsburg Director of Archaeology Jack Gary. “Our new investigation of Custis Square is thrilling both in scale and subject matter, given all we stand to learn about the people who lived and worked on this ground early in an era of political and scientific enlightenment.”

As a young man, John Custis IV studied trade in England and likely observed formal gardens that fostered his hobby. Back in Virginia, records show that he ordered a range of plants through agents in England and corresponded with prominent naturalists including Peter Collinson, Mark Catesby and Jon Bartram, who placed his garden among the finest in the colony.

Frances Parke and John Custis IV’s son, Daniel Parke Custis, married Martha Dandridge in 1750 and died suddenly in 1757. Martha Dandridge Custis may have lived at the family’s Williamsburg home after his death and until her remarriage in 1759 to George Washington.

Like other prominent Virginians, John Custis IV lamented slavery but did not free his own enslaved. With one of them, Alice, as a 61-year-old widower he fathered a son named John whom he affectionately called “my boy Jack.” John Custis IV successfully petitioned the colony’s governor and council for Jack’s freedom, deeded him land in York County and enslaved persons including his own mother and her other children, and willed him construction of a furnished home. Jack, however, died in 1751 just two years after his father.

Often combative, John Custis IV fell out with Lt. Gov. Alexander Spotswood after Spotswood cut down trees on his property to enhance his view from the new Governor’s Palace. John Custis IV’s volatile relationship with his wife – and his personality – are memorialized on his Eastern Shore grave, which reads, “Yet lived but Seven years which was the Space of time he kept a Batchelors House at Arlington on the Eastern Shoar of Virginia.”

In the decades immediately following John Custis IV’s death, Custis Square housed residential and trade tenants. The structure that stands on the site, though known as the “Custis Kitchen,” was built in the early 19th century during the property’s ownership by Dr. James McClurg. The property was purchased in 1851 and partially built upon by the current Eastern State Hospital, later used as a park and purchased by Colonial Williamsburg in 1966.

Partial site excavation in 1964. Colonial Williamsburg Foundation

Partial excavations in the 1960s uncovered the foundations of the property’s residence, which is believed to have been a six-chimney building in the Jacobean style of Bacon’s Castle in Surry County, as well as an older kitchen, a smokehouse, a brick drain, two wells and a road extending south from the structures. The new investigation is broader in scope and will benefit from advancements in methodology and technology, including remote sensing and materials analysis.

The Custis Square project’s areas of investigation include:

  • The flora and aesthetic of John Custis IV’s gardens
  • Evidence of residential structures that housed the enslaved
  • Identification of John Custis IV’s enslaved and their descendants
  • The appearance of John Custis IV’s residence
  • Evidence of pre-historic occupation
  • Activity on the site through the 20th century

Custis Square on Francis Street between S. Nassau Street and the Colonial Parkway with investigation area highlighted in red. Colonial Williamsburg Foundation

The project’s phases include:

  • Site mapping and surveying; excavation of the McClurg Kitchen (2019)
  • Open excavation of garden areas, materials analysis and research of John Custis IV’s enslaved to identify potential descendants (2020-21)
  • Open excavation of outbuildings focused on the lives and work of the enslaved (2022-23)
  • Cataloging and reporting (2024-25)

Custis Square currently serves as a grazing pasture for Colonial Williamsburg Coach and Livestock Department animals, opposite S. Nassau Street from the Art Museums of Colonial Williamsburg, which remain open during a $41.7-million expansion scheduled for completion in spring 2020 with a new, dedicated entrance on S. Nassau Street. Colonial Williamsburg also plans construction of a new, public archaeological collections building to house the more than 60 million archaeological artifacts in its collection – a project possible thanks to a generous gift by Mars’ late brother, Forrest Mars Jr.

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John Custis IV, attributed to Charles Bridges, oil on canvas, ca. 1740. Courtesy of Washington and Lee University, University Collections of Art and History, Lexington, Virginia

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Article Source: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation news release

Colonial Williamsburg will share updates and findings on its Making History blog at colonialwilliamsburg.com/archaeology. Information is also available by following Colonial Williamsburg on Facebook and @colonialwmsburg on Twitter and Instagram.

Admission tickets and additional information about Colonial Williamsburg sites and programming are available atcolonialwilliamsburg.com or by calling 855-296-6627 toll-free. Information is also available via the free Colonial Williamsburg Explorer app, which can be downloaded from the Apple App Store and Google Play.

First Anatolian farmers were local hunter-gatherers that adopted agriculture

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY—An international team, led by scientists from the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History and in collaboration with scientists from the United Kingdom, Turkey and Israel, has analyzed 8 pre-historic individuals, including the first genome-wide data from a 15,000-year-old Anatolian hunter-gatherer, and found that the first Anatolian farmers were direct descendants of local hunter-gatherers. These findings provide support for archaeological evidence that farming was adopted and developed by local hunter-gatherers who changed their subsistence strategy, rather than being introduced by a large movement of people from another area. Interestingly, while the study shows the long-term persistence of the Anatolian hunter-gatherer gene pool over 7,000 years, it also indicates a pattern of genetic interactions with neighboring groups.

Farming was developed approximately 11,000 years ago in the Fertile Crescent, a region that includes present-day Iraq, Syria, Israel, Lebanon, Egypt and Jordan as well as the fringes of southern Anatolia and western Iran. By about 8,300 BCE it had spread to central Anatolia, in present-day Turkey. These early Anatolian farmers subsequently migrated throughout Europe, bringing this new subsistence strategy and their genes. Today, the single largest component of the ancestry of modern-day Europeans comes from these Anatolian farmers. It has long been debated, however, whether farming was brought to Anatolia similarly by a group of migrating farmers from the Fertile Crescent, or whether the local hunter-gatherers of Anatolia adopted farming practices from their neighbors.

A new study by an international team of scientists led by the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History and in collaboration with scientists from the United Kingdom, Turkey and Israel, published in Nature Communications, confirms existing archaeological evidence that shows that Anatolian hunter-gatherers did indeed adopt farming themselves, and the later Anatolian farmers were direct descendants of a gene-pool that remained relatively stable for over 7,000 years.

Local hunter-gatherers adopted an agricultural lifestyle

For this study, the researchers newly analyzed ancient DNA from 8 individuals, and succeeded in recovering for the first time whole-genome data from a 15,000-year-old Anatolian hunter-gatherer. This allowed the team to compare that individual’s DNA to later Anatolian farmers, as well as individuals from neighboring regions, to determine how they were related. They also compared the individuals newly analyzed in the study to existing data from 587 ancient individuals and 254 present-day populations.

The researchers found that the early Anatolian farmers derived the vast majority of their ancestry (~90%) from a population related to the Anatolian hunter-gatherer in the study. “This suggests a long-term genetic stability in central Anatolia over five millennia, despite changes in climate and subsistence strategy,” explains Michal Feldman of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.

“Our results provide additional, genetic support for previous archaeological evidence that suggests that Anatolia was not merely a stepping stone in a movement of early farmers from the Fertile Crescent into Europe,” states Choongwon Jeong of the Max Planck Institute of the Science of Human History, co-senior author of the study. “Rather, it was a place where local hunter-gatherers adopted ideas, plants and technology that led to agricultural subsistence.”

Genetic interactions with neighbors warrant further study

In addition to the long-term stability of the major component of the Anatolian ancestry, the researchers also found a pattern of interactions with their neighbors. By the time that farming had taken hold in Anatolia between 8,300-7,800 BCE, the researchers found that the local population had about a 10% genetic contribution from populations related to those living in what is today Iran and the neighboring Caucasus, with almost the entire remaining 90% coming from Anatolian hunter-gatherers. By about 7000-6000 BCE, however, the Anatolian farmers derived about 20% of their ancestry from populations related to those living in the Levant region.

“There are some large gaps, both in time and geography, in the genomes we currently have available for study,” explains Johannes Krause of the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, senior author on the study. “This makes it difficult to say how these more subtle genetic interactions took place – whether it was through short-term large movements of people, or more frequent but low-level interactions.” The researchers hope that further research in this and neighboring regions could help to answer these questions.

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Burial of a 15,000 year old Anatolian hunter-gatherer. Douglas Baird

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Article Source: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR THE SCIENCE OF HUMAN HISTORY news release

Earliest known Mariner’s Astrolabe research published today to go in Guinness Book of Records

UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK—Guinness World Records have independently certified an astrolabe excavated from the wreck site of a Portuguese Armada Ship that was part of Vasco da Gama’s second voyage to India in 1502-1503 as the oldest in the world, and have separately certified a ship’s bell (dated 1498) recovered from the same wreck site also as the oldest in the world.

The scientific process of verifying the disc as an astrolabe by laser imaging is described in a paper* published today by Mearns and Jason Warnett and Mark Williams of WMG at the University of Warwick in the International Journal of Nautical Archaeology.

The Sodré astrolabe has made it into the Guinness Book of world records and is believed to have been made between 1496 and 1501, unique in comparison to all other mariner’s astrolabes.

Mariner’s Astrolabes were used for navigating at sea by early explorers, most notably the Portuguese and Spanish.

They are considered to be the rarest and most prized of artifacts to be found on ancient shipwrecks and only 104 examples are known to exist in the world.

They were first used at sea on a Portuguese voyages down the west coast of Africa in 1481. Thereafter, astrolabes were relied on for navigation during the most important explorations of the late 15th century, including those led by Bartolomeu Dias, Christopher Columbus and Vasco da Gama.

It is the only solid disk type astrolabe with a verifiable provenance and the only specimen decorated with a national symbol: the royal coat of arms of Portugal.

As the earliest verifiable mariner’s astrolabe it fills a chronological gap in the development of these iconic instruments and is believed to be a transitional instrument between the classic planispheric astrolabe and the open-wheel type astrolabe that came into use sometime before 1517.

The thin 175 mm diameter disk weighing 344 grams was analyzed by a team from WMG who travelled to Muscat, Oman in November 2016 to collect laser scans of a selection of the most important artifacts recovered from the wreck site.

Using a portable 7-axis Nikon laser scanner, capable of collecting over 50,000 points per second at an accuracy of 60 microns, a 3D virtual model of the artifact was created.

Analysis of the results revealed a series of 18 scale marks spaced at uniform intervals along the limb of the disk.

Further analysis by WMG engineers showed that the spacing of the scale marks was equivalent to 5-degree intervals. This was critical evidence that allowed independent experts at Texas A&M University to include the disk in their global inventory as the earliest known mariner’s astrolabe discovered to date.

Prof Mark Williams from WMG, University of Warwick comments:

“Using this 3D scanning technology has enabled us to confirm the identity of the earliest known astrolabe, from this historians and scientists can determine more about history and how ships navigated.

Technology like this betters our understanding of how the disc would have worked back in the 15th century. Using technology normally applied within engineering projects to help shed insight into such a valuable artifact was a real privilege”

David Mearns of Blue Water Recoveries Ltd comments:

“Without the laser scanning work performed by WMG we would never have known that the scale marks, which were invisible to the naked eye, existed. Their analysis proved beyond doubt that the disk was a mariner’s astrolabe. This has allowed us to confidently place the Sodré astrolabe in its correct chronological position and propose it to be an important transitional instrument.”

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Guinness World Records have independently certified an astrolabe excavated from the wreck site of a Portuguese Armada Ship that was part of Vasco da Gama’s second voyage to India in 1502-1503 as the oldest in the world, and have separately certified a ship’s bell (dated 1498) recovered from the same wreck site also as the oldest in the world. David Mearns

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The astrolabe in situ. David Mearns

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Image produced from laser scans of the astrolabe. David Mearns & The University of Warwick

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Article Source: University of Warwick news release

*David L. Mearns  Jason M. Warnett,  Mark A. Williams, An Early Portuguese Mariner’s Astrolabe from the Sodré Wreck‐site, Al Hallaniyah, Oman

Charting 8,000 Years of Iberian Genomic History

Using ancient DNA recovered from over 270 Iberians representing an unprecedented timespan, researchers including David Reich have pieced together an 8,000-year-long genetic history of the Iberian Peninsula. In addition to revealing key events that shaped Iberia’s ancient populations, the study also demonstrates the potential for high-resolution ancient DNA records that extend from prehistoric to the present to provide detailed information about the formation of a region’s contemporary populations. The study of ancient DNA provides a glimpse into the movements and migrations of ancient peoples as evidenced by the genetic legacies left behind. The Iberian Peninsula, the region encompassing what is now Spain and Portugal, is situated between North Africa, Europe and the Mediterranean. With its long history of interaction with surrounding regions, Iberia provides an ideal opportunity to study the genetic impact of migrations into the European continent from the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa, according to the authors. Iñigo Olalde and colleagues assembled genome-wide data from 271 ancient Iberians, from locations throughout Spain, to create a comprehensive chronology of gene flow into and throughout the region spanning nearly 8,000 years. Olalde et al.extracted the ancient DNA from archaeological human remains previously recovered from a variety of contexts – including a pair of brothers interred together in a mountain-side cave nearly 7,000 years ago. According to the results of their various analyses, the population structure of the region’s Mesolithic hunter-gatherers was much more complex than previously thought. The authors also unexpectedly identified early, albeit limited, interaction with North Africa by approximately 2,500 BCE. The results further revealed the tremendous impact of immigrations of people from the Pontic-Caspian steppe to the east; by about 2,000 BCE, nearly 40% of Iberia’s ancestry and nearly 100% of the local male population was replaced by people with Steppe ancestry. Interestingly, genetic data combined with linguistics reveal that present-day Basques, who show a large amount of Steppe ancestry, lack evidence of the later admixture events that shaped the rest of Iberia. In a related Perspective, Marc Vander Linden discusses the contentious role of genetics-based methodologies in archaeological research and offers transdisciplinary suggestions on how it can be best implemented. “Like any other revolution, ancient DNA’s legacy will not only be measured in light of technological developments, but by its ability to generate meaningful results, including but not limited to admixture events as those documented by Olalde et al.,” writes Linden. 

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La Braña 1 and 2 Mesolithic hunter-gatherers (Leon, Spain), found to be brothers. Julio Manuel Vidal Encinas

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Cariguela Mesolithic mandible, arguably the oldest remain with DNA from Southern Iberia. Archivo fotografico Museo Arqueol6gico de Granada

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A burial (male with steppe ancestry and female without) illustrating the Bronze Age turnover. Luis Benitez de Lugo Enrich – Jose Luis Fuentes Sanchez (Oppida)

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A site from Ciudad Real with contemporaneous people with and without steppe ancestry. Luis Benitez de Lugo Enrich – Jose Luis Fuentes Sanchez (Oppida)

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Some of the Iberian individuals studied come from heads being nailed to house fronts. Credit: Archivo Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya

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Grave good in a Visigothic burial with Eastern European affinities and Asian mtDNA lineage. Universitat de Girona

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lslamic burials from Valencia; the bodies are facing South, where Mecca was supposed to be. Guillermo Pascual Berlanga

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Copper Age male (I4246) from Camino de las Yeseras (Madrid, Spain) with North African origin. Miguel Rodriguez Cifuentes

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This research appears in the 15 March 2019 issue of Science.

Article Source: Science news release. Science is published by AAAS, the nonprofit science society.

Diet-Related Changes in Human Bite Spread New Speech Sounds

Contradicting the theory that the range of human sounds has remained fixed throughout human history, a new study reports that sounds such as “f” and “v”, both common in many modern languages, are a relatively recent development – one brought about by diet-induced changes in the human bite. These changes resulted in new sounds in languages all over the world, the study reports. The researchers say their work reveals how the influence of biological conditions on the development of sounds has been underestimated. Human speech is incredibly diverse, ranging from ubiquitous sounds like “m” and “a” to the rare click consonants in some languages of Southern Africa. However, this range of sounds is generally thought to have been established with the emergence of the Homo sapiensaround 300,000 years ago – independent of any changes in human biology after that time. Inspired by an observation made by linguist Charles Hockett in 1985, that languages that foster sounds like “f” and “v” are often found in societies with access to softer foods, Damian Blasi and colleagues undertook a detailed interdisciplinary investigation of how speech sounds were shaped by changes in human bite as diet changed, particularly as humans transitioned away from hunting and gathering. Through efforts including detailed biomechanical simulations of different human orofacial structures, Blasi and colleagues showed that a shift in adult tooth structure that kept adult’s upper teeth slightly more in front as compared to the lower teeth – a shift that correlated with the rise of food processing technology such as industrial milling – led to the rise of a new class of speech sounds. This class of sounds, now found in half of the world’s languages, is known as labiodentals – or sounds made by touching the lower lip to the upper teeth, for example when pronouncing the letter “f”. Use of labiodentals increased dramatically only in recent millennia, the authors say, following the development of agriculture. The researchers say their findings suggest language is shaped by culturally-induced changes in human biology to a previously underrecognized extent. 

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The difference between a Paleolithic edge-to-edge bite (left) and a modern overbite/overjet bite (right).
Tímea Bodogán

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Biomechanical model of producing an “f” sound with an overbite/overjet (left) vs an edge-to-edge bit
(right). Scott Moisik

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Increasing probability of labiodentals in the Indo-European language family. Balthasar Bickel

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This research appears in the 15 March 2019 issue of Science.

Article Source: Science news release. Science is published by AAAS, the nonprofit science society.