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How Prehistoric Humans Discovered Fire Making

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

An ancient Greek myth tells the story of Prometheus, who, after molding humans out of clay and teaching them the fine arts of civilization, defied the Olympian Gods by stealing the secret of fire and offering it to humans. Prometheus paid dearly for this act of transgression that doted humankind with unprecedented technological know-how, ultimately transforming their condition into one of great power.

The moral behind the Promethean archetype is a cautionary one, intended to warn us about the risks attached to the unbridled pursuit of technology that can inadvertently result in catastrophic scenarios. The Prometheus myth underscores not only the formidable power that individuals may come to possess by defying authority in the quest to develop science and technology but also suggests that anyone who does so will suffer the consequences.

It is significant that the Greeks chose fire as the subject to deliver this warning. Without a doubt, the capacity to produce and control fire stands out among the most transformative technological feats achieved by our prehistoric ancestors; one that ultimately consolidated human planetary domination. But how, when, and where did early humans harness the technologies necessary to master fire making? What does the archeological record tell us about how they finally obtained the Promethean secret of fire making?

Like other milestones marking the human evolutionary pathway (like perfecting stone axes or mastering advanced hunting practices), the know-how required to make, use, and control fire evolved progressively, encouraged by human ingenuity and, probably also, by trial and error. Fire making techniques were perfected over time and transmitted socially, while different human groups explored the multifaceted revolutionary potential offered by controlling it. Before truly mastering fire making, early humans may have experienced a precedent phase during which they used fire passively, gathering, preserving and even transporting brazes ignited by natural causes (lightning, spontaneous combustion, etc.), prior to learning how to actively generate and control it. In the meantime, curiosity led them to explore the mysterious properties of fire, while also inspiring them to seek ways to master its secrets.

While looking back in time, it is difficult to pinpoint exactly when our ancestors began to control fire-making technologies. Recognizing intentionally ignited and sustained fires in archeological contexts poses challenges since the simple presence of burned bones and stones or localized areas of charred soils are not sufficient to prove that hominins were actively producing fire. Before 1 million years ago, sparse evidence from some African sites could suggest that hominins were opportunistically harvesting fire from naturally kindled blazes; rather than practicing truly operative fire making. However, a multidisciplinary study from the Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa reports convincing evidence for intentional burning in a controlled archeological context dated to 1 million years old.

While such early signals of fire making are rare and difficult to recognize and interpret, globally, the ability to set fire at will is heralded as a major groundbreaking accomplishment attributed to the Homo erectus lineage who lived during the Lower Paleolithic period. This group of hominins is known to have produced an impressive array of tools belonging to the so-called Acheulian industrial complex that emerged in Africa 1.75 million years ago. Fire making is not the only groundbreaking achievement marking the 1.4 million-year-long reign of the Acheulian peoples. Throughout this time, hominins invented and came to master highly complex technological achievements, documented archeologically in the form of stone and (sometimes) bone tools. These technologies facilitated the expansion of H. erectus populations into Eurasia, where they continued to perfect and diversify the toolkits that afforded them adaptive advantages; improving their ability to multiply and flourish.

Aside from their broadening cultural repertoire, parallel processes of social development (more difficult to recognize in the archeological record) were also taking place. Rising demography is manifest in both Africa and Eurasia from the exponential increases in the number, density, and variety of archeological sites: a phenomenon that must in turn have generated more frequent interpopulational encounters, assuring reproductive viability and offering opportunities for cultural transmission at various levels. Acheulian hominins began to organize themselves into functional collective units that allowed them to more effectively share and exchange their newfound skills: a strategy that would ultimately favor their survival.

It is only after the 1-million-year mark that the global repercussions of the consolidation of fire-making technologies become more clearly visible in some archeological contexts outside of Africa. At the Acheulian site of Gesher Benot Ya’aqov, in the Jordan Valley, for example, compelling evidence some 780,000 years old confirms that hominins were not only making fire at will but were also deliberately cooking fish. Meanwhile, as far away as China, but in a similar timeframe (800,000 to 600,000 years ago), there is proof in the famous multi-leveled Acheulian cave site of Zhoukoudian that individuals belonging to an Asian strain of H. erectus were also successfully experimenting with controlled burning in occupational settings.

Despite these rare and ancient occurrences, indications that hominins were actively generating and controlling fire became more ubiquitous only thousands of years later, toward the end of the Acheulian phase (after around 400,000 years ago), and then even more frequent as we move into the Eurasian Middle Paleolithic and African Middle Stone Age. Technological and behavioral diversity multiplies exponentially from this time forward, as toolkits differentiate to form complex formal manifestations of culture. Importantly, dwellings (often in caves) become recognizable provisioned home bases, where hominins returned regularly (or seasonally) over many generations. For the first time, organized living spaces can be identified within base camp settings that were structured around easily recognizable combustion structures, or hearths.

So, while H. erectus is credited with initiating the fire-making revolution sometime during the early phases of the Acheulian, it is only much later that the Pre-Neandertals and other forms of pre-modern and modern Homo thriving in Eurasia at the end of this period began to more intensively experiment with the enormous potential offered by the Promethean gift of fire. Around 350,000 years ago, on the eve of the shift from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic, the prevalence of hearths within prehistoric living spaces signals important changes taking place in hominin lifestyles.

Making fire was interwoven with many social, technological, and behavioral developments that triggered major changes that would shape humanity from that point onward. While (rather surprisingly) fire does not seem to have been a requirement for hominins expanding to territories situated in higher latitudes, it would have helped facilitate their capacity to take root in areas dominated by harsh or unstable climatic conditions. In terms of hunting, fire-wielding hominins would have had huge advantages over other kinds of carnivores with whom they competed for resources; fire also guaranteed the safety and protection of their own communities.

Besides taking advantage of these benefits, our ancestors experimented extensively with fire over thousands of years and grasped the significance of its power to transform the properties of other materials available in the landscape. They eventually learned to use fire to improve their weaponry (like heating flint to improve its knapping quality) and to assemble composite implements by hafting pointed stone tools onto branches using adhesives prepared with heat—such as tar and ocher. In addition, cooking food must radically have transformed the hominin diet, reducing the likelihood of contracting bacterial diseases and parasites from meat and other foodstuffs, while opening up innovative pathways toward enlarging the paleo diet (boiling, smoking, drying, etc.).

But among all of the spectacular changes afforded to prehistoric humans by the mastery of fire perhaps the most important and most difficult to assess archeologically is the social impact it must have had. With fire, humans were finally able to dompt the darkness and linger with confidence into the night, gathered together in proximity to hearths that afforded them warmth, light, and comfort. This leads us to postulate a variety of socially related activities, like storytelling or other communal rituals. While it is impossible to measure the impact of this complex series of events that so indelibly affected human evolution, we can still discern how technology and culture were interwoven to catalyze the advancement of symbolic communication within the developing brains of our ancestors, finally grouped into distinct territorial social units.

Later still, during the Middle and Upper Paleolithic periods, our human predecessors used firelight to venture into deep cave systems to perform ritual activities and create art on the cave walls, bringing it to life with the play of torchlight. Toward the end of the Paleolithic, humans continued to explore the powerful transformative qualities of fire, eventually learning to obtain and maintain the high temperatures necessary to transform clay into pottery and, later, to melt metal ores into usable items that would, once again, revolutionize the human story.

Even today, fire remains a powerful force whose symbolic meaning is deeply rooted within our collective unconsciousness. Though Prometheus was eventually delivered from his torment, his transgression still resonates as a lesson to humankind’s defiant striving to master transformative technologies without heeding the looming dangers posed by the unforeseen consequences of such actions.

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This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top Left: Prehistoric humans using fire. Franz26, Pixabay

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‘Extraordinary’ 4,000-year-old Egyptian skull may show signs of attempts to treat cancer

FRONTIERS—From ancient texts we know that – for their times – the ancient Egyptians were exceptionally skilled at medicine. For example, they could identify, describe, and treat diseases and traumatic injuries, build protheses, and put in dental fillings. Other conditions, like cancer, they couldn’t treat – but they might have tried.

Examining the limits of traumatological and oncological treatments in ancient Egypt, an international team of researchers has now studied* two human skulls, each thousands of years old.

“We see that although ancient Egyptians were able to deal with complex cranial fractures, cancer was still a medical knowledge frontier,” said Tatiana Tondini, a researcher at the University of Tübingen and first author of the study published in Frontiers in Medicine.

“This finding is unique evidence of how ancient Egyptian medicine would have tried to deal with or explore cancer more than 4,000 years ago,” added the study’s lead author, Prof Edgard Camarós, a paleopathologist at the University of Santiago de Compostela. “This is an extraordinary new perspective in our understanding of the history of medicine.”

Cutting away cancer

“We wanted to learn about the role of cancer in the past, how prevalent this disease was in antiquity, and how ancient societies interacted with this pathology,” explained Tondini. To do so, the researchers examined two skulls held at the University of Cambridge’s Duckworth Collection. Skull and mandible 236, dating from between 2687 and 2345 BCE, belonged to a male individual aged 30 to 35. Skull E270, dating from between 663 and 343 BCE, belonged to a female individual who was older than 50 years.

On skull 236, microscopic observation showed a big-sized lesion consistent with excessive tissue destruction, a condition known as neoplasm. In addition, there are 30 or so small and round metastasized lesions scattered across the skull.

What stunned the researchers was the discovery of cutmarks around these lesions, which probably were made with a sharp object such as a metal instrument. “When we first observed the cutmarks under the microscope, we could not believe what was in front of us,” said Tondini.

“It seems ancient Egyptians performed some kind of surgical intervention related to the presence of cancerous cells, proving that ancient Egyptian medicine was also conducting experimental treatments or medical explorations in relation to cancer,” explained co-author Prof Albert Isidro, a surgical oncologist at the University Hospital Sagrat Cor, who specializes in Egyptology.

Cancer in antiquity

Skull E270, too, shows a big lesion consistent with a cancerous tumor that led to bone destruction. This may indicate that although today’s lifestyle, people getting older, and cancer-causing substances in the environment increase cancer risk, cancer was also a common pathology in the past.

On skull E270, there are also two healed lesions from traumatic injuries. One of them seems to have originated from a close-range violent event using a sharp weapon. These healed lesions could mean that the individual potentially received some kind of treatment, and as a result, survived.

Seeing such a wound on a female individual, however, is uncommon, and most violence-related injuries are found on males. “Was this female individual involved in any kind of warfare activities?” asked Tondini. “If so, we must rethink the role of women in the past and how they took active part in conflicts during antiquity.”

The researchers, however, also said that studying skeletal remains comes with certain challenges that make definitive statements difficult, especially since remains often are incomplete and there is no known clinical history. “In archaeology we work with a fragmented portion of the past, complicating an accurate approach,” Isidro pointed out.

“This study contributes to a changing of perspective and sets an encouraging base for future research on the field of paleo-oncology, but more studies will be needed to untangle how ancient societies dealt with cancer,” concluded Camarós.

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Skull and mandible 236, dating from between 2687 and 2345 BCE, belonged to a male individual aged 30 to 35. Image: Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024. Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024.

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Skull E270, dating from between 663 and 343 BCE, belonged to a female individual who was older than 50 years. Image: Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024. Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024.

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Cutmarks found on skull 236, probably made with a sharp object. Image: Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024. Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024.

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The skulls were examined using microscopic analysis and CT scanning. Image: Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024. Tondini, Isidro, Camarós, 2024.

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Article Source: Frontiers news release.

Isotopic Analysis for Archaeological Applications

Isotopic analysis has numerous applications within the discipline of archaeology, anthropology, and geoarchaeology. In particular, uranium-thorium, lead, and strontium isotope testing can be used to research such topics as migration studies, paleoclimatology, environmental reconstruction, anthropology, and geochronology.

Strontium Isotopes Tell Us Where Our Ancestors Came From

Strontium (Sr) isotope ratio data can be used to reconstruct migration through time. Strontium has four naturally occurring stable isotopes: 84Sr, 86Sr, 87Sr, and 88Sr. 87Sr is radiogenic with a half-life of 48.8 billion years, resulting from the β-decay of 87Rb (rubidium). Approximately 83% of naturally occurring strontium is 88Sr. When answering research questions about migration and mobility studies, the 87Sr/86Sr ratio is applicable due to their similar abundances (7% and 10%), high mass and distinct natural spatial variability.1

Trace amounts of strontium are present in rocks. The isotopic signature is transferred to overlaying soil and water – ultimately taken in by plants and animals as they consume the water and plant matter. As rock weathers and traverses the food chain, the Sr ratio remains fairly constant due to its high mass, making it possible to connect a sample to a specific location. 87Sr/86Sr analysis of migration is applicable to sample types including bone, hair, and tooth enamel.

The geochemical origin of a sample is represented by the ratio of 87Sr/86Sr. A unique 87Sr/86Sr ratio is found in different geographic areas, fluctuating depending on the area’s water sources and geology and thus, living things inherit their habitat’s specific Sr isotopic signature. Migration of humans and animals from one region to another subjects them to different Sr signatures. Thus, measuring the 87Sr/86Sr ratios of tissue and bone allows mobility and migration patterns to be tracked through time. Teeth, for example, are developed in infancy and can be used to identify where an individual was born and raised. Fingernails continuously regenerate and would be able to provide details of a living organism’s most recent location before death.

Strontium Isotopes For Tracking Human Mobility: A Case Study

In a 2016 study by Wang et al., the authors used strontium isotope analysis to trace mobility within the early Iron Age populations of the Pamir Plateau in Eurasia. There has been some evidence that inner-Asian populations partook in long-distance trade and migration with other pre-Silk Road cultures with the discovery of foreign material culture such as silk thread.2 These hypotheses were strengthened via strontium isotope research of human remains from a 2,500 year old cemetery on the Pamir Plateau. Isotopic variability in 87Sr/86Sr ratios in dental enamel samples taken from 34 sets of human remains suggest the presence of a highly mobile population. The majority of the remains (24 individuals) were shown to be local to the area, whilst 10 of the individuals possessed ratios suggesting they were migrants.3 This study demonstrates the great potential for understanding human migration patterns, mobility, and trade associations utilizing 87Sr/86Sr ratios.

Developing Uranium-Thorium Chronologies to Reconstruct Past Environments

Uranium-Thorium (U-Th) dating is used to estimate sample ages and develop chronologies for paleoclimate research and environmental reconstruction. While radiocarbon dating measures the quantity of decay of the carbon-14 isotope (14C), U-Th dating measures a decay chain ratio between 234U/230Th. This measurement allows the time that has passed since the sample was formed to be calculated, resulting in the age of the sample.

At the time of formation, the U-Th ratio is initially completely composed of uranium. Over time, the uranium decays into thorium, giving the sample a higher concentration of thorium. Analysis is based on a ratio of parent (234U) and daughter (230Th) atoms in a given sample and measures their isotope activity, calculating the decay of the parent and production of the daughter over time. Younger samples will have had less time to decay, giving them a higher proportion of parent atoms while older samples will have more daughter atoms. U-Th chronology development is based on a couple of assumptions. First, it is assumed that the sample is behaving as a close system with respect to uranium and thorium, meaning there is no elemental exchange between the sample and surrounding environment. Samples which are susceptible to such exchanges (e.g. bone, foraminifera, shells) are not suitable for this method. To be able to calculate the age, the initial thorium value in the sample (Th0) at the time of formation must be known. Since the Th0 in the sample is not known, it is assumed that the sample contains the average crustal detrital thorium value at the time of formation.

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The uranium decay series

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The ratio between the parent and daughter atoms allows the sample age to be determined. U-Th dating has a dating limit of up to 500,000 years, making it a better option than other methods with lower dating thresholds such as radiocarbon dating for certain sample types.4 U-Th dating is applicable to calcium carbonate (CaCO3) bearing samples including cave art, speleothems and flowstones, and coral. It is important to be aware of whether a sample comes from an open system or a closed system as it impacts the accuracy of the dating results. The U-Th dating method is based on the assumption that the material is a closed system (e.g. corals, speleothems), meaning that the material hasn’t exchanged uranium or thorium with the surrounding environment. On the other hand, open system samples (e.g. bone, sediments) allow for the exchange of matter (including uranium and thorium), producing lower certainty results. Therefore, the most optimal samples for U-Th dating are those that represent closed systems.5 

Lead Isotopes Reveal Human Environmental Impact And Metal Artifact Provenance

Lead (Pb) isotope ratios that are within the uranium decay chain are a function of the amount of uranium and thorium present. The amount of U and Th present is affected by geological processes. For this reason, lead isotopes are a useful tool for answering research questions about the nature and timing of these geological processes.6 The lead isotopic composition of geologic material is a function of three independent decay chains, contributing to potential isotopic variability in minerals. Pb measurement is applicable to igneous and metamorphic rocks, mineral dust, marine and lacustrine sediments, bones, tooth enamel, soil, and others. Testing has a variety of applications including geochemical fingerprinting, and contaminant source tracing.

Geochemical fingerprinting uses the unique lead isotopic signature present in different rock lithologies as well as overlying soils to allow specific areas on the earth’s surface to be distinguished. Distinct isotopic ratios are presented by different rocks, a property that is used extensively for provenance studies such as establishing the geological origin of metals. Lead isotopes do not change form during the conversion process from ore to artifact (e.g. lead pigments, coins). Therefore, analysis can shed light on research questions concerned with trade and the geographical movement of objects because information about where the ore was mined is retained by the material. For example, Cooper, H.K. and Simonetti, A. describe the validity of lead isotope analysis for researching archaeometallurgical provenance in their 2021 study.7 They determined the lead isotopic ratios of the native copper deposits in the Arctic and Subarctic regions of northwestern North America could be distinguished enough to identify regional differences in their isotopic signatures. The ability to distinguish these signatures could be used to reveal copper trade connections.

Another application of lead isotope measurement, contaminant source tracing, is based on the impact caused by human influences on lead’s biogeochemical cycle. Lead enters the environment via various human activities including mining and smelting. Different lead isotope ranges can be correlated to specific anthropogenic activities and used to measure human impacts on the environment over time. Lead can also be traced in bone and teeth. A 2019 study by Scott et al. measured a toxic level of lead contamination in Roman bones from Londinium.8 These results suggest the potential prevalence of widespread lead contamination in urban Roman settlements. Although the study doesn’t indicate a specific singular source or rule out the potential for post-mortem contamination, it highlights contaminant source tracing as a tool for measuring lead exposure within populations.

Conclusion

Strontium, uranium-thorium, and lead isotope analyses are valuable techniques with many applications for archaeological research. One of these applications uses strontium isotopic analysis to reveal information that is beneficial for investigating human and animal migration and mobility. U-Th dating can be used to obtain chronological data for reconstructing climate and environmental changes through time. Lead isotopes are applicable to research into the geological origin of metal artifacts via geochemical fingerprinting and identifying human activities using contaminant source tracing.

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Published with permission of Isobar Science, www.isobarscience.com

Cover image, top left: chenspec, Pixabay

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Sources

1: https://isobarscience.com/strontium/application/ Accessed September 27, 2021

2, 3: Wang, X., Tang, Z., Wu, J. et al. Strontium isotope evidence for a highly mobile population on the Pamir Plateau 2500 years ago. Sci Rep 6, 35162 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1038/srep35162 Accessed May 6, 2022.

4: https://isobarscience.com/u-th/application/ Accessed September 27, 2021

5: https://isobarscience.com/u-th-dating-assumptions/ Accessed May 20, 2024.

6: https://isobarscience.com/lead-isotopes/application/ Accessed April 21, 2022
7:
Cooper HK, Simonetti A. Lead Isotope Analysis of Geological Native Copper: Implications for Archaeological Provenance Research in the North American Arctic and Subarctic. Minerals. 2021; 11(7):667. https://www.mdpi.com/2075-163X/11/7/667. Accessed May 20, 2024

8:  Scott SR, Shafer MM, Smith KE, Overdier JT, Cunliffe B, Stafford TW Jr, Farrell PM (2020) Elevated exposure in Roman occupants of Londinium: new evidence from the archaeological record. Archaeometry 62:109–129. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/arcm.12513 Accessed May 20, 2024

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3,500-year-old Mycenaean armor was suitable for extended battle

UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM—A 3,500-year-old suit of Mycenaean armour may have been used in battle – and not just for ceremonial purposes as previously thought – new research* reveals.

Small Aegean Things with Big Value

The ancient Aegean Bronze Age Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations are most popularly known for their 2nd Millennium B.C. period monumental palaces and their magnificent, stylish wall painting frescoes (particularly those of the Minoans), as well as numerous clay tablets and other artifacts bearing the Linear A and Linear B scripts. Equally important, however, are the markings the Aegean people created on small seals and sealings which have come to light over the years through excavations and private collections.

In the 4th episode of Dr. Ester Salgarella’s ongoing podcast series, Aegean Connections, Dr. Sarah Finlayson, Research Fellow in the Department of Aegean and Textile Archaeology, University of Warsaw, enlightens listeners about how these otherwise small objects of antiquity carry big value in terms of furthering our understanding of the ancient Aegean civilizations. In this production, Dr. Finlayson makes the point that much can be revealed in small things forgotten.

Learn more about this by listening to the podcast episode, Are we hitting the ‘mark’? Exploring marking practices in the Bronze Age Aegean

Cover Photo, Top Left: Minoan Seal, 1700 BC, Badisches Landesmuseum Karlsruhe – Special Exhibition 2001. Andree Stephan, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Pagan-Christian trade networks supplied horses from overseas for the last horse sacrifices in Europe

CARDIFF UNIVERSITY—Horses crossed the Baltic Sea in ships during the Late Viking Age and were sacrificed for funeral rituals, according to research from Cardiff University.

Egyptian pyramids built along long-lost Ahramat branch of the Nile

SCIENTIFIC REPORTS—31 pyramids in Egypt, including the Giza pyramid complex, may originally have been built along a 64-km-long branch of the river Nile which has long since been buried beneath farmland and desert. The findings, reported in a paper* in Communications Earth & Environment, could explain why these pyramids are concentrated in what is now a narrow, inhospitable desert strip.

The Egyptian pyramid fields between Giza and Lisht, built over a nearly 1,000-year period starting approximately 4,700 years ago, now sit on the edge of the inhospitable Western Desert, part of the Sahara. Sedimentary evidence suggests that the Nile used to have a much higher discharge, with the river splitting into several branches in places. Researchers have previously speculated that one of these branches may have flown by the pyramid fields, but this has not been confirmed.

Eman Ghoneim and colleagues studied satellite imagery to find the possible location of a former river branch running along the foothills of the Western Desert Plateau, very near to the pyramid fields. They then used geophysical surveys and sediment cores to confirm the presence of river sediments and former channels beneath the modern land surface, indicating the presence of a former branch, which they propose naming ‘Ahramat’ (meaning ‘pyramids’ in Arabic). The authors suggest that an increased build-up of windblown sand, linked to a major drought which began approximately 4,200 years ago, could be one of the reasons for the branch’s migration east and eventual silting up.

The discovery may explain why these pyramid fields were concentrated along this particular strip of desert near the ancient Egyptian capital of Memphis, as they would have been easily accessible via the river branch at the time they were built. Additionally, the authors found that many of the pyramids had causeways which ended at the proposed riverbanks of the Ahramat branch, which they suggest is evidence the river was used for transporting construction materials.

The findings reiterate the importance of the Nile as a highway and cultural artery for ancient Egyptians, and also highlight how human society has historically been affected by environmental change, according to the authors. Future research to find more extinct Nile branches could help prioritize archaeological excavations along their banks and protect Egyptian cultural heritage, they add.

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The water course of the ancient Ahramat Branch borders a large number of pyramids dating from the Old Kingdom to the Second Intermediate Period, spanning between the Third Dynasty and the Thirteenth Dynasty. Eman Ghoneim

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Article Source: Scientific Reports news release

Seeing Red: Our Ancient Relationship With Ocher and the Color of Cognition

Irina Matuzava is a contributor to the Human Bridges project.

Twenty-three million years ago, our distant ancestors gained trichromatic color vision through means of a random genetic mutation. Trichromatic color vision and trichromacy refer to the ability to perceive color through three receptors in the eye, known as cones, which are sensitive to different wavelengths of visible light. It has been assumed that primates ancestral to humans had two cones at the start of their lineage; the duplication and modification of genes coding for one of the two created another distinct, separate cone. Gaining a third cone allowed for the perception of red and other colors with long wavelengths in addition to the two preexisting receptors for blues and greens with shorter wavelengths—red was entirely unknown to primate species before this mutation, and the ability to see red remains rare among other mammals. Exceptions to mammalian dichromacy, the state of having two cones, are uncommon. Some primates lost one of their cone receptors, becoming monochromats. Having a single cone, monochromats like the nocturnal owl monkeys (genus Aotus) perceive light intensity in shades of gray without the ability to differentiate color values. Others, including the ancestors of modern apes, monkeys, and humans, happened to gain a third cone.

Michael H. Rowe, professor emeritus of neuroscience at Ohio University, confirms that random processes were involved in the evolution of primate trichromacy in his study of the underlying neurophysiological mechanisms, and outlines the two dominant theories for the maintenance of a third cone among primates. One longstanding theory is that of enhanced fruit detection among diurnal primates, who are most active during the daytime. According to this theory, improved discernment of red fruits against green foliage led to a direct increase in efficiency when foraging for nutritious food. The second theory, however, suggests it was the consumption of leaves rather than fruit that more strongly influenced routine trichromacy. This alternate “young leaf” hypothesis emphasizes the importance of enhanced color vision when selecting nutritious leaves over their less beneficial counterparts, especially at times when fruit is scarce and surviving off of leaf consumption becomes critical. Rowe’s findings and the newer “young leaf” theory also align with the later evolution of trichromatic vision in the howler monkey, a New World primate.

New World primates like the howler monkey and Old World primates, which include humans and apes, are two major groups within the order Primates that differ in anatomical features and geographic distribution. Since their last common ancestor did not have trichromatic vision, the trait evolved in both Old and certain New World species through convergent evolution. This occurs when similar traits evolve among distantly related species, usually due to similar environmental pressures and advantages to the trait.

Further down the evolutionary timeline, rocks and minerals became the cornerstones of technological advancement among hominins. Within the range of widely accessible raw materials, one pigment stands out with its broad spectrum of color: ocher. Ocher varies in shade depending on its chemical and structural composition, appearing from light yellows and rusty browns to deep red-purple hues. Red ocher, for example, gains its color from an abundance of an iron oxide called hematite.

Known evidence for processing and crushing ocher pieces by early humans in Africa dates as far back as the Early Stone Age. In a 2022 article published by the Journal of World Prehistory, researchers Rimtautas Dapschauskas and his co-authors compared the frequency of ocher use over time between over 100 African archaeological sites. They found that ocher, particularly of the hematite-rich variety, grew in geographical distribution and frequency of use from 500,000 y.a. (years ago) and became part of the cultural behaviors habitual to site inhabitants as early as 160,000 y.a. Over a third of sites included in this study that were used at or after this date contained various forms of the material. Notable ocher finds from Early to Late Stone Age African sites include two intentionally shaped pieces of red ocher from 307,000 y.a. at the Olorgesailie basin in Kenya, as well as a workshop at Blombos Cave, South Africa, for processing ocher 75,000-100,000 y.a. Several of the Blombos Cave specimens display patterns of wear suggesting their use on hard surfaces in the same manner one would use a crayon today.

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Ochre artifact discovered at the Blombos cave site in South Africa. The markings date to about 70,000 years ago. Chris S. Henshilwood, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, Wikimedia Commons

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Ocher pervaded early human history, with many instances of use appearing throughout the archaeological record in accompaniment to technological/utilitarian developments and ritualistic behavior. A few utilitarian applications of ocher include its use in hide-processing, as a skin protectant to guard against mosquitos and excessive sun exposure, and in compound adhesives for tool making. The latter is considered to be one of the best pieces of evidence for advanced cognitive abilities in early humans.

Processing ocher is not unique to Homo sapiens, either, and was a practice shared by other members of the Homo genus. A 2024 study conducted by scientists Patrick Schmidt, Radu Iovita, and their colleagues investigates the use of ocher-based compound adhesives for Middle Paleolithic cutting and scraping tools crafted by Neanderthals (Homo neanderthalensis) at Mousterian rock shelters in France. The researchers found that the adhesive’s ratio of ocher to bitumen was optimal and exact—bitumen loses adhesive properties when mixed with ocher, but the ratio used by Neanderthals creates a mass malleable enough to be formed yet sticky enough to adhere stone tools to handles. The glue’s formula is presumed to be a result of experimentation and costly investments of time and labor, akin to the behaviors and thought patterns of early Homo sapiens in Africa.

Past ritual applications are evident through the intentional selection of ocher based on color. Despite the prevalence of other pigments such as yellow ocher or black manganese in local landscapes, the disproportionate abundance of processed red ocher in large artifact assemblages points to a strong preference for saturated red hues over any other pigment color. Having no obvious instrumental value and inexplicable from a utilitarian perspective, the prolonged repetition of color-driven ocher collection exemplifies ritual behavior. Burial decoration was another ritual application of ocher. The deliberate burial of human remains appears in many well-established cases from the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods throughout Europe and Asia. Burials often imply respect for the individual and adornment of the grave or deceased individual was sometimes used to honor the person’s social status or to enhance their appearance. Lawrence G. Straus and his collaborators describe a burial of “the Red Lady of El Mirón” in their 2015 Journal of Archaeological Science article. The “Red Lady,” found in a cave in northern Spain, gained her name from an abundance of red ocher that coats her remains in a bright red hue. Those who buried her used a form of ocher not found in local sources, suggesting it may have been collected elsewhere for special burial rites or preservative use. Another example is a discovery made at Sungir, northeast of Moscow, Russia, where a man and two young children were buried 27,000 years ago. Their grave contained objects including mammoth ivory spears, a variety of ornamental jewelry, and thousands of ivory beads. The burial was covered entirely in red ocher.

Researchers have suggested that the initial catalyst for ocher use may have been its colorful and aesthetic appeal, only later followed by practical applications. With this in mind, it is no surprise that ocher is one of the earliest natural pigments used for artistic expression, including bodily adornment and cave paintings. Two of the oldest known cave paintings are hand stencils in the Cave of Maltravieso of west-central Spain and painted stalactites, mineral formations that hang from cave ceilings, in the Ardales cave of northern Spain. The red pigment decorating these caves has been dated through uranium-thorium testing methods to at least 66,700 and 65,500 years ago, respectively. Today, artists primarily use a synthetic version of red ocher invented in the 18th century. Still, they carry on a very ancient legacy of using this pigment—to create meaningful symbols in meaningful places.

Red ocher has been heavily featured by people across time and continents compared to its undersaturated counterparts, and the color red continues to hold special significance on a global scale. In many East Asian cultures, red represents good fortune and is featured heavily during celebrations. In some Native American communities, red denotes courage and spiritual strength, while other groups associate life, vigor, passion, revolution, and other powerful concepts with the color. The power ascribed to red is also heavily reflected in language—different cultures group the visible light spectrum into categories of different sizes and names. However, an overwhelming majority have a designated word for red no matter how they differentiate between the rest of the rainbow.

Modern people with normal color vision may take the ability for granted, but the capacity to identify shades of red in natural settings served as a significant advantage for our diurnal primate ancestors in terms of survivability and evolutionary fitness. Whether color vision was upheld by the consumption of fruit, foliage, or a combination of both, a new array of visual cues meant new survival strategies and perceptions of the world. In this regard, trichromacy, an accidental evolutionary milestone, paved the way for the widespread cultural gravitation of people toward red and red ocher long before anatomically modern humans existed themselves.

Although past interpretations of ocher have been complicated by its duality in symbolic and practical uses, special attention toward the mineral grows alongside the number of excavated finds. Current research initiatives increasingly recognize the value of the material as a reflection and potential driving force of cognitive and cultural evolution in early humans.

Cover Image, Top Left: Scraper and ocher powder to work the skin. DorieoWikimedia Commons License CC-BY-SA 4.0

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

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The Red Queen of Palenque

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

Carved on stone stelae, lintels and painted on ceramics of the Maya Classic period (250-950 AD)*, one sees spouses of lords and other women who were ranking officials in social, political, and spiritual contexts. The history of the Red Queen of Lakamha’ is inseparable from the life of her adopted society in a challenging seventh-century environment riven by conflicts. Lakamha’ in Maya-Ch’ol means “big waters” for the fifty-six streams and small rivers flowing down the slopes of the Chiapas mountain range over natural stair-steps and pools. The city is today known by its Spanish name Palenque, in the Mexican state of Chiapas.

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Central Palenque 650-750AD/CE.  @ artstation.com

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Ph.02 – Temple of the Inscriptions-L  &  Temple.XIII-R.  @georgefery.com

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Contributions by women are historically understated in the archaeological record, but have been addressed over recent years, bringing a sharper focus on Maya ancient societies. In the seventh century, the time of our story, hostility led to frequent armed conflicts that were major disruptors in people’s daily lives. Beside securing and raising children, among other important duties, the woman of the family often had to attend to elderly parents or help neighbors in needs. Her husband was either away at the crack of dawn, working in the corn fields (milpas), he may have been ordered to join the army or, between planting and harvesting seasons, summoned by the city leaders to work on major construction projects.

The historical record for the Red Queen’s early life is scarce. However, we know that the society in which she lived was not dissimilar to that of other communities in the region at the time. A brief review of Palenque’s tumultuous history and that of its leading figures will help to set the context leading to her position of great power….

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In the mid-seventh century, Palenque leaders and those from other communities in the region had to contend with fast drivers of change, among which was a growing population that brought challenges to producing more maize and other edible products. The ensuing need to expand farming areas brought people closer together and forced them to compete for arable land and water. Recurrent severe climate events such as El Niño and La Niña were also major factors in farmers’ migrations, worsening clashes and conflicts. Important socio-economic and political disruptions, among other factors, led heads of large cities and small chiefdoms to search for allies to face up to encroaching powerful rivals. The trade of salt, cocoa beans, cotton, and jade, among other products was carried overland through natural choke points such as rivers and mountain passes guarded by local lords who charged arbitrary taxes. Additionally, the aggressiveness of the powerful Kaan or “kingdom of the snake” of Calakmul to control these choke points and attendant political dominance, was unrelenting. Calakmul was then one of the largest and most powerful kingdoms, located in the greater Petén Basin region, in today’s Mexican state of Campeche.

Young Tz’ak-b’u, the future Red Queen, was playing with her friends when lords and ladies from the great city of Lakamha’ arrived in 599 at Ux te Kuh’, the town of her birth, located mid-way between today’s Palenque and Tortuguero. She could not have imagined then that one of the slender young boys in the refugee party, Janaab’ Pakal, would be her consort for most of her life. How could she?

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Read the rest of this premium article story at https://popular-archaeology.com/article/the-red-queen-of-palenque/

Image courtesy author Georges Fery

Scientists show ancient village adapted to drought, rising seas

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA – SAN DIEGO—Around 6,200 BCE, the climate changed. Global temperatures dropped, sea levels rose and the southern Levant, including modern-day Israel, the Palestinian territories, Jordan, Lebanon, southern Syria and the Sinai desert, entered a period of drought. 

Previously, archaeologists believed that this abrupt shift in global climate, called the 8.2 ka event, may have led to the widespread abandonment of coastal settlements in the southern Levant. In a recent study* published with the journal Antiquity, researchers at UC San Diego, the University of Haifa and Bar-Ilan University share new evidence suggesting at least one village formerly thought abandoned not only remained occupied, but thrived throughout this period. 

“This [study] helped fill a gap in our understanding of the early settlement of the Eastern Mediterranean coastline,” said Thomas Levy, a co-author on the paper, co-director of the Center for Cyber-Archaeology and Sustainability (CCAS) at the UC San Diego Qualcomm Institute (QI), inaugural holder of the Norma Kershaw Chair in the Archaeology of Ancient Israel and Neighboring Lands in the Department of Anthropology, and a distinguished professor in the university’s Graduate Division. “It deals with human resilience.” 

Signs of Life

The village of Habonim North was discovered off Israel’s Carmel Coast in the mid-2010s and later surveyed by a team led by the University of Haifa’s Ehud Arkin Shalev. 

Prior to its excavation and analysis, there was scant evidence for human habitation along the southern Levantine coast during the 8.2 ka event. The dig, which took place during the COVID-19 lockdown and involved a weeks-long, 24/7 coordinated effort between partners at UC San Diego and the University of Haifa, was the first formal excavation of the submerged site. 

Led by Assaf Yasur-Landau, head of the Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies at the University of Haifa, and Roey Nickelsberg, a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Haifa, the international team excavated the site using a combination of sediment dredging and sampling, as well as photogrammetry and 3D modeling. Team members uncovered pottery shards or “sherds”; stone tools, including ceremonial weapons and fishing-net weights; animal and plant remains; and architecture. 

Using radiocarbon dating, the researchers tested the recovered bones of wild and domesticated animals; the charred seeds of wild plants; crops like wheat and lentils; and weeds that tend to accompany these crops. Their results traced these organic materials back to the Early Pottery Neolithic (EPN), which coincided with both the invention of pottery and the 8.2 ka event.

Habonim North’s pottery sherds, stone tools and architecture likewise dated activity at the site to the EPN and, surprisingly, to the Late Pottery Neolithic, when the village was thought to have been abandoned.

As for how the village likely weathered the worst of the climate instability, the researchers point to signs of an economy that diversified from farming to include maritime culture and trade within a distinct cultural identity. Evidence includes fishing-net weights; tools made of basalt, a stone that does not naturally occur along this part of the eastern Mediterranean coast; and a ceremonial mace head.

“[Our study] showed that the Early Pottery Neolithic society [at Habonim North] displayed multi-layered resilience that enabled it to withstand the 8.2 ka crisis,” said Assaf Yasur-Landau, senior author on the paper. “I was happily surprised by the richness of the finds, from pottery to organic remains.” 

Through 3D “digital twin” technology and the Haifa – UC San Diego QI collaboration, the researchers studying Habonim North have been able to recreate their excavation, virtually, and 3D-print artifacts, opening the path to further study. The team previously received an Innovations in Networking Award for Research Applications from the non-profit organization CENIC for “exemplary” work leveraging high-bandwidth networking during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Shifting the Focus to Resilience

Although scientists debate the cause of the 8.2 ka event, some speculate that it began with the final collapse of the Laurentide ice sheet, which shaped much of the North American landscape in its retreat from modern-day Canada and the Northern United States. 

As it melted, the ice sheet would have changed the flow of ocean currents, affecting heat transport and leading to the observed drop in global temperatures. 

For the authors behind the study, the discovery of lasting and evolving social activity at Habonim North through this period of climate instability indicates a level of resilience in early Neolithic societies. Many of the activities uncovered at the village, including the creation of culturally distinct pottery and trade, formed the basis for later urban societies. 

“To me, what’s important is to change how we look at things,” said Nickelsberg. “Many archaeologists like to look at the collapse of civilizations. Maybe it’s time to start looking at the development of human culture, rather than its destruction and abandonment.”

Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA – SAN DIEGO news release

More plants on the menu of ancient hunter-gatherers

MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR EVOLUTIONARY ANTHROPOLOGY—Conducted by an international team of scientists from the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (Leipzig, Germany), Géoscience et Environnement Toulouse (Toulouse, France), and the Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine (Rabat, Morocco), a study* examines the diet of individuals associated with the Iberomaurusian culture discovered in the cave of Taforalt, Morocco. Using a comprehensive multi-isotopic approach, including zinc and strontium isotope analysis in dental enamel, carbon, nitrogen, and sulfur analysis in collagen, as well as amino acid analysis of human and faunal remains, the researchers uncovered surprising insights into ancient dietary practices.

The study’s major conclusions clearly show that the diet of these hunter-gatherers included a significant proportion of plants belonging to Mediterranean species, predating the advent of agriculture in the region by several millennia. Archaeobotanical remains found at the site, such as acorns, pine nuts, and wild pulses, further support this notion. Moreover, the study suggests that plant foods were also introduced into infant diets and may have served as weaning products for this human population. This finding has significant implications, as it suggests the potential for earlier weaning practices in pre-agricultural communities compared to previously thought norms for hunter-gatherer societies.

Complex dietary practices of pre-agricultural societies

This challenges the prevailing notion of a diet heavily based on animal protein among pre-agricultural human groups and raises questions about the lack of agricultural development in North Africa at the beginning of the Holocene. Zineb Moubtahij, first author of the study, explains: “Our findings not only provide insights into the dietary practices of pre-agricultural human groups but also highlight the complexity of human subsistence strategies in different regions. Understanding these patterns is crucial to unraveling the broader story of human evolution.”   

Furthermore, this study is the first to use zinc isotopes preserved in enamel to determine the diet of ancient populations in Africa. North Africa is a key region for the study of human evolution and modern human dispersal. Having a tool that allows us to further explore human diet deep in time in this region will provide valuable insights into human dietary patterns and adaptability in different environments.

Moving forward, the research team hopes to explore additional Paleolithic sites in North Africa and use innovative techniques to gain a deeper understanding of ancient dietary practices and their implications for human evolution.

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Human tooth from the Taforalt Cave in Morocco, showing severe wear and caries. © Heiko Temming

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Article Source: MAX PLANCK INSTITUTE FOR EVOLUTIONARY ANTHROPOLOGY news release.

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What Does Play Tell Us About Human Evolution?

Brenna R. Hassett, PhD, is a biological anthropologist and archaeologist at the University of Central Lancashire and a scientific associate at the Natural History Museum, London. In addition to researching the effects of changing human lifestyles on the human skeleton and teeth in the past, she writes for a more general audience about evolution and archaeology, including the Times (UK) top 10 science book of 2016 Built on Bones: 15,000 Years of Urban Life and Death, and her most recent book, Growing Up Human: The Evolution of Childhood. She is also a co-founder of TrowelBlazers, an activist archive celebrating the achievements of women in the “digging” sciences.

Our species devotes a singular amount of time to an utterly unserious aspect of life: play. This begs the question: what is the adaptive value of horsing around? What possible evolutionary benefit could an activity that sees no specific return possibly have that we devote so much time to it?

Play holds a particularly special position in the study of both human and non-human behavior; it is accepted as a near-universal part of many animals’ lives, but a definition for ‘play’ that covers species from birds to bats is elusive. What holds together the mock-fighting of puppies and the rhyming chants of our own children, however, is a definition of play that says it is not for any specific purpose; it’s a set of actions that don’t quite achieve anything that an animal repeats during certain phases of their life when they are relaxed and not under threat. Three separate types of play are usually distinguished: play with objects, with locomotor skills, and with friends. The critical thing that separates these types of activities from others, whether undertaken by a cow or a crow, is that they are fun.

It does not, in a strictly Darwinian sense, make any sense for animals to play unless play itself has some adaptive value. Time spent in play is not spent acquiring food or sleeping, for instance, and bouncing around unnecessarily in play burns calories that could be used for growth or survival. And yet, a huge number of animal species have been observed ‘playing’: monitor lizards like the giant Komodo dragon will chew and fetch objects like a dog, fish will chase balls, and octopuses will explore Lego. Play is most at home, however, in mammals, and nowhere is it more obvious than in our own species.

There has been a great deal of argument in evolutionary biology and evolutionary psychology about what that adaptive value might be. Hypotheses include play in animals as physical training, allowing immature individuals to ‘practice’ pounces or perches that they will need as adults. The theory dating back to Victorian times that play is in fact a serious business that serves to train adult minds is still quite prominent, as can be seen by the vast array of ‘educational’ toys available. What these approaches have in common is that they see play as purposeful, as a kind of training mechanism. In this framing, juvenile play serves to make a fully competent adult, of whatever species.

It is clear that play does help train some animals to survive and thrive. A study of bear cubs found the cubs that played more had better survival rates; cheetah cubs that spent more time pretending to stalk their family also did more stalking of prey. There is a vast body of research on the way that play prepares human children for their lives as adults, and in fact our species spends a proportionately longer amount of time on the most playful period of our lives, childhood, than any other. So, while we know that humans engage in locomotor, object, and social play, what we need to understand is why it is adaptive for our species to spend so much time doing it.

One of the ways to do this is to look at how play works in closely related animals. Play does not behave like some sort of directly inherited Mendelian trait; play is deployed very differently even among relatively closely related species. Compare two of the great apes that, to the untrained eye, seem very similar: bonobos and chimpanzees. Both are great ape species of similar size and morphology, but they last shared an ancestor 1 to 2 million years ago and today are separated by the Congo River. Their social systems are very different, with male-dominated hierarchies in the chimpanzees and more fluid and female-led social groups in bonobos. They also occupy different environmental niches, with more reliance on seasonal fruit by bonobos and more access to year-round foods, including plants and insects, by chimpanzees. These may relate to differences in the skills they need to eat: chimpanzees make and use tools such as termite ‘fishing rods’ while bonobos have never been seen to do so.

One difference is in the amount and time the species spend in play. Bonobos are inveterate players throughout their lifetimes, whereas chimpanzees tend to limit play to infancy and childhood. The type of play chimpanzees and bonobos enjoy is also different. Young chimpanzees, who will grow up to become tool users, do more ‘object’ based play than young bonobos. Young bonobos however, who rely more on cooperation to organize their adult societies, will spend more time in ‘social’ play. Play also results in different outcomes for the two species: juvenile chimp play fights often escalate into real fights, while this almost never happens in bonobos.

Perhaps one of the most critical differences in the way these two species play is that in bonobos, play carries on throughout the animals’ lives. Chimpanzees, as they get older, have less and less tolerance for these kinds of interactions, while bonobos retain a kind of childlike tolerance for some kinds of play throughout their lives. That not all species give up on play as adults suggests that there is more to play than just training—adults, after all, are supposed to be fully trained. This is something that we can recognize in our own species: human adults are also champions at playing; whether it is sports, video games, dramas, or any other sort of activity that meets the not-quite-functional-but-fun definition of play.

Adult play tends to be social and to happen in species where social relationships are complicated and require a lot of finesse to manage. Playful interactions, particularly play fighting, help less-dominant adults test the boundaries of their relationships with more dominant ones, reinforce social bonds, and generally maintain the social organization of the group. This kind of adult play encourages cooperation and tolerance, and may even support collective decision-making.

We can look at the evolutionary commitment to play that our species has made in two parts, then. Our long childhoods give us a great deal of opportunity to ‘train’ through play—to gain competence in locomotor, object manipulation, and social skills. We are certainly not the only species to do this, nor are we very unique among our closest relatives: we like to play with tools, just like chimpanzees, because we are also a tool-using species, and we engage in all sorts of social play like bonobos. For us humans, our long childhoods give us a chance to play longer—but perhaps what most stands out is our ability to carry on this childlike willingness to take things a bit less seriously into adulthood. Our dedication to play throughout our lives, then, may be precisely the mechanism that allowed us to evolve to survive with less rigid social hierarchies and more cooperative social groups.

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Image, Top Left: Chimps in the wild. Pixabay image

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Property and Debt in Ancient Rome

Michael Hudson is an American economist, a professor of economics at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and a researcher at the Levy Economics Institute at Bard College. He is a former Wall Street analyst, political consultant, commentator, and journalist. You can read more of Hudson’s economic history on the Observatory.

Traditional societies usually had restrictions to prevent self-support land from being alienated outside of the family or clan. By holding that the essence of private property is its ability to be sold or forfeited irreversibly, Roman law removed the archaic checks to foreclosure that prevented property from being concentrated in the hands of the few. This Roman concept of property was essentially creditor-oriented, and quickly became predatory.

Roman land tenure was based increasingly on the appropriation of conquered territory, which was declared public land, the ager publicus populi. The normal practice was to settle war veterans on it, but the wealthiest and most aggressive families grabbed such land for themselves in violation of early law.

Patricians Versus the Poor

The die was cast in 486 BC. After Rome defeated the neighboring Hernici, a Latin tribe, and took two-thirds of their land, the consul Spurius Cassius proposed Rome’s first agrarian law. It called for giving half the conquered territory back to the Latins and half to needy Romans, who were also to receive public land that patricians had occupied. But the patricians accused Cassius of “building up a power dangerous to liberty” by seeking popular support and “endangering the security” of their land appropriation. After his annual term was over he was charged with treason and killed. His house was burned to the ground to eradicate memory of his land proposal.

The fight over whether patricians or the needy poor would be the main recipients of public land dragged on for twelve years. In 474 the commoners’ tribune, Gnaeus Genucius, sought to bring the previous year’s consuls to trial for delaying the redistribution proposed by Cassius. He was blocked by that year’s two consuls, Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius, who said that decrees of the Senate were not permanent law, “but measures designed to meet temporary needs and having validity for one year only.” The Senate could renege on any decree that had been passed.

A century later, in 384, M. Manlius Capitolinus, a former consul (in 392) was murdered for defending debtors by trying to use tribute from the Gauls and to sell public land to redeem their debts, and for accusing senators of embezzlement and urging them to use their takings to redeem debtors. It took a generation of turmoil and poverty for Rome to resolve matters. In 367 the Licinio-Sextian law limited personal landholdings to 500 iugera (125 hectares, under half a square mile). Indebted landholders were permitted to deduct interest payments from the principal and pay off the balance over three years instead of all at once.

Latifundia

Most wealth throughout history has been obtained from the public domain, and that is how Rome’s latifundia were created. The most fateful early land grab occurred after Carthage was defeated in 204 BC. Two years earlier, when Rome’s life and death struggle with Hannibal had depleted its treasury, the Senate had asked families to voluntarily contribute their jewelry or other precious belongings to help the war effort. Their gold and silver was melted down in the temple of Juno Moneta to strike the coins used to hire mercenaries.

Upon the return to peace the aristocrats depicted these contributions as having been loans, and convinced the Senate to pay their claims in three installments. The first was paid in 204, and a second in 202. As the third and final installment was coming due in 200, the former contributors pointed out that Rome needed to keep its money to continue fighting abroad but had much public land available. In lieu of cash payment they asked the Senate to offer them land within fifty miles of Rome, and to tax it at only a nominal rate. A precedent for such privatization had been set in 205 when Rome sold valuable land in the Campania to provide Scipio with money to invade Africa.

The recipients were promised that “when the people should become able to pay, if anyone chose to have his money rather than the land, he might restore the land to the state.” Nobody did, of course. “The private creditors accepted the terms with joy; and that land was called Trientabulum because it was given in lieu of the third part of their money.”

Most of the Central Italian lowlands ended up as latifundia cultivated by slaves captured in the wars against Carthage and Macedonia and imported en masse after 198. This turned the region into predominantly a country of underpopulated slave-plantations as formerly free peoples were driven off the land into overpopulated industrial towns. In 194 and again in 177 the Senate organized a program of colonization that sent about 100,000 peasants, women and children from central Italy to more than twenty colonies, mainly in the far south and north of Italy.

The Gracchi and the Land Commission

In 133, Tiberius Gracchus advocated distributing ager publicus to the poor, pointing out that this would “increase the number of property holders liable to serve in the army.” He was killed by angry senators who wanted the public land for themselves. Nonetheless, a land commission was established in Italy in 128, “and apparently succeeded in distributing land to several thousand citizens” in a few colonies, but not any land taken from Rome’s own wealthy elite. The commission was abolished around 119 after Tiberius’s brother Gaius Gracchus was killed.

Civil War and Landless Soldiers

Appian describes the ensuing century of civil war as being fought over the land and debt crisis:

“For the rich, getting possession of the greater part of the undistributed lands, and being emboldened by the lapse of time to believe that they would never be dispossessed, absorbing any adjacent strips and their poor neighbors’ allotments, partly by purchase under persuasion and partly by force, came to cultivate vast tracts instead of single estates, using slaves as laborers and herdsmen, lest free laborers should be drawn from agriculture into the army. At the same time the ownership of slaves brought them great gain from the multitude of their progeny, who increased because they were exempt from military service. Thus certain powerful men became extremely rich and the race of slaves multiplied throughout the country, while the Italian people dwindled in number and strength, being oppressed by penury, taxes and military service.”

Dispossession of free labor from the land transformed the character of Rome’s army. Starting with Marius, landless soldiers became soldati, living on their pay and seeking the highest booty, loyal to the generals in charge of paying them. Command of an army brought economic and political power. When Sulla brought his troops back to Italy from Asia Minor in 82 and proclaimed himself Dictator, he tore down the walls of towns that had opposed him, and kept them in check by resettling 23 legions (some 80,000 to 100,000 men) in colonies on land confiscated from local populations in Italy.

Sulla drew up proscription lists of enemies who could be killed with impunity, with their estates seized as booty. Their names were publicly posted throughout Italy in June 81, headed by the consuls for the years 83 and 82, and about 1,600 equites (wealthy publican investors). Thousands of names followed. Anyone on these lists could be killed at will, with the executioner receiving a portion of the dead man’s estate. The remainder was sold at public auctions, the proceeds being used to rebuild the depleted treasury. Most land was sold cheaply, giving opportunists a motive to kill not only those named by Sulla, but also their personal enemies, to acquire their estates. A major buyer of confiscated real estate was Crassus, who became one of the richest Romans through Sulla’s proscriptions.

By giving his war veterans homesteads and funds from the proscriptions, Sulla won their support as a virtual army in reserve, along with their backing for his new oligarchic constitution. But they were not farmers, and ran into debt, in danger of losing their land. For his more aristocratic supporters, Sulla distributed the estates of his opponents from the Italian upper classes, especially in Campania, Etruria and Umbria.

Caesar likewise promised to settle his army on land of their own. They followed him to Rome and enabled him to become Dictator in 49. After he was killed in 44, Brutus and Cassius vied with Octavian (later Augustus), each promising their armies land and booty. As Appian summarized: “The chiefs depended on the soldiers for the continuance of their government, while, for the possession of what they had received, the soldiers depend on the permanence of the government of those who had given it. Believing that they could not keep a firm hold unless the givers had a strong government, they fought for them, from necessity, with good-will.” After defeating the armies of Brutus, Cassius and Mark Antony, Octavian gave his indigent soldiers “land, the cities, the money, and the houses, and as the object of denunciation on the part of the despoiled, and as one who bore this contumely for the army’s sake.”

Empire of Debt

The concentration of land ownership intensified under the Empire. By the time Christianity became the Roman state religion, North Africa had become the main source of Roman wealth, based on “the massive landholdings of the emperor and of the nobility of Rome.” Its overseers kept the region’s inhabitants “underdeveloped by Roman standards. Their villages were denied any form of corporate existence and were frequently named after the estates on which the villagers worked, held to the land by various forms of bonded labor.”

A Christian from Gaul named Salvian described the poverty and insecurity confronting most of the population ca. 440:

“Faced by the weight of taxes, poor farmers found that they did not have the means to emigrate to the barbarians. Instead, they did what little they could do: they handed themselves over to the rich as clients in return for protection. The rich took over title to their lands under the pretext of saving the farmers from the land tax. The patron registered the farmer’s land on the tax rolls under his (the patron’s) own name. Within a few years, the poor farmers found themselves without land, although they were still hounded for personal taxes. Such patronage by the great, so Salvian claimed, turned free men into slaves as surely as the magic of Circe had turned humans into pigs.”

The Church as a Corporate Power

Church estates became islands in this sea of poverty. As deathbed confessions and donations of property to the Church became increasingly popular among wealthy Christians, the Church came to accept existing creditor and debtor relationships, land ownership, hereditary wealth and the political status quo. What mattered to the Church was how the ruling elites used their wealth; how they obtained it was not important as long as it was destined for the Church, whose priests were the paradigmatic “poor” deserving of aid and charity.

The Church sought to absorb local oligarchies into its leadership, along with their wealth. Testamentary disposition undercut local fiscal balance. Land given to the Church was tax-exempt, obliging communities to raise taxes on their secular property in order to maintain their flow of public revenue. (Many heirs found themselves disinherited by such bequests, leading to a flourishing legal practice of contesting deathbed wills.) The Church became the major corporate body, a sector alongside the state. Its critique of personal wealth focused on personal egotism and self-indulgence, nothing like the socialist idea of public ownership of land, monopolies, and banking. In fact, the Crusades led the Church to sponsor Christendom’s major secular bankers to finance its wars against the Holy Roman Emperors, Moslems, and Byzantine Sicily.

 

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Cover Photo, Top Left: View of remains of ancient Rome. The_Double_A, Pixabay

The Ten Tombs

Few cities and regions of the world can match the significance and draw of Jerusalem with the public and scholars alike. In this ancient city, some of the world’s most defining historical events and figures have played out their stories, influencing generations through the ensuing centuries, especially concerning religious beliefs and practices. It therefore goes without saying that historical and archaeological research and publication related to the salient events and figures of historical Jerusalem and its regional context have taken on intense popular interest, as well as some intense scholarly and ecclesiastical debate. The cultural, emotional and ‘spiritual’ roots run deep.

Dr. James Tabor, one of the world’s foremost academic authorities on the Late Second Temple period (aka the Herodian period) Judaism and early Christianity, has offered a new video series he entitles “Jesus Archaeology”. Free to the public, the series focuses on how ancient texts, historical and archaeological sites, and ancient artifacts shed light on the rise of Christianity and the context in which it occurred. It also explores the period extending from at least 100 years before the time of Jesus through the century in which his crucifixion occurred. Of particular note here is video no. 1, entitled Ten Jerusalem Tombs from the Time of Jesus (See complete video below). Here, Tabor reviews and summarizes, with photographic images and illustrations, ten extraordinary burial cave tomb discoveries in the Old City area that relate to the context and events around the time of the Late Second Temple, the time period where Jesus enters the flow of time as it is now documented in historical and biblical records.

The Ossuary of Caiaphas

As is known to many who have a knowledge of the events as accounted in the Canonical gospels of the New Testament, Joseph, son of Caiaphas, presided as High Priest over the trial of Jesus before his crucifixion. A number of scholars suggest that an ornate ossuary (stone box that carries bones of the deceased), discovered with 11 other ossuaries in a tomb accidentally revealed through construction work south of Jerusalem in 1990, contained the skeletal remains of Joseph. Although the identification of the find has been subject to scholarly dispute, the discovery is one of the most important material objects relating to the times in which Jesus lived. Decorated with very ornate etchings — a practice usually reserved for a high status individual — the ossuary contained collectively the remains of two infants, two teenage boys, an adult woman and a man around 60 years old. Scholars suggest that the remains of the 60-year-old man was probably Joseph, son of Caiaphas, as the ossuary exterior was inscribed “Yehosef bar Qayafa” on the long side and “Yehosef bar Qafa” on the narrow side. 

The tomb and the ossuary of Caiaphas that it contained is one example among 9 other tomb discoveries Tabor discusses in the first installment of his video series. Each discovery excites the imagination in equal measure, providing a fascinating window on the lives and times of First Century Jerusalem, a critical and tumultuous period in religious history.

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The Ossuary of Caiaphas, the High Priest. Note the name inscription on one side. BRBurton, CCO 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Detail view of the Caiaphas ossuary inscription. BRBurton, CCO 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Following is a summary of the tomb discoveries Tabor discusses:

  1. The Ossuary of Yehonatan ben Yeshua (Jonathan son of Yeshua) — This is an ornately inscribed but unprovenanced bone box that came into the possession of Tabor and which awaits publication and return to the collection under management of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
  2. The Ossuary of Caiaphas (summarized above).
  3. The Tomb of Bethphage on the Mount of Olives — A tomb with a circular rolling blocking stone at its entrance. The tomb features early Christian ‘graffiti’ on an internal wall surface. It is suggested by Tabor as a likely candidate for the first (temporary) tomb in which Jesus was laid directly after his crucifixion (not to be confused with the second, more permanent tomb belonging to Joseph of Arimathea as mentioned in the Gospel account).
  4. The Tomb of the Shroud in Hinnom Valley — Located just south of Jerusalem, this tomb was looted when first encountered by Tabor and archaeologist colleague Shimon Gibson. Here, skeletal remains and an intact burial shroud was found within the tomb, a very rare discovery. Also a first, the skeletal remains revealed the deceased suffered from advanced leprosy. The shroud was carbon dated to the 1st century AD.
  5. The Talpiot “Jesus Family” Tomb — First discovered during clearing of the area of Talpiot south of Jerusalem for construction of condominiums in 1980, this tomb contained 10 ossuaries. Six of the ossuaries were inscribed with names identifiable with names known to be associated with Jesus and his family, including the name of Jesus himself.
  6. The Talpiot “Resurrection Tomb” — Discovered just steps away from the “Jesus Family Tomb” and now situated beneath a condominium, this tomb was initially investigated but subsequently re-explored 25 years after its discovery by a team using a robotic arm and camera device. The tomb contained ossuaries with inscribed images and inscriptions relating (by interpretation) to the raising of the dead, or resurrection.
  7. The James Ossuary — This famous ossuary, and the story behind it, featured the inscription, “James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus”.  It was brought to light in 2002 from an antiquities dealer and from the beginning became the center of a debate firestorm. Recent geochemical studies have shown that the ossuary likely originally came from the “Jesus Family Tomb” described above.
  8. The Ossuary of Simon and son Alexandros — One of a number of ossuaries discovered through excavation in 1941 of a tomb by archaeologists in the Kidron Valley near Jerusalem. It featured inscriptions of the names of Simon the Cyrenian (suggested to be the Simon of Cyrenia of the New Testament biblical account), and his son Alexandros.
  9. The Abba Tomb — This tomb was found just north of Jerusalem in 1970. It is where Abba, son of Eliza the Priest, and Mattathia son of Judah were buried. Tabor suggests that this Mattathia (Matthew) was in fact the last Maccabean (Hasmonean) king, Antigonus (aka Mattathia or Mathew). The ossuary associated with Antigonus contained nails used for crucifixion, along with skeletal remains.
  10. The Tomb of Yehochanan — This tomb was found north of Jerusalem not far from the Abba tomb in 1968. It contained the remains of a man who, based on the evidence found in the tomb, was crucified. The evidence uncovered provided new insights on how individuals were crucified during the Late Second Temple period in Jerusalem.
  11. Cave 2001 at Masada — In the 1960’s archaeologists found 25 skeletons of men, women and children who were once living in a cave at the southern tip of the summit of Masada near the Dead Sea during the time of the famous siege of Masada. Suggested to have been among the defenders of Masada during the siege, Tabor theorizes that they were the remains of what was left of the Hasmonean priestly royal family based on DNA analysis.

Tabor hopes to realize future DNA analysis of embedded residues within ossuaries such as those described here to develop family profiles for further study.

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The James ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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Inscription detail, James ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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Aerial view of Masada. Samirsmier, Pixabay

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Cover Photo, Top Left: The Ossuary of Caiaphas, the High Priest. BRBurton, CCO 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

For more details about the “Jesus Family Tomb” and the “Resurrection Tomb”, see the article, In Search of the Historical Jesus, previously published in Popular Archaeology Magazine.

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Why Culture Is Not the Only Tool for Defining Homo sapiens in Relation to Other Hominins

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

While the circumstances that led to the emergence of anatomically modern humans (AMH) remain a topic of debate, the species-centric idea that modern humans inevitably came to dominate the world because they were culturally and behaviorally superior to other hominins is still largely accepted. The global spread of Homo sapiens was often hypothesized to have taken place as a rapid takeover linked mainly to two factors: technological supremacy and unmatched complex symbolic communication. These factors combined to define the concept of “modern behavior” that was initially allocated exclusively to H. sapiens.

Up until the 1990s, and even into the early 21st century, many assumed that the demographic success experienced by H. sapiens was consequential to these two distinctive attributes. As a result, humans “behaving in a modern way” experienced unprecedented demographic success, spreading out of their African homeland and “colonizing” Europe and Asia. Following this, interpopulation contacts multiplied, operating as a stimulus for a cumulative culture that climaxed in the impressive technological and artistic feats, which defined the European Upper Paleolithic. Establishing a link between increased population density and greater innovation offered an explanation for how H. sapiens replaced the Neandertals in Eurasia and achieved superiority to become the last survivor of the genus Homo.

The exodus of modern humans from Africa was often depicted by a map of the Old World showing an arrow pointing northward out of the African continent and then splitting into two smaller arrows: one directed toward the west, into Europe, and the other toward the east, into Asia. As the story goes, AMHs continued their progression thanks to their advanced technological and cerebral capacities (and their presumed thirst for exploration), eventually reaching the Americas by way of land bridges exposed toward the end of the last major glacial event, sometime after 20,000 years ago. Curiosity and innovation were put forward as the faculties that would eventually allow them to master seafaring, and to occupy even the most isolated territories of Oceania.

It was proposed that early modern humans took the most likely land route out of Africa through the Levantine corridor, eventually encountering and “replacing” the Neandertal peoples that had been thriving in these lands over many millennia. There has been much debate about the dating of this event and whether it took place in multiple phases (or waves) or as a single episode. The timing of the incursion of H. sapiens into Western Europe was estimated at around 40,000 years ago; a period roughly concurrent with the disappearance of the Neandertal peoples.

This scenario also matched the chrono-cultural sequence for the European Upper Paleolithic as that was defined since the late 19th century from eponymous French archeological sites, namely: Aurignacian (from Aurignac), Gravettian (from La Gravette), Solutrean (from Solutré), and Magdalenian (from la Madeleine). Taking advantage of the stratigraphic sequences provided by these key sites that contained rich artifact records, prehistorians chronicled and defined the typological features that still serve to distinguish each of the Upper Paleolithic cultures. Progressively acknowledged as a reality attributed to modern humans, this evolutionary sequencing was extrapolated over much of Eurasia, where it fits more or less snugly with the archeological realities of each region.

Each of these cultural complexes denotes a geographically and chronologically constrained cultural unit that is formally defined by a specific set of artifacts (tools, structures, art, etc.). In turn, these remnants provide us with information about the behaviors and lifestyles of the peoples that made and used them. The Aurignacian cultural complex that appeared approximately 40,000 years ago (presumably in Eastern Europe) heralded the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic period that ended with the disappearance of the last Magdalenian peoples some 30,000 years later—at the beginning of the interglacial phase marking the onset of the (actual) Holocene epoch.

The conditions under which the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic took place in Eurasia remains a topic of hot debate. Some argue that the chronological situation and features of Châtelperronian toolkits identified in parts of France and Spain and the Uluzzian culture in Italy, should be considered intermediate between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic, while for others, it remains unclear whether Neandertals or modern humans were the authors of these assemblages. This is not unusual, since the thresholds separating the most significant phases marking cultural change in the nearly 3 million-year-long Paleolithic record are mostly invisible in the archeological register, where time has masked the subtleties of their nature, making them seem to appear abruptly.

The idea of a “Human Revolution” was introduced mainly from sites in South Africa, where a rich body of evidence revealed that the set of modern behaviors associated with H. sapiens was significantly older than the European Upper Paleolithic record. Coincident with the reign of the Neandertals in Eurasia and close to the period of the emergence of H. sapiens in Africa proposed subsequently, these remarkable finds comprise evidence indicating advanced technological proficiency and symbolic behaviors, including finely fashioned stone points, specialized bone tools, as well as art, ochre, and shell beads. With some of the finds dating from more than 150,000 to around 70,000 years ago, these Middle Stone Age (MSA) discoveries were thought to provide the basis for the prevalence of our species on the world stage.

Today, new discoveries are rewriting the story of our ancestors. According to a 2017 Nature article, finds from the Jebel Irhoud site in Morocco, which are more than 300,000 years old, have pushed back the date for the emergence of our species by more than 100,000 years. Meanwhile, discoveries in Israel (Misliya) and Greece (Apidima) now suggest that members of the H. sapiens clade reached Eurasia far earlier than previously believed.

One major consequence of this “early arrival,” for example, is a far longer cohabitation period between AMHs and Neandertals than previously suspected. But there is more. Over a period spanning less than a quarter of a century, at least six new species of Homo dating to a timeframe that now overlaps with our own species, have been added to the human family tree. That H. sapiens had physical contact with some of them, like the Denisovans and the Neandertals present in Eurasia, has now been confirmed thanks to advances made in genetic studies.

Moreover, a wide body of evidence now shows that Neandertal peoples were cognitively advanced and possessed highly developed technological know-how and symbolic behaviors—once believed to be attributes exclusive to modern humans. The evidence ranges from art to corporal decoration, with advanced hunting capacities, also suggesting that Neandertals had an aptitude for complex language. In combination, these findings are important factors that are forcing us to rethink the cultural development processes for the Middle and the Upper Paleolithic.

Neandertal toolkits are ascribed to the Mousterian cultural complex (from the Le Moustier site, France), characterized by stone flakes knapped from cores that were often managed using specific techniques referred to as Levallois. This eponymous denomination (from Levallois-Perret, France) refers to a complex series of gestures used to knap a piece of stone (usually flint) to produce flakes with predetermined shapes and sizes. Contrastingly, modern human toolkits are generally classified as being “blade-based” because they consist of long, thin flakes knapped from carefully prepared cores to produce blades that provide greater raw material economy and efficiency. Throughout the Upper Paleolithic and into the Mesolithic, these blade industries included very small tools (microlithic) that were often combined with other materials to form composite tools.

This scheme, however, reflects the dominance of the Western European vision of prehistoric cultural evolution and does not always fit well with the archeological reality. For instance, a recent study shows that innovation in stone cutting-edge productivity was not a rapid and sweeping revolution that helped modern humans spread over Eurasia, but rather it occurred later, progressing in tandem with blade size reduction. Another case in point are the blade-based Middle Paleolithic toolkits of the Amudian culture, recognized to have been made by Neandertals, and also Levallois products associated with the newly coined Nesher Ramla Homo, in the Levant. Moreover, flakes produced using Levallois core preparation techniques ascribed to the Acheulian techno-complex have been documented in the North African Lower Paleolithic.

So what kinds of tools were the early H. sapiens from Jebel Irhoud making 300,000 years ago? Or the modern humans found at Apidima in Greece, nearly 200,000 years ago? What about the other hominins ranging over Eurasia prior to and during the arrival of H. sapiens?

In fact, these archaic humans are associated with a range of technologies and behaviors that suggest a far more complex cultural framework than previously assumed. This annuls the hypothesis that modern humans replaced the Neandertals (and other hominin forms) thanks to the technological superiority of their blade-based industries and calls for a revision of how we perceive the role of culture in defining our own species in relation to other hominins.

These exciting finds have not only enlarged the human family but have also revealed complex patterns of migration and social interchange practiced by our ancestors. Just as these exchanges involved interbreeding and assimilation, culture was also shared and transferred among different hominin groups, effacing the usefulness of restrictive cultural labeling for defining H. sapiens and our cousin species.

These revisions to the archeological record tell us that the similarities and differences we observe in prehistoric cultures are not necessarily a yardstick for measuring the superiority of one human group over another.

Cover Photo, Top Left: Skulls showing different stages of human evolution compared with the one of modern human (Homo sapiens. Nik.vuk. CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Ancient centers of western Anatolia exemplify the movement of people and culture during the Late Bronze and Iron Age, says scholar.

Recently, scholars have focused on changes and transitions among ancient civilizations and population centers of western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean with increasing interest, particularly during the transitional periods from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period. Place names such as Wilusa (Troy), Millawanda (Miletus), Hattusa (of the Hittites), Apasa (Ephesus), Sardis, and population groups like the Luwians, Lydians, Lycians, Carians, and the Mycenaeans, all played prominent roles in events and activities of Bronze Age and Iron Age western and coastal Anatolia, and its interface with the rest of the Aegean world during those time periods. 

Archaeologist and scholar Dr Jana Mokrisova, research associate at the University of  Cambridge, working with the Migration and the Making of the Ancient Greek World project under the direction of Prof. Naoíse Mac Sweeney (University of Vienna), is helping to shed light on various aspects of ancient mobility in the eastern Mediterranean and more specifically, western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean, from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period.

In a recently published podcast, Mokrisova addresses important questions about this comparatively less known subject and its significance in understanding the ancient history and development of this part of the eastern Mediterranean world.  

Ester Salgarella, of the podcast series Aegean Connections, interviews Mokrisova on the subject. The podcast interview is available for free at this website.

Cover Image, Top Left: Map of the cities and regions of Bronze Age Anatolia. Al-qamar, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Who were the Neanderthals, really?

Of all the extinct hominins that came before us, we know most about the Neanderthals. The archaeological and fossil evidence has simply been more prolific for them—that is, outside of Homo sapiens, our own species.

Most significantly, the past decade has seen a surge in new information, affording clues about who the Neanderthals really were, based on insights and discoveries made through archaeological excavation and investigation, new fossil discoveries, improved methods in dating, and new developments in the study of ancient proteins and ancient DNA. We now know more about the Neanderthal brain and cognition; social and family structure; growth and development; sexuality; disease, inbreeding and introgression; blood groups; symbolic behavior; the use of resources and subsistence; and death and caring. The new research is beginning to paint a portrait of the Neanderthal as a being more like us than scientists have previously thought. Of particular note are the strides that have been made in understanding Neanderthals in the areas of the brain and cognition, symbolic behavior, social structure, and use of resources and subsistence as salient factors that contributed to their enduring persistence for over 500,000 years, and in some ways also their subsequent demise around the time of Home sapiens’ entrance on the scene of prehistory.

The Neanderthal Brain and Cognition

Recent studies have provided clues that Neanderthals and Homo sapiens were both comparatively different yet similar in cognitive ability. Earlier morphological studies have shown that Neanderthal brains were at least as large, if not a bit larger, than those of Homo sapiens. However, new research has indicated some important differences in brain structure and anatomy. For example, a study by Kochiyama et al. (2018) that produced a 3D reconstruction of the Neanderthal brain indicated that Neanderthals had smaller cerebellar hemispheres than Homo sapiens. This suggested that Neanderthals were less sophisticated with language communication, were less flexible in their thinking, and possessed a more limited memory capacity. In another study by Pinson and colleagues published in 2022, they found that Homo sapiens produced more neurons and greater neuron connectivity than Neanderthals. On the other hand, research has suggested that Neanderthals and Home sapiens had similar auditory capacities.

The jury is still very much out when it comes to drawing definite overall conclusions about the similarities and differences between Neanderthal and Homo sapiens cognition, but work goes on and their is little doubt that much more will be learned as further study progresses.

Symbolic Behavior

Historically, scholars have attributed symbolic thinking exclusively to Homo sapiens, the ‘last hominin standing’ on the prehistoric hominin timeline. It goes without saying that the evidence supporting this has been prolific. But scientists have now uncovered new clues to a Neanderthal capacity to express themselves abstractly, or symbolically. Cave painting attributed to Neanderthals, such as hand stencils, lines and dots, have been found in a small number of Spanish caves, including La Pasiega, Maltravieso and Ardales. Digital (finger) tracings in soft sediment dated to 57,000 years ago found in the La Roche-Cotard cave in France are suggested to have been made by Neanderthals, given the time period. A 51,000-year-old engraved giant deer phalanx was found at a site (Einhornhohle) in Germany. Cross-hatching on the interior of Gorham’s Cave in Spain has ben suggested to be the work of the Neanderthal occupants. What appear to be purposefully and systematically collected large herbivore crania (especially those with horns) were found at the Cueve Des-Cubierta cave site in Spain. All of these are remarkable and curious finds, though not without intense scholarly debate.

More about these discoveries, including their use of resources and subsistence; family structure and social groups; their DNA legacy; and death and caring, can be found in the full story published in the spring 2024 issue of Popular Archaeology.

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See the incredible archaeology, architecture, and art of northern Spain. A unique tour with special expert guides and lecturers through the collaboration of Popular Archaeology Magazine and Stone & Compass Tours. Not to be missed. Read More About It: https://popular-archaeology.com/article/northern-spains-triple-a-archaeology-architecture-and-art/.

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The Red Queen of Palenque

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

This article is available to Premium members of Popular Archaeology.

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Otium and the Roman Dream

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

One often hears the phrase, the “American Dream.”  It conjures up a sweet life, to wit:  a good job, money in the bank, a big, airy house and neat green lawn, a luxurious car, a happy marriage with beautiful children, all in a charming neighborhood.

For the ancient Roman, the dream was a bit more ambitious, though not altogether unfamiliar to us in our day:  professional success, affluence in abundance, a thriving family, influential friends, and then the best of both worlds: a fine house in a prosperous quarter of the city     say on the Aventine or Esquiline Hilland by all means a cozy, attractive villa out in the countryside, or by the sea, or a lake, for a periodic taste of true leisure—the Romans called this contemplative life in the country Otium.

Here the writer explores and examines some of the famous people, history, luxury, and role of the villa in Roman life.  The handsome remains of numerous such retreats excavated in Pompeii and Herculaneum, for example, afford us a tangible idea of their general architecture and appearance….

A roman villa—what did it look like?

Usually very large, the villa was rectangular in shape, a one-story dwelling with a vestibule open to the street, leading to the main door (ianua) which opened onto the atrium or living room.  This was a sizable square space centerpieced by a shallow pool (impluvium) customarily filled with rain water that fell through a matching opening in the roof (compluvium).  Bedrooms (cubicula) surrounded and gave onto the atrium.  On the far end of this was a tablinum, a larger chamber used as an office.  This exited onto the peristylium, a colonnaded outdoor court where the family loved to pass a good part of the day, strolling around and around the enclosed garden often centered with a statue or sundial or, best of all, a fountain.  More bedrooms and guest rooms faced this refreshingly cool, airy yard.  Also at the far end on the one side was the biblioteca, a reading room,.  Opposite this was the largest room of the house, the triclinium, or dining room.

This home (domus) was surrounded by meticulously landscaped grounds featuring flower beds punctuated by marble sculptures.  There was sometimes an in-the-ground pool for bathing.  All in all, the Roman villa was the proverbial “lap of luxury.”

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The plan of the famous Villa of the Papyri at Herculaneum, integrating most of the elements of a Roman villa. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: the Getty Villa in California is a reconstruction of the Villa of the Papyri, the remains of which are still under excavation in Herculaneum. It is an iconic example of a Roman villa. Above Image: Malasoca, Pixabay

 

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Remi Mathis, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Venus and Eros in Marble Room, at the Gety Villa. Scotwriter21, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: examples of the impluvium in villas excavated at Pompeii.

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A peristylium at a villa in Pompeii.

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Above and below: remains of interior villa grandeur as excavated at Herculaneum

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Some of the finest examples of wall painting in ancient Rome can be found in the villas. Here, a detail of women from the wall painting at the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. Public Domain, Wikimeda Commons

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Above and below: the Dionysiac Villa (Villa of Augustus), a massive villa still under excavation near the slopes of Mount Vesuvius. It is an example of a later period villa. This one also served as part of a wine-producing enterprise.

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Cicero and His Luxury Spaces

Bust of Cicero, at the Palazzo Nuovo – Capitoline Museums – Rome. José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro / CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

This peculiarly Roman institution, the villa, began to really come into vogue in the first century B.C., especially in the heyday of such squires as Marcus Tullius Cicero.  Born and raised in the rugged hilltown of Arpinum (now Arpino) some sixty miles south of the capital, this country lad never forgot his rural roots.  The mountainous terrain, the lush vegetation, the soft air of the Italian countryside remained forever in his blood.  Even in the years ahead when he was busy climbing the political ladder all the way to the Consulship, in 63 B.C., Cicero always managed to set aside time for yearly visits to his ancestral home.

His father, wanting to afford the children, the educational advantages and career opportunities of the big city, had moved the family to Rome when Marcus was in his early teens.  Early on, the young man showed a keen interest in the practice of law and eventually clerked under the pre-eminent trial lawyer of the day, Quintus Mucius Scaevola.  Cicero’s rise in the profession was meteoric.  When at age 26 he won the celebrated Sextus Roscius murder case, he became the talk of Roman high society.

With his success in the courts, and subsequent triumph in politics, came an affluence he could never have imagined back in old Arpinum.  He purchased a fashionable home on Rome’s ritzy Palatine Hill.  As his financial resources continued to multiply, he invested in more and more property outside the city, starting with the purchase of a splendid villa (once owned by the powerful dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla), high up in Tusculum in the Alban Hills, about fifteen miles south of Rome.  He named his new acquisition “My Tusculanum.”

Such was his attachment to villa life that he soon acquired another vacation home at Antium on the shore of the eponymous bay.  (Today we know it as Anzio.)  From his sumptuous villa there in April of 59 B.C., with the warm air redolent of the salty sea, Cicero writes to his friend Atticus:  “I have fallen so in love with leisure that I cannot tear myself away from it.  Thus I go fishing or take delight in my books of which I have a happy abundance here.  Sometimes I just sit and count the waves.  (Sedeo et fluctus numero.)”  (Note:  In January of A.D. 1944 the descendants of those same waves would bring to shore the landing craft of the British-American forces seeking to liberate Rome and all of Italy from the Nazi stronghold.)

He next bought a villa at Astura, on the same bay.

Cicero went on, across the next several years, to purchase five more    seven in all  – posh retreats down further along the coast, at Formiae (Formia), halfway between Rome and Neapolis (Naples); at Cumae, Pompeii,and Puteoli (Pozzuoli), all on the curving shore at the Bay of Naples.  He liked to refer to them collectively as “My dear villas, the Gems of Italy.”

Cicero found one drawback, though, with the Bay area, for there was a multitude of Roman senators and other city officials with abodes in this region, people he was trying to get away from on his vacations.  From Cumae in a letter to his close pal he laments:  Habemus hic quasi pusillam Romam.  (We have here an almost miniature Rome.)  He then goes on to mock the uppity rich for their garish and ostentatious shore-homes, and their elaborate dinner parties “at which they all try to outdo one another in extravagance.”  The writer Julia Fiore cleverly called this locale with all its soirees, “The Hamptons of Rome.”

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Above and below: views of the excavated remains of Villa Sora (Torre del Greco), one among many such villas along the coast of the Bay of Naples. It is still under excavation.

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Of all his land holdings he preferred by far his house in Tusculum.  This we learn from his correspondence with his lifelong alter ego, Atticus:  Mire quam illius loci non modo usu, sed etiam coqitatio me delectat.”  (It’s remarkable how the mere thought of this place delights me even when I’m not there.)  The letters also reveal Cicero’s eagerness to adorn the place with precious art works:  “If you see anything that would go well in my Villa Tuscolana please be sure to bring it back for me.”  We see too his interest in putting together a well-stocked private library.  He pleads with the highly cultivated Atticus:  “Don’t promise your book collection to anyone no matter how much they offer for it.  I’m saving up to buy it for my golden years.”

Whenever he had his fill with the pressures and phoniness of the Roman political scene, Cicero would pack himself off to Tusculum for a few days.  Nam nos ex omnibus molestiis et laboribus uno illo in loco conquiescimus.”  (Only there can we find relief from all annoyances and toil.)

There he loved to walk among his vineyards and olive groves, to sit in his courtyard discussing lofty topics with interesting overnight guests, to host small dinner parties, and to take in the magnificent views out over the countryside toward Rome.  There in his marble-paneled and handsomely appointed study he enjoyed reading and answering his mail.  Out in the gardens he delighted in plucking and tasting fresh fruit from the fig trees. On a balmy afternoon he would take the cool shade of an umbrella pine while he indulged his insatiable reading appetite.  enim otium est dulcius otio literato?”.  (For what is sweeter than leisure filled with literature?}

It was to his cherished Villa Tuscolana that Cicero retreated for consolation following the death –  at childbirth    of Tullia, the bright and beautiful thirty year old daughter whom he loved beyond all words.  It was there too where in the twilight of his life he researched and wrote his philosophical treatise, “The Tusculan Disputations.”  In a letter to Atticus during that period he informed his friend how he dealt with his grief:  “I sit here and write from morning till night.”

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Turner, Joseph Mallord William; Cicero at His Villa at Tusculum; National Trust, Ascott; http://www.artuk.org/artworks/cicero-at-his-villa-at-tusculum-216764, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Because of his turbulent political career, his extensive writings: essays, legal briefs, speeches, dissertations, and rich, newsy correspondence, and his elegant lifestyle, Marcus Tullius Cicero comes down to us as surely the most human, the most believable, the most three-dimensional and interesting character of the Classical era.  It is fun to imagine him, toga-clad, strolling down the cypress-lined lanes of his beloved Tusculanum.  How he lavished praise and unabashed sentimentality and heartfelt affection for it in his correspondence    something he was disinclined to do in conversation.  For, as he liked to point out:  Epistula non erubescit.”  (A letter doesn’t blush.)

Horace and His Country Retreats

In 65 B.C., while Cicero was making legal,oratorical, and political headlines in Rome, there was born in Venusia (Venosa), a humble town nestling in the Apennines near the border of Lucania (Basilicata) and Apulia (Puglia), a boy destined to make his mark as a brilliant poet, Horatius Flaccus. The whole world came to know him as Horace.

His doting father, who early on noticed something special in the lad, sent him, at the tender age of seven, to school in Rome.  Through the years, he excelled academically, demonstrating in particular a talent for composing verse.  After his school days he became a ‘starving poet’ (a rather redundant term in most cases).  But some of his work caught the attention and admiration of a much acclaimed poet named Virgil.  Seeing much promise and future greatness for Horace, he became a dear friend who, noblesse oblige, did all he could to foster the career of the extremely likable, small-town young man, even introducing him to Maecenas, a wealthy patron of literature who happened also to be a close advisor to Emperor Augustus.

When one day Maecenas asked how his writing was going, Horace lamented that producing good verse in Rome was nigh impossible, what with the pulsating urban lifestyle, the frenzy, the din, the crowds, the social obligations.  The patron brought this to the attention of the Emperor, who was also interested in promoting all things cultural, and persuaded Augustus to grant the struggling poet a bit of public land in the irenic Sabine Hills, not too far from the capital. Along with a modestly paying clerkship in the government, with few, if any, duties  – a virtual sinecure    it alleviated Horace’s concern about earning a living and afforded him much free time to spend at this country villa/farm to hone his craft.  Horace expressed his gratitude in a delightful verse:  “The choir of poets all cherish the quietude and beauty of the woods and shun the city.”

In one of his odes, Horace gushes over his Sabine retreat.  Gilbert Highet superbly translates the Latin lines thus:

This was one of my prayers, a little space of land

                    With a garden, near the house a spring of living water

  And a small wood besides.  Heaven has fulfilled it

                     Better and richer than my hopes.

Soon Horace found a prominent publishing firm, the Sosii Brothers, eager to mass-produce his many manuscripts.  For all this newfound success, he credited his dear patron, who was like a second father to him.  Elated, Maecenas bought the poet another villa, quite spacious and elegant, on the outskirts of the city of Tibur (Tivoli).  Horace was enthralled with the house and its manicured grounds and quickly dashed off an invitation to his benefactor:

     Tibi non ante verso lene merum cade iam dudum apud me est.  Eripe

      Te morae!    

      (An amphora of untapped wine is waiting for you here at the villa.

       Try to break away and come over soon!)

An older writer, Lucretius, also had acquired a retreat in the hills where he could concentrate more clearly.  But it seems that he didn’t care for extended sojourns there.  He would often remark that, “Restlessness drives a man from Rome to his country villa.  Boredom drives him back.”

Even Horace had this ambivalent emotion:  Romae amem Tibur, ventosus-Tibure Romam.  (At Rome I yearn for Tibur, then as shifting as the wind, at Tibur, for Rome.)

And Cicero too, for all his love for his villas, often said:  “Ah, Rome.  Dear Rome.  Residence anywhere else is merely exile.”

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Above and below: remains of baths at Horace’s villa near Licenza, Italy. Rjdeadly, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Fountain remains at the Horace villa. Rjdeadly, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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An Island Retreat for Emperors

The private villa craze among the upper class Romans spilled over into the next century.  The Emperor Augustus (63 B.C. – A.D. 14) late in life found his own “paradise on earth” on the enchanting island of Capreae (Capri) in the Bay of Naples, three miles out from the promontory of Surrentum (Sorrento), and built a sumptuous villa there on the highest plateau, for getaways from the sultry Roman summers.  His dearest friend and sort of “prime minister” Marcus Agrippa, had some years earlier found vacations on the bay appealing too, and acquired a house on the mainland there, on the slope of Mount Vesuvius with its breathtaking panorama out over that tranquil part of the sea.  (At the time no one yet knew that Vesuvius was a volcano, for its slopes were rich with vegetation and dotted with vineyards, an ideal and idyllic site for stately villas, or so it seemed, until August 24, A.D. 79.)

In their English language volume, The Complete Works of Tacitus, the classicists Alfred Church and William Brodribb cite the historian telling us about Augustus’ successor Tiberius and his enthrallment with Capreae to the point where he abandoned his imperial palace in Rome in A.D. 27 never to return, choosing to rule the vast Empire from the tiny isle for the last ten years of his life:

The solitude of the place was, I believe, its chief attraction.  Its air in winter is soft as it is screened by a mountain which protects against biting winds.  In summer it catches the western breezes, and the sea around it renders it most delightful.  Tiberius filled the island with twelve country houses, each with a grand name and a vast structure of its own.  Intent as he had once been on the cares of State, he wanted now to unwind in total leisure and luxury.

The flagship property of all twelve was his Villa Jovis (an alternate name for Jupiter, king of the Roman deities), the extensive ruins of which are open for guided tours (see images below).

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Above and below: Views of the archaeological remains of the Villa Jovis. Above image credit Derbrauni, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Mister No, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Derbrauni, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Reconstruction drawing of Villa Jovis. Carl Weichardt (1846-1906), Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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According to the author Tacitus, the mentally unstable Emperor Nero also liked to escape the relentless heat of a Roman summer with periodic brief getaways at the opulent bayside villa he had established at Antium, which happened to be his birthplace and childhood residence.  Tacitus puts the lie to the age-old legend that Nero, when informed that Rome was engulfed in flames in July of 64, gleefully watched the conflagration from his palace balcony there and sang of the burning of Troy.  If there was any “fiddling” therefore, it was done not in the Capital but at his shore house thirty eight miles south:  “Nero, at this time was at Antium, and did not return to Rome until the fire had leveled ten of the fourteen precincts, including the Imperial Palace.”

Pliny the Younger and His Waterfront Properties

We turn now to Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79) who had a splendid villa at Cape Misenum on the northwestern limit of the same bay.  The property overlooked the harbor where the vaunted Imperial Fleet was moored in times of peace.  In the year 79, Pliny was serving as the admiral of the armada and one of the perks of the admiralty was the villa, with views of Mount Vesuvius, the curvature of the coastline, and the cliffs of Surrentum.  When Vesuviuis erupted that fateful day in the summer of 79, the admiral commanded several of the warships to sail toward the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum on a rescue mission, but the route was unnavigable due to the ferociously heaving waves.

He then changed course and headed toward the city of Stabiae where there was still time to evacuate, with the volcanic ash just beginning to fall there.  Stabiae was known for its plethora of private seashore villas which Pliny had long admired. His heroics there cost him his life    from exhaustion  – but not before he had led most of the populace to safety.  His seventeen-year-old nephew, Pliny the Younger, who had been summering at the cape house, remained there with his mother Plinia and lived to tell all about the devastation in a detailed letter to Tacitus, a close friend of the family.

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The younger Pliny was to go on to fame and fortune in his careers as a government official under his patron, Emperor Trajan and then later as a writer.  With his increasing wealth he purchased a fine villa in the seacoast town of Laurentum, near Ostia.  In a letter to a friend, Clusinius Gallus, he gives us some idea of his place:

I derive so much delight from my Laurentine villa fronting right on the sea. Since it is only fifteen miles from the center of Rome I can put in a day’s work and still get out here by early evening, stay overnight, and be back in Rome the next morning.nThe size of the house is just right for my purposes and not very expensive to maintain.

There’s a charming peristyle with a colonnade that has a tile roof, so it’s nice even in inclement weather. The triclinium is comfortable with its view of the waves. There’s an apse that serves as a sun parlor, a master bedroom and some smaller ones, a heated bath, a smaller dining room where you can hear the surf breaking on the shore. The only thing lacking is running water, but the wells and springs make up for that.

Pliny goes on like this enthusiastically, and seemingly ad infinitum.

A few years later, he invested in some waterfront properties on Lacus Larius (Lake Como), near his birthplace and boyhood hometown of Comum (today the town of Como) up in northern Italy. In a bit of hyperbole, he boasts that he can “go fishing from my bedroom and from my very bed if I so choose.”  The whole great lakes region of Italy, incidentally, was, and is, a popular venue for private villas.  The romantic poet Catullus had a splendid one on Sirmione, a slender miniature peninsula that juts out into Lake Garda (Lacus Benacus in antiquity).  In one of his verses he exults:  Salve, O venusta Sirmio atque ero gaude Gaudente…..”  (Hail, oh enchanting Sirmione, which I just enjoy enjoying….)

In another letter to yet another friend, Pliny again waxes encomiastically about another villa he had acquired in Tuscia (Tuscany):  

The countryside is simply gorgeous.Just imagine an enormous amphitheater which only Mother Nature can produce.A sprawling meadow fragrant with flowers, all ringed with mountains which have on their summits forests of umbrella pines and cypresses, where the wild life is abundant and diverse… and on and on.

In his description of his properties he often places great emphasis on their gardens and on his determination to making them spectacularly beautiful because “we owe it to the passerby.”

So passionate about his country and lakefront retreats is he, that Pliny is only too happy to dispense advice to others who might be interested in such.  In a letter to his pal Baebius Hispanus he explains what their mutual friend Suetonius Tranquillus    who is looking to buy a villa    should keep in mind: 

Be sure to tell him to negotiate a reasonable price, an affordable price, or he will live to regret it; easy access to Rome, i.e. close, but not too close, to a main road; a modest-sized house that will not demand a whole lot of time and upkeep; no more land than that which will be enough to afford him peace and solitude, just enough to let him personally, when he strolls the property, know each one of his vines and every fruit tree (….omnesque viteculas suas nosse et arbusculas).

Hadrian and the Villa Adriana

Lastly, there is the grandest of all Roman private villas, the Villa Hadriana, nineteen miles southeast of the capital, just below the town of Tivoli (ancient Tibur).  Out here in this enchanting countryside of woods and streams, of plunging slopes featuring olive trees and pine groves, the cerebral, enigmatic emperor fashioned the vacation home of his dreams.

Walled-in for security reasons at the insistence of the Praetorian Guard (antiquity’s version of our Secret Service), the vast estate (120 hectares, i.e. about 300 acres) was intended to provide Hadrian    and his successors    with a rural retreat from the maddening pressures of capital politics.  He had also hoped to spend his old age there in cultivated retirement, devoted to painting and writing. (One thinks of the post-White House Eisenhower engaged in both passions at his farm in Gettysburg, and Churchill too at Chequers, his beloved country home.}  But sadly a painful, debilitating fatal illness was to keep Hadrian from both Tibur and old age.

By avocation an architect, Hadrian ultimately traveled the length and breadth of the Roman Empire, visiting every province and beautifying cities with stately buildings.  He also made sketches of the most attractive edifices he came upon in his odysseys and sought to replicate them in his villa.  From 118 to 130, masons, stonecutters, carpenters, plumbers, landscapers, laborers, and slaves toiled feverishly to turn Hadrian’s ambitious plans into actualities.  When they had completed their tasks, theaters, baths, gymnasia, temples, palaces, and guest houses    built of brick but veneered in marble and richly adorned on the inside    rose amid fine shrubbery, flower beds, shady lanes, groves, fountains, and artificial lakes, all resulting in a microcosm of the classical world of the Mediterranean.  Spacious banquet halls with colorful murals could accommodate great state receptions.  Smaller dining rooms served for more intimate get-togethers of the emperor’s inner circle.

The scholarly ruler also designed a private study for himself.  This was a rotunda set on a miniature island encircled by a moat, complete with drawbridges, and by a marble Ionic portico.  In this resplendent enclave, Hadrian could enjoy the peace and privacy requisite for concentrating on affairs of state.

In our time it is delightful on a summer afternoon to walk the grounds of Villa Adriana (as it is called in Italian) and try to envision the elegance of life in this imperial Camp David.  On days when the dreaded Sirocco wind sweeps in from Africa with its cauldron-like heat, however, it is wise to defer your visit until early evening when the refreshing breeze, Il Ponentino, blows in off the sea.  At this hour, the lengthening shadows engulf the brooding ruins in a most romantic effect.  It is then that Hadrian’s Villa at once vividly reminds the visitor of both the grandeur and the fall of ancient Rome.  Enough is left to attest to the former architectural and artistic splendor of the place.  But at the same time the villa stands denuded of many of its statues and columns and reliefs, which along with countless other objets d’art have found their way to museums in London, Paris, Berlin, Stockholm, and even Leningrad.  Today the music of the fountains is stilled.  All that is heard is the cry of the birds.  On the rubble of buildings that once echoed the chatter of purple clad senators, tribunes, and other dignitaries, lizards drowsily sun themselves.

Sic transit gloria mundi.

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Above and below: views of the remains of the massive Villa Adriana. Above image FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Mosaic detail, Villa Adriana. Vassil. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Artist reconstruction depiction of Villa Adriana. Alf.68, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What then, in short, was the role of a villa in the life of a well-to-do Roman?  To afford a brief respite out in the campagna, or by a lake or the sea or up in the mountains, while offering the pleasure of renewing oneself in solitude conducive to reflection, to reminiscing, daydreaming, relaxing; and at the same time tasting the genuine harmony of nature.  Today’s Italians call this:  La dolce vita di far niente   The sweet life of doing nothing.

Some owners looked at it a different way, finding their retreats to be periods of great productivity, agreeing with Cicero’s comment:  “I am never less at leisure than when at leisure, nor less alone than when alone.”

Cover Image, Top Left: Women from the wall painting detail at the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons