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Bronze Age cemetery reveals history of a high-status woman and her twins

PLOS—Ancient urn graves contain a wealth of information about a high-ranking woman and her Bronze Age Vatya community, according to a study published July 28, 2021 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Claudio Cavazzuti from the University of Bologna, Italy, and Durham University, UK, and colleagues.

People of the Vatya culture that flourished during the Hungarian Early and Middle Bronze Ages (approximately 2200-1450 BCE) customarily cremated the deceased–making the human remains difficult to analyze from a bioarchaeological perspective. In this study, the authors used new osteological sampling strategies to learn more about the people buried in the urnfield cemetery at Szigetszentmiklós-Ürgehegy, one of the largest Middle Bronze Age urn cemeteries in Central Hungary.

Cavazzuti and colleagues analyzed human tissues from 29 graves (three whole burials, or inhumations, and 26 urn cremations) and applied strontium isotope comparison techniques to test if sampled individuals were local to the geographic area. For the majority of sampled graves, each contained the remains of a single individual and simple grave goods made of ceramic or bronze; however, gravesite 241 was of special interest: this grave contained an urn with the cremated remains of an adult woman and two fetuses, buried alongside prestigious grave goods including a golden hair-ring, a bronze neck-ring, and two bone hairpin ornaments.

Though the three inhumed individuals were poorly preserved, the authors were able to confirm these had been adults, though they couldn’t determine the sex. Of the 26 cremated individuals, seven appeared to be adult males, 11 adult females, and two appeared to be adults whose sex couldn’t be determined. They also identified children’s remains: two individuals likely 5-10 years of age, and four individuals ranging from 2-5 years of age–the youngest present aside from the twin fetuses buried with the adult woman in grave 241, which were approximately 28-32 gestational weeks of age. The authors believe the woman in grave 241 may have died due to complications bearing or birthing these twins. Her remains indicate she was 25 to 35 years old at her time of death and the remains were especially carefully collected post-cremation, as her grave exhibited a bone weight 50 percent higher than the average sampled grave. The strontium analysis also revealed she was likely born elsewhere and moved to Szigetszentmiklós in early adolescence, between the ages of 8-13. One other adult woman also appeared non-local to Szigetszentmiklós, with the adult women in general featuring a more varied strontium isotope composition than the adult men, whose isotopes were concentrated in an especially small range–even narrower than those of the children analyzed in the study.

The authors note their findings at the Szigetszentmiklós urnfield reinforce evidence that women, especially of high rank, commonly married outside their immediate group in Bronze Age Central Europe–and confirm the informative potential of strontium isotope analyses even for cremated remains.

The authors add: “Thanks to a wide spectrum of new bioarchaeological methods, techniques and sampling strategies, it is now possible to reconstruct the life-histories of cremated people of the Bronze Age. In this case, the authors investigate the movements and the tragic events of a high-status woman’s life, settled along the Danube 4000 years ago, in the territory of modern-day Hungary.”

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Left: Bone assemblage from burial n. 241a (adult female individual). Right: Bones attributable to both foetuses (n. 241b and 241c). Cavazzuti et al, 2021, PLOS ONE (CC-BY 4.0, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Grave goods from burial n. 241: 1. Bronze neck-ring (Ösenring); 2. Gold hair-ring (Noppenring); 3. Bone pins/needles (Knochennadeln). Cavazzuti et al, 2021, PLOS ONE (CC-BY 4.0, https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Cavazzuti C, Hajdu T, Lugli F, Sperduti A, Vicze M, Horváth A, et al. (2021) Human mobility in a Bronze Age Vatya ‘urnfield’ and the life history of a high-status woman. PLoS ONE 16(7): e0254360. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0254360

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Thomas Cromwell’s Tudor London mansion revealed in unprecedented detail

TAYLOR & FRANCIS GROUP—The magnificent London mansion of Thomas Cromwell has been revealed for the first time in an artist’s impression, following a new study which examines the building in unprecedented detail.

Dr Nick Holder, a historian and research fellow at English Heritage and the University of Exeter, has scrutinized an exceptionally rich source of information, including letters, leases, surveys and inventories, to present the most thorough insight to-date on “one of the most spectacular private houses” in 1530s London.

Published in the peer-reviewed Journal of the British Archaeological Association, his findings* – which have informed the artist’s impression created by illustrator Peter Urmston – include floor plans for the mansion, which had 58 rooms plus servants’ garrets, and a large garden.

The plans have been released before but the evidence behind them hasn’t been presented until now.

Together with an accompanying room-by-room analysis of another of Cromwell’s London homes, it provides a fascinating new insight into the life and personality of a man who was one of the architects of the English Reformation and helped engineer the annulment of Henry VIII’s marriage to Catherine of Aragon, allowing him to marry Anne Boleyn.

Cromwell, who as Henry VIII’s henchman was the most powerful man in England, still captures the public imagination – and inspires novels, including Hilary Mantel’s award-winning Wolf Hall series, plays and TV series – today, almost 500 years after his death.

The mansion, next to the Austin Friars monastery in the City of London, cost Cromwell at least £1,600 to build, including around £550 on the land.

Cromwell had lived in Italy and spoke Italian and it is “very likely” the architecture contained fashionable new Italian Renaissance features, says Dr Holder.

Construction began in July 1535 and, like many building projects, there were hitches, including a delay in October the following year when the 80-strong team of workmen was sent to Yorkshire to fight the rebels of the Pilgrimage of Grace uprising.

Cromwell also seems to have undertaken a “land grab”, confiscating a 22-foot strip of land to enlarge his garden, which may have had a bowling alley and tennis court.

The mansion, which boasted bedding made cloth of gold, damask and velvet, acted as a family home, an administrative base and a venue for entertainment. It may even have been designed in the anticipation, or perhaps fear, of a visit from the king.

Prestigious visitors would have been guided up the large stair tower to one of the sumptuous first-floor halls, the parlor or the ladies’ parlor. The heated halls were decorated with tapestry hangings and one had three distinctive oriel (bay) windows.

The mansion was also a store for Cromwell’s personal armouy – in reality enough for a small army. This included several hundred sets of “almayne revettes” (German plate armor for infantry), nearly 100 sallets and bascinets (head-pieces and helmets) and weaponry including 759 bows, complete with hundreds of sheaves of arrows.

Cromwell would, however, have had little time to enjoy his spectacular new home before he was executed for treason in 1540.

He had moved to the mansion from a 14-room neighboring townhouse, for which he probably paid £4 a year in rent. Documents, including two inventories from Cromwell’s tenancy, provide a room-by-room description of this home and its contents, which included 28 rings, three of which Cromwell was wearing at the time of the inventory. They also give an intriguing glimpse into his religious outlook.

Dr Holder says: “We think of Cromwell as Henry VIII’s henchman, carrying out his policy, including closing down the monasteries, and we know that by about 1530 Cromwell became one of the new Evangelical Protestants.

“But when you look at the inventory of his house in the 1520s, he doesn’t seem such a religious radical, he seems more of a traditional English Catholic.

“He’s got various religious paintings on the wall, he’s got his own holy relic, which is very much associated with traditional Catholics, not with the new Evangelicals, and he’s even got a home altar. In the 1520s he seems like much more of a conventional early Tudor Catholic gentleman.”

The coats of arms of his patron Cardinal Wolsey and former patron, Thomas Grey, which were on display in the townhouse, meanwhile, reveal a sense of loyalty beneath Cromwell’s ruthless exterior, says Dr Holder.

The exceptionally detailed analysis was made possible thanks to a “treasure trove” of documents held in the archives of the Drapers’ Company, the trade group that bought Cromwell’s mansion after his death.

Dr Holder adds: “These two houses were the homes of this great man, they were the places where he lived with his wife and two daughters, where his son grew up. It was also the place he went back to at night after being with Henry VIII at court and just got on with the hard graft of running the country.

“No one else has looked at these two houses in quite as much detail comparing all the available evidence. This is about as close as you are going to get to walking down these 16th-century corridors.”

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Artist conception of the Cromwell home. Peter Urmston

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Article Source: Taylor & Francis Group news release

*https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00681288.2021.1923812

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Levantine crested rat and early human dispersals

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—Crested rat fossils suggest that ecological corridors once connected Africa to the Levant, according to a study. Early humans and other hominins dispersed out of Africa through the Levant multiple times, but whether these journeys relied on technology to cross the Saharo-Arabian deserts or followed ecological corridors created by climate change is unclear. Ignacio Lazagabaster and colleagues analyzed rodent fossils discovered in the Cave of the Skulls in the southern Judean Desert as a proxy for the paleoenvironment of the Dead Sea region during the Late Pleistocene. Phylogenetic analyses of a sequenced mitochondrial genome and morphological comparisons suggest that the fossils, which were dated to between 42,000 and more than 103,000 years ago, belong to a now-extinct subspecies, Lophiomys imhausi maremortum subsp. nov., of the eastern African crested rat, an enigmatic large rodent equipped with a poisonous pelt and a helmet-like skull. Because extant crested rats live in habitats with relatively dense vegetation, the authors used species distribution models to estimate the timing and location of previously suitable habitats in the region. The results* suggest a brief period during the Last Interglacial when green habitat corridors connected eastern Africa to the Levant across the present-day Judean Desert, facilitating the dispersal of crested rats and humans out of Africa, according to the authors.

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A skull of the Dead Sea crested rat subspecies found in situ in the Cave of the Skulls in the southern Judean Desert. Ignacio A. Lazagabaster.

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View of the Dead Sea and the southern Judean Desert from the Cave of the Skulls. Ignacio A. Lazagabaster.

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Article Source: PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES news release 

*“Rare crested rat subfossils unveil Afro-Eurasian ecological corridors synchronous with early human dispersals,” by Ignacio A. Lazagabaster et al.

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Roman road discovered in the Venice lagoon

SCIENTIFIC REPORTS—The discovery of a Roman road submerged in the Venice Lagoon is reported in Scientific Reports this week. The findings* suggest that extensive settlements may have been present in the Venice Lagoon centuries before the founding of Venice began in the fifth century.

During the Roman era, large areas of the Venice Lagoon which are now submerged were accessible by land. Roman artifacts have been found in lagoon islands and waterways, but the extent of human occupation of the lagoon during Roman times has been unclear.

Mapping the lagoon floor using sonar, Fantina Madricardo and colleagues discovered 12 archaeological structures aligned in a northeasterly direction for 1,140 metres, in an area of the lagoon known as the Treporti Channel. The structures were up to 2.7 meters tall and 52.7 meters long. Previous surveys of the Treporti Channel uncovered stones similar to paving stones used by Romans during road construction, indicating that the structures may be aligned along a Roman road. The researchers also discovered an additional four structures in the Treporti Channel that were up to four meters tall and 134.8 meters long. Based on its dimensions and similarity to structures discovered in other areas, the largest of these structures is thought to be a potential harbor structure, such as a dock. Previously collected geological and modeling data indicates that the road is located on a sandy ridge that was above sea level during the Roman era but is now submerged in the lagoon.

The findings suggest that a permanent settlement may have been present in the Treporti Channel during the Roman era. The authors propose that the road may have been linked to a wider network of Roman roads in the Italian Veneto Region and may have been used by travelers and sailors to journey between what is now the city of Chioggia and the Northern Venice Lagoon.

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NASA satellite image of the Venetian Lagoon. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Article Source: SCIENTIFIC REPORTS news release

*New evidence of a Roman road in the Venice Lagoon (Italy) based on high resolution seafloor reconstruction. DOI: 10.1038/s41598-021-92939-w

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Using archeology to better understand climate change

UNIVERSITY OF MONTREAL—Throughout history, people of different cultures and stages of evolution have found ways to adapt, with varying success, to the gradual warming of the environment they live in. But can the past inform the future, now that climate change is happening faster than ever before?

Yes, say an international team of anthropologists, geographers and earth scientists in Canada, the U.S. and France led by Université de Montréal anthropologist Ariane Burke.

In a paper* published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Professor Burke and her colleagues make a case for a new and evolving discipline called “the archeology of climate change.”

It’s an interdisciplinary science that uses data from archeological digs and the palaeoclimate record to study how humans interacted with their environment during past climate-change events such as the warming that followed the last ice age, more than 10,000 years ago.

What the scientists hope to identify are the tipping points in climate history that prompted people to reorganize their societies to survive, showing how cultural diversity, a source of human resilience in the past, is just as important today as a bulwark against global warming.

“The archaeology of climate change combines the study of environmental conditions and archaeological information,” said Burke, who runs the Hominin Dispersals Research Group and the Ecomorphology and Paleoanthropology Laboratory.

“What this approach allows us to do identify the range of challenges faced by people in the past, the different strategies they used to face these challenges and ultimately, whether they succeeded or not.”

For instance, studying the rapid warming that occurred between 14,700 and 12,700 years ago, and how humans coped with it as evidenced in the archeological record, can help climate specialists model possible outcomes of climate change in the future, Burke said.

Her paper is co-authored with UdeM anthropologist Julien Riel-Salvatore and colleagues from Bishop’s University, Université du Québec à Montréal, the University of Colorado and the CNRS, in France.

Historically, people from different walks of life have found a variety of ways to adapt to the warming of their climate, and these can inform the present and help prepare for the future, the researchers say.

For example, traditional farming practices – many of which are still practiced today – are valid alternatives that can be used to redesign industrial farming, making it more sustainable in the future, they say.

Indigenous cultures have a major role to play in teaching us how to respond to climate change -in the Canadian Arctic, for instance, Indigenous people have a detailed knowledge of the environment that’s key to be essential to planning a sustainable response, said Burke.

“Similarly, indigenous farmers all over the world cultivate a wide variety of crop types that won’t all respond to changing climate conditions in the same way,” she said. “They are preserving crop diversity in the global food chain and if and when the main crop types we currently rely on fail, this diversity could well prove to be a lifeline.

Another example is the readoption in northeastern North America of multi-cropping agriculture based on the “three sisters”: corn, squash and beans. “There are archeological models for that,” said Burke, “and the point is to use them to come up with more sustainable, locally scaled ways of farming that will ensure food security in the years to come.

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Scientific evidence shows that humans adapted as climate changed in the past. ELG21, Pixabay

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF MONTREAL news release

*”The archeology of climate change: the case for cultural diversity,” by Ariane Burke et al, was published July 19 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Funding was provided by the Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture.

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Only 1.5% to 7% of the Modern Human Genome Is Uniquely Human, Evidence Suggests

Science Advances—Only 1.5% to 7% of the modern human genome is uniquely human, according to an analysis of Neanderthal, Denisovan, and human genomes. The study* provides evidence for adaptive changes to the human genome within the past 600,000 years, most of which are connected to brain development. The findings also suggest that at least one wave of Neanderthals intermixed with the ancestors of all non-Africans and also point to Neanderthal and Denisovan genomic regions unique to South Asians. Scientists have found it difficult to determine which genes in the modern human genome were passed on from our hominin ancestors and which are uniquely our own. One particular roadblock is that humans harbor Neanderthal alleles, both from intermixing between human and Neanderthal populations and from incomplete lineage sorting, or alleles that predate the split between humans and Neanderthals but are not found in all humans. To circumvent these challenges, Nathan Schaefer and colleagues developed an improved ancestral recombination graph inference algorithm called Speedy Ancestral Recombination Graph Estimator (SARGE), which more effectively highlights alleles inherited from human intermixture with Neanderthals. The researchers ran SARGE on a panel of 279 modern human genomes, two Neanderthal genomes, and one Denisovan genome. They used the resulting ancestral recombination graph to map Neanderthal and Denisovan ancestry and the absence of both across modern human genomes. This enabled Schaefer et al. to identify mutations specific to humans and to determine that these mutations arose in 2 distinct bursts – one about 600,000 years ago and another about 200,000 years ago. Many of these mutations appear to affect genes involved in neural development and function, as well as RNA splicing.

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Only 1.5% to 7% of the modern human genome is uniquely human. The Digital Artist, Pixabay

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Article Source: The open-access journal Science Advances news release

*“An ancestral recombination graph of human, Neanderthal, and Denisovan genomes,” by N.K. Schaefer; B. Shapiro; R.E. Green at University of California, Santa Cruz in Santa Cruz, CA; N.K. Schaefer at University of California, San Francisco in San Francisco, CA.

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An archaeological study reveals new aspects related to plant processing in a Neolithic settlement in Turkey

UNIVERSITAT POMPEU FABRA – BARCELONA—A study* conducted by researchers from the UPF Culture and Socio-Ecological Dynamics research group (CaSEs) and the University of Leicester (UK) has provided a highly dynamic image surrounding the use and importance of hitherto unknown wild plant resources at the Neolithic site of Çatalhöyük (Anatolia, Turkey). The researchers carried out their work combining the analysis of microbotanical remains and use-wear traces in various stone implements recovered from the site, which in the past hosted one of mankind’s first agricultural societies.

Çatalhöyük is a world heritage archaeological site located in Anatolia (Turkey), which was inhabited during the Neolithic, between 7,100 and 6,000 BC. This site has received worldwide attention due to its size and because it is one of the first urban centers with a high density of agglomerated dwellings, to which entry was gained through the roof and which contained elaborate wall paintings inside. The settlement was studied continuously for nearly three decades and provided a wealth of archaeobotanical remains (charred remains of plants) and a wide range of stone artifacts and tools used to process plant resources.

An innovative approach that analyses residue trapped on the surface of grinding implements

Despite the extensive research conducted in the area, much of what is known about agricultural practices and the use of plant resources, both at Çatalhöyük and in many other archaeological settlements, is based on the study of charred remains. However, these remains occur causally, either when cooking food or due to accidental fire, which gives a limited image of the use of plant resources in the past.

“We recovered residues trapped in the pits and crevices of these stone artefacts that date back to the time of being used, and then carried out studies of microbotanical remains and thus reveal what types of plants had been processed with these artifacts in the past”

The study, led by Carlos G. Santiago-Marrero, a predoctoral researcher with the Culture and Socio-Ecological Dynamics (CaSEs) research group of the UPF Department of Humanities, together with Carla Lancelotti and Marco Madella, ICREA-UPF research professors and members of CaSEs, and Christina Tsoraki, of the School of Archaeology and Ancient History at the University of Leicester (UK), used an innovative approach based on the analysis of microscopic remains taken from grinding implements from three domestic contexts, attributed to the Middle (6,700-6,500 BC) and Late (6,500 -6,300 BC) periods of occupation.

“We recovered residues trapped in the pits and crevices of these stone artifacts that date back to the time of being used, and then carried out studies of microbotanical remains and thus reveal what types of plants had been processed with these artifacts in the past”, the researchers explain.

Among the microscopic remains studied by the researchers are phytoliths, from the deposition of opal silica in plant cells and cell walls, that provide clues about the presence of anatomical parts, such as the stems and husks of plants, including wheat and barley. Another residue studied are starches, glucose compounds, created by plants to store energy, which are found in large quantities in many edible parts of plants, such as seeds and tubers.

Thanks to combining these two lines, the researchers have shown that although the community of Çatalhöyük was based on an agricultural economy by definition, growing cereals and vegetables (wheat, oats, peas), there continued to be much exploitation of wild resources outside the spectrum of domestic resources, which had not yet been found at this site.

Use of wild plant resources to diversify the diet, through complex processing

“Microbotanical evidence has contributed to our knowledge about the plants used in the past and helped identify the presence of wild plants and various aspects related to possible strategies to exploit these resources, both to diversify the diet and to replace any calorie deficit that may have arisen in times of scarcity”, the researchers assert. These wild plant resources were as important as domestic ones, and were most likely used regularly to supplement the core diet.

“Among our findings we have shown that the community used a wide range of tuberous plants, many of them belonging to potentially toxic taxonomic families, which require complex processing or use. This shows the great phytocultural knowledge possessed by this community”, the authors underscore. And they add: “Many of these tuberous plants had highly restrictive seasonal life cycles, which has helped us to infer the possible means of organizing and exploiting the plant environment at different times of the year”.

Moreover, another important aspect revealed by the study is the processing of wild millet seeds, which had never been found among the charred remains of plants on the site.

Use-wear traces on the surfaces of processing implements denoting various uses

The analysis of use-wear traces on the surfaces of plant processing implements, produced by use in various activities, has allowed the researchers to infer different tasks for which the tools were used.

Thanks to these analyses, they have discovered very diverse life histories of these implements and the close relationship with various aspects related to the processing of plant resources and other domestic activities. “By combining microbotanical evidence with use traces, we have discovered processes such as grain husking, the milling of legumes, tubers and cereals, and even the use of these implements in other activities not related to plant processing”.

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A) Set of stone tools, storage area of building 52; B) Use-wear trace observed on the surface of stone implements; C) Wheat inflorescence phytolith; D) Wheat starch grain. UPF

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Article Source: UNIVERSITAT POMPEU FABRA news release

*Santiago-Marrero, C., Tsoraki, C., Lancelotti, C., and Madella, M. (June 2021). “A microbotanical and microwear perspective to plant processing activities and foodways at Neolithic Çatalhöyük”. PLOS ONE

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0252312

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Huge volcanic eruption disrupted climate but not human evolution

RUTGERS UNIVERSITY—New Brunswick, N.J. (July 9, 2021) — A massive volcanic eruption in Indonesia about 74,000 years ago likely caused severe climate disruption in many areas of the globe, but early human populations were sheltered from the worst effects, according to a Rutgers-led study.

The findings appear in the journal PNAS.

The eruption of the Toba volcano was the largest volcanic eruption in the past two million years, but its impacts on climate and human evolution have been unclear. Resolving this debate is important for understanding environmental changes during a key interval in human evolution.

“We were able to use a large number of climate model simulations to resolve what seemed like a paradox,” said lead author Benjamin Black, an assistant professor in the Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences at Rutgers University-New Brunswick. “We know this eruption happened and that past climate modeling has suggested the climate consequences could have been severe, but archaeological and paleoclimate records from Africa don’t show such a dramatic response.

“Our results suggest that we might not have been looking in the right place to see the climate response. Africa and India are relatively sheltered, whereas North America, Europe and Asia bear the brunt of the cooling,” Black said. “One intriguing aspect of this is that Neanderthals and Denisovans were living in Europe and Asia at this time, so our paper suggests evaluating the effects of the Toba eruption on those populations could merit future investigation.”

The researchers analyzed 42 global climate model simulations in which they varied magnitude of sulfur emissions, time of year of the eruption, background climate state and sulfur injection altitude to make a probabilistic assessment of the range of climate disruptions the Toba eruption may have caused. This approach let the team account for some of the unknowns related to the eruption.

“By using a probabilistic approach, we aim at understanding the likelihood that some regions were less impacted by Toba, considering the wide range of estimates of its size and timing, in addition to our lack of knowledge of the underlying climate state,” said Black.

The results suggest there was likely significant regional variation in climate impacts. The simulations predict cooling in the Northern Hemisphere of at least 4°C, with regional cooling as high as 10°C depending on the model parameters. In contrast, even under the most severe eruption conditions, cooling in the Southern Hemisphere—including regions populated by early humans — was unlikely to exceed 4°C, although regions in southern Africa and India may have seen decreases in precipitation at the highest sulfur emission level.

The results explain independent archaeological evidence suggesting the Toba eruption had modest effects on the development of hominid species in Africa. According to the authors, their ensemble simulation approach could be used to better understand other past and future explosive eruptions.

“Our results reconcile the simulated distribution of climate impacts from the eruption with paleoclimate and archaeological records,” according to the study. “This probabilistic view of climate disruption from Earth’s most recent super-eruption underscores the uneven expected distribution of societal and environmental impacts from future very large explosive eruptions.”

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The Rutgers-led researchers examined explosive ash deposits that are tens of meters thick about 35 km north of the Toba caldera in Indonesia. Steve Self, UC Berkeley

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Article Source: RUTGERS UNIVERSITY news release

The study included researchers from the National Center for Atmospheric Research, University of Leeds and University of Cambridge, and was supported by the National Center for Atmospheric Research and the National Science Foundation.

Broadcast interviews: Rutgers University has broadcast-quality TV and radio studios available for remote live or taped interviews with Rutgers experts. For more information, contact John Cramer at john.cramer@rutgers.edu

ABOUT RUTGERS-NEW BRUNSWICK

Rutgers University-New Brunswick is where Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, began more than 250 years ago. Ranked among the world’s top 60 universities, Rutgers’s flagship is a leading public research institution and a member of the prestigious Association of American Universities. It has an internationally acclaimed faculty, 12 degree-granting schools and the Big Ten Conference’s most diverse student body.

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Ancient ostrich eggshell reveals new evidence of extreme climate change thousands of years ago

UNIVERSITY OF EXETER—Evidence from an ancient eggshell has revealed important new information about the extreme climate change faced by human early ancestors.

The research shows parts of the interior of South Africa that today are dry and sparsely populated, were once wetland and grassland 250,000 to 350,000 years ago, at a key time in human evolution.

Philip Kiberd and Dr Alex Pryor, from the University of Exeter, studied isotopes and the amino acid from ostrich eggshell fragments excavated at the early middle Stone Age site of Bundu Farm, in the upper Karoo region of the Northern Cape. It is one of very few archaeological sites dated to 250,000 to 350,000 in southern Africa, a time period associated with the earliest appearance of communities with the genetic signatures of Homo sapiens.

This new research supports other evidence, from fossil animal bones, that past communities in the region lived among grazing herds of wildebeest, zebra, small antelope, hippos, baboons and extinct species of Megalotragus priscus and Equus capensis, and hunted these alongside other carnivores, hyena and lions.

After this period of equitable climate and environment the eggshell evidence – and previous finds from the site – suggests after 200,000 years ago cooler and wetter climates gave way to increasing aridity. A process of changing wet and dry climates recognized as driving the turnover and evolution of species, including Homo sapiens.

The study, published in the South African Archaeological Bulletin, shows that extracting isotopic data from ostrich eggshells, which are commonly found on archaeological sites in southern Africa, is a viable option for open-air sites greater than 200,000 years old. The technique which involves grinding a small part of the eggshell, to a powder allows experts to analyze and date the shell, which in turn gives a fix on the climate and environment in the past.

Using eggshell to investigate past climates is possible as ostriches eat the freshest leaves of shrubs and grasses available in their environment, meaning eggshell composition reflects their diet. As eggs are laid in the breeding season across a short window, the information found in ostrich eggshell provides a picture of the prevailing environment and climate for a precise period in time.

Bundu Farm, where the eggshell was recovered is a remote farm 50km from the nearest small town, sitting within a dry semi-desert environment, which supports a small flock of sheep. The site was first excavated in the late 1990’s the site with material stored at the McGregor Museum, Kimberley (MMK). The study helps fill a gap in our knowledge for this part of South Africa and firmly puts the Bundu Farm site on the map.

Philip Kiberd, who led the study, said: “This part of South Africa is now extremely arid, but thousands of years ago it would have been Eden-like landscape with lakes and rivers and abundant species of flora and fauna. Our analysis of the ostrich eggshell helps us to better understand the environments in which our ancestors were evolving and provides an important context in which to interpret the behaviors and adaptations of people in the past and how this ultimately led to the evolution of our species’.

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Mandible of small antelope in calcrete. Philip Kiberd

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ostrich eggshell in calcrete. Philip Kiberd

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partial skull of small antelope. Philip Kiberd

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF EXETER news release

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Climate changed the size of our bodies and, to some extent, our brains

UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE—An interdisciplinary team of researchers, led by the Universities of Cambridge and Tübingen, has gathered measurements of body and brain size for over 300 fossils from the genus Homo found across the globe. By combining this data with a reconstruction of the world’s regional climates over the last million years, they have pinpointed the specific climate experienced by each fossil when it was a living human.

The study reveals that the average body size of humans has fluctuated significantly over the last million years, with larger bodies evolving in colder regions. Larger size is thought to act as a buffer against colder temperatures: less heat is lost from a body when its mass is large relative to its surface area. The results are published today in the journal Nature Communications.

Our species, Homo sapiens, emerged around 300,000 years ago in Africa. The genus Homo has existed for much longer, and includes the Neanderthals and other extinct, related species such as Homo habilis and Homo erectus.

A defining trait of the evolution of our genus is a trend of increasing body and brain size; compared to earlier species such as Homo habilis, we are 50% heavier and our brains are three times larger. But the drivers behind such changes remain highly debated.

“Our study indicates that climate – particularly temperature – has been the main driver of changes in body size for the past million years,” said Professor Andrea Manica, a researcher in the University of Cambridge’s Department of Zoology who led the study.

He added: “We can see from people living today that those in warmer climates tend to be smaller, and those living in colder climates tend to be bigger. We now know that the same climatic influences have been at work for the last million years.”

The researchers also looked at the effect of environmental factors on brain size in the genus Homo, but correlations were generally weak. Brain size tended to be larger when Homo was living in habitats with less vegetation, like open steppes and grasslands, but also in ecologically more stable areas. In combination with archaeological data, the results suggest that people living in these habitats hunted large animals as food – a complex task that might have driven the evolution of larger brains.

“We found that different factors determine brain size and body size – they’re not under the same evolutionary pressures. The environment has a much greater influence on our body size than our brain size,” said Dr Manuel Will at the University of Tubingen, Germany, first author of the study.

He added: “There is an indirect environmental influence on brain size in more stable and open areas: the amount of nutrients gained from the environment had to be sufficient to allow for the maintenance and growth of our large and particularly energy-demanding brains.”

This research also suggests that non-environmental factors were more important for driving larger brains than climate, prime candidates being the added cognitive challenges of increasingly complex social lives, more diverse diets, and more sophisticated technology.

The researchers say there is good evidence that human body and brain size continue to evolve. The human physique is still adapting to different temperatures, with on average larger-bodied people living in colder climates today. Brain size in our species appears to have been shrinking since the beginning of the Holocene (around 11,650 years ago). The increasing dependence on technology, such as an outsourcing of complex tasks to computers, may cause brains to shrink even more over the next few thousand years.

“It’s fun to speculate about what will happen to body and brain sizes in the future, but we should be careful not to extrapolate too much based on the last million years because so many factors can change,” said Manica.

Summary:

  • The average body size of humans has fluctuated significantly over the last million years and is strongly linked to temperature.
  • Colder, harsher climates drove the evolution of larger body sizes, while warmer climates led to smaller bodies.
  • Brain size also changed dramatically but did not evolve in tandem with body size.

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Skulls: – Left: Amud 1, Neanderthal, 55.000 years ago, ~1750 cm³ – Middle: Cro Magnon, Homo sapiens, 32.000 years ago, ~1570 cm³ – Right: Atapuerca 5, Middle Pleistocene Homo, 430.000 years ago, ~1100 cm³ Femora: – Top: Middle Pleistocene Homo, Trinil, 540.000 years ago, ~50 kg – Bottom: Neanderthal, La Ferrassie 1, 44.000 years ago, ~90 kg  Manuel Will

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE news release

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The Oldest Cities in the New World

The great Step Pyramid of Djoser in Egypt is popularly touted as the first and oldest ancient monumental pyramid ever built.

But think again.

Even before the ancients raised their massive stones in place in Egypt, more than 7700 miles to the southwest, on another continent, ancient people were constructing massive monumental structures, including pyramidal edifices in what is today known as Peru. At sites like Caral, Bandurria, Aspero, Huaricanga, and Sechin Bajo, all located within the north/central coastal region of Peru, massive construction requiring organized, community effort was underway as early as 3500/36000 BCE. That’s nearly 1,000 years before the Djoser pyramid and about 500 years before the Sialk zigurrat, the oldest Mesopotamian zigurrat, located in present-day Iran.

Dr. Kimberly Munro, an Andean archaeologist, has been exploring and investigating ancient sites in Peru for over a decade. She is the director of the Cosma Archaeological Project, a long-term research project involving excavation and survey in the Andean central highlands. “For the Andean region specifically, the origins of state development has long been debated,” writes Munro in an article recently published in Popular Archaeology. “The Andes is a peculiar case study, given that unlike the other 5 “cradles of civilization” located throughout the rest of the Prehistoric world, Andean state development did not rely entirely on an agricultural revolution. Large scale public monuments are found along the coast by at least 3700 BCE, and many early centers, especially in the highlands, predate intensive agriculture.”

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Detail view of one of the pyramids of Caral, which dates back to 2800 BCE.  Kimberly Munro

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Notwithstanding these early site discoveries, she maintains, there is room to question the suggestion by many archaeologists that this early development arose first in the coastal and lower river valley regions. There may be reason to seriously consider looking eastward toward the highlands, as well, to sites like Kotosh, near the town of Huánuco in the central highlands. She also points, for example, to a site known as La Galgada, located on the Tablachaca branch of the upper Santa River Valley at 1,100 masl (meters above sea level) in Peru’s Department of Ancash region. La Galgada features massive dual mounds, temples, and a sunken circular plaza.  “Dates for La Galgada range from 3000 to 1700 BCE,” she wrote to Popular Archaeology. “However, the base of the mound and presumably earliest constructions were never reached, indicating there may be earlier structures deep within the complex.”

Munro relates what is known to date about these ancient Peruvian cities in a major feature premium article now published at Popular Archaeology. She also plans to lead groups of interested participants on special tours/treks of these ancient sites, and many more, in the future. Anyone interested in participating in this activity may send an email expressing interest to populararchaeology@gmail.com. As these activities are developed, interested potential participants will be informed of the details and provided the opportunity to register with the group. Readers can also follow Dr. Munro’s archaeology updates on Instagram: @the.field.professor. Pictured here, Dr. Munro is on location at La Galgada.

Cover Image, Top Left: View of the pyramids of Caral. Kimberly Munro

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Neanderthal artists? Our ancestors decorated bones over 50,000 years ago

UNIVERSITY OF GÖTTINGEN—Since the discovery of the first fossil remains in the 19th century, the image of the Neanderthal has been one of a primitive hominin. People have known for a long time that Neanderthals were able to effectively fashion tools and weapons. But could they also make ornaments, jewelry or even art? A research team led by the University of Göttingen and the Lower Saxony State Office for Heritage has analyzed a new find from the Unicorn Cave (Einhornhöhle) in the Harz Mountains. The researchers conclude that, in fact, Neanderthals, genetically the closest relative to modern humans, had remarkable cognitive abilities. The results of the study were published in Nature Ecology and Evolution.

Working with the Unicornu Fossile society, the scientists have been carrying out new excavations at the Unicorn Cave in the Harz Mountains since 2019. For the first time, they succeeded in uncovering well-preserved layers of cultural artifacts from the Neanderthal period in the cave’s ruined entrance area. Among the preserved remains from a hunt, an inconspicuous foot bone turned out to be a sensational discovery. After removing the soil sticking to the bone, an angular pattern of six notches was revealed. “We quickly realized that these were not marks made from butchering the animal but were clearly decorative,” says the excavation leader Dr Dirk Leder of the Lower Saxony State Office for Heritage. The carved notches could then be analyzed with 3D microscopy at the Department of Wood Biology and Wood Products at Göttingen University.

To make a scientific comparison, the team carried out experiments with the foot bones of today’s cattle. They showed that the bone probably had to be boiled first in order to carve the pattern into the softened bone surface with stone tools and the work would take about 1.5 hours. The small ancient foot bone that had been discovered was identified as coming from a giant deer (Megaloceros giganteus). “It is probably no coincidence that the Neanderthal chose the bone of an impressive animal with huge antlers for his or her carving,” says Professor Antje Schwalb from the Technical University of Braunschweig, who is involved in the project.

The team of Leibniz laboratory at Kiel University dated the carved bone at over 51,000 years using radiocarbon dating technology. This is the first time that anyone has successfully directly dated an object that must have been carved by Neanderthals. Until now, a few ornamental objects from the time of the last Neanderthals in France were known. However, these finds, which are about 40,000 years old, are considered by many to be copies of pendants made by anatomically modern humans because by this time they had already spread to parts of Europe. Decorative objects and small ivory sculptures have survived from cave sites of modern humans on the Swabian Alb in Baden-Württemberg and these were found at about the same time.

“The fact that the new find from the Unicorn Cave dates from so long ago shows that Neanderthals were already able to independently produce patterns on bones and probably also communicate using symbols thousands of years before the arrival of modern humans in Europe,” says project leader Professor Thomas Terberger from Göttingen University’s Department for Prehistory and Early History, and the Lower Saxony State Office for Heritage. “This means that the creative talents of the Neanderthals must have developed independently. The bone from the Unicorn Cave thus represents the oldest decorated object in Lower Saxony and one of the most important finds from the Neanderthal period in Central Europe.”

Lower Saxony’s Minister of Science Björn Thümler says: “Lower Saxony’s archaeologists are always making discoveries that rewrite the history books. Now, research in the Unicorn Cave has revealed that the Neanderthals produced elaborate designs even before the arrival of modern humans – yet another important new finding that completely revises our picture of prehistory.”

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The Einhornhöhle (Unicorn Cave), Blaue Grotto. In the Middle Ages, animal bones from the ice-age were found, which treasure hunters mistook for unicorn bones and sold as possessing medicinal properties, hence the name “Unicorn Cave”. Since the discovery of the first stone tools from the Neanderthal period in 1985, archaeo-palaeontological excavations have been carried out in and in front of the cave. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:EHH-Wiki001_C_GUfeV.JPG (CC BY-SA 4.0)

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The carved bone – a foot bone from a giant deer (Megaloceros giganteus) – found in the Unicorn Cave (inventory no. 46999448-423). V. Minkus, © NLD

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microCT scan of carved bone with marking of the notches. Marked in red are the six notches that create the angular pattern, marked in blue are accompanying notches. Graphik: A. Tröller-Reimer/D. Leder, © NLD

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Article Source: UNIVERSITY OF GÖTTINGEN news release

In addition to the University of Göttingen, the Technical University of Braunschweig and the Lower Saxony State Office for Heritage, and the universities of Kiel and Tübingen were also involved in the project. It was funded by the Lower Saxony Ministry for Science and Culture.

*Dirk Leder, Thomas Terberger et. al. “A 51,000?year?old engraved bone reveals Neanderthals” in Nature Ecology & Evolution. DOI: 10.1038/s41559?021?01487?z

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Early States in the Andes

Kimberly Munro is an Andean archaeologist with over a decade of experience working in Peru. She is the director of the Cosma Archaeological Project, a long-term research project involving excavation and survey in the Andean central highlands, specifically in the Caceres District of Ancash, Peru.

Kimberly earned a dual B.A. degree in Anthropology and Religious Studies in 2007 from Florida State University and also holds a M.S. in Geography (Geographic Information Sciences) from FSU. She received her PhD in Anthropology from Louisiana State University in 2018. Kimberly currently lives in Colorado, where she teaches Anthropology and Archaeology classes, and runs a summer field camp in the canyonlands of Southeast, Colorado through Otero College.

Editor’s Note: When people generally think of the beginnings of ‘advanced’ civilization—that is, the oldest places in the ancient world featuring spectacular monumental structures, sophisticated artwork, and the other common attributes of such societies—ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia come immediately to mind. Next we think of civilizations such as Mesoamerica, the Harrapa, or Indus Valley, and China. In fact, however, significant monumental centers and pyramids were already arising in South America, most specifically in present-day Peru, during the 3rd and 4th millennium BCE—even before the earliest pyramids of ancient Egypt and the earliest ziggurats of Mesopotamia. Advancing the general public profile of these earliest developments in ancient Peru is substantially overdue…………

Archaeologists have long debated the origin and evolution of state level societies across the world. When does a culture become a state? What are the criteria that mark a state? How did states traditionally develop and expand? Was their development driven by a boom and surplus caused by agricultural developments, warfare, the need to manage communal projects associated with water and irrigation, or was it a more religiously based shift? “Civilization” as we understand it — that is, cultures associated with large scale state-level societies (complex, hierarchical, typically with a ruling class, and elites) —  originated independently in 6 geographic areas around the world: Mesopotamia, the Nile River Valley (Egypt), Harappa or the Indus River Region, China, Mesoamerica, and the Andes in South America. Typically, at least for archaeologists, this is marked in the archaeological record by large scale public architecture (or communal buildings), a shared or “state” sponsored religion, a move to intensive agriculture, and a form of writing, or record keeping.

The Rise of Early Andean State Societies: The Coastal Story

This article discusses state development throughout the central Andes by showcasing the earliest monumental complexes and their associated cultures in Peru, the region that would one day give rise to the Inca Empire. For the Andean region specifically, the origins of state development has long been debated. The Andes is a peculiar case study, given that unlike the other 5 “cradles of civilization” mentioned above located throughout the rest of the Prehistoric world, Andean state development did not rely entirely on an agricultural revolution. Large scale public monuments are found along the coast by at least 3700 BCE, and many early centers, especially in the highlands, predate intensive agriculture. We know early humans were in South America at least by 13,000 years ago. These early dates are associated with hunter gatherers who lived in small bands, with one of the earliest of their associated sites, known as Monte Verde, located in the tip of Southern Chile, yielding artifacts associated with a foraging village. By 10,000 years ago, repeated human occupation, including evidence for a variety of crops, faunal and textile remains were found in Guitarrero Cave, in the Peruvian highland valley known as the Callejon de Huaylas.

This time period is referred to as the Preceramic, given the lack of ceramics in the archaeological record. The Pre-ceramic can be divided up into Early (13,000-8,000 BCE), Middle (8,000-3000 BCE), and Late (3000-1800 BCE), based on differing categorical markers and cultural developments.

By 7000 BCE, during the Middle Preceramic, more permanent settlements developed along the northern coast – in the Zana Valley. Small scale mounds point to communal architectural constructions above that of the familial, or household level in this region. Known as the Nanchoc Tradition,  these sites are marked by a number of low cemetery mounds, and suggest more permanent claims to the landscape, as well as a level of communal bonding, given the shared construction and burial of the dead within the mounds.

The Nanchoc tradition has been identified based on early cemetery mounds constructed well before the adoption of large-scale agriculture. Dating to 5700 BCE, these mounds are attributed to a group of people who were still considered nomadic, only taking part in incipient horticultural practices on a seasonal basis (Dillehay et al. 1997: 46). The construction and use of the Nanchoc mounds likely came before more permanent settlements in the region. The effort to build and bury the dead within these mounds illustrated that groups had an element of communal and ritual life associated with claiming and returning to the specific landscape in this area, and these structures are some of the earliest permanent indicators of broader communal ties and planning efforts.

While the Nanchoc Tradition demonstrates some of the earliest examples of communal constructions “above the house-hold level,” and some of the earliest ties/claims by sedentary populations to specific landscapes, the largest and earliest known Late Preceramic monuments of significant size and complexity are found after 2800 BCE, with the construction of the site complexes of Aspero, followed by El Paraiso. For El Paraiso, located only 2 km off the coast in the Chillón River Valley, this center is 60 hectares in size and includes 13 platform mounds, seven of which are organized to make up a central group, which form or outline a U-shaped plaza.

The dates for El Paraiso place its occupation as early as 2300 BCE (Quilter 1985, 1991), but despite its 13 mounds and planned construction, the nearby site of Aspero predate this complex by at least 500 years. It is made up of at least 17 pyramid mounds, six of which were centrally located pyramids organized to form a central plaza, while the individual mounds measured up to 10 m in height (Feldman 1980). The two largest mounds, Huaca de los Sacrificos and Huaca de los Idolos were decorated with clay friezes, had rooms over 10 m square in size, and stone walls over a meter thick. The Aspero complex dates back to 2800 BCE. The organization and monumental pyramids at both these complexes have been used by archaeologist Robert Feldman (1980) to argue for a chiefdom level society at least by this time, due to the size, complexity, and organization of these platform mounds.

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Huaca El Paraiso, located in Ventanilla. Marcogg, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International, Wikimedia Commons

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Norte-Chico

For such early dates, there is one region within central Peru that lays claim to the largest concentration of monumental and complex religious constructions. This region is known as the “Norte-Chico” and has been one of the most informative and influential zones for understanding Preceramic developments on the coast. Consisting of four separate river valleys, (from north to south: Fortaleza, Pativilca, Supe, and Huaura), by the Late Preceramic, at least 30 distinct ceremonial centers were located within this region (Creamer et al. 2007). Sites among these rivers are situated along the coast as well as inland and include some of the earliest evidence for large scale Preceramic monumental constructions, leading some archaeologists to believe that Norte Chico was the epicenter for innovation and more centralized social complexity within the Andes (Haas, Creamer, and Ruiz, 2005).

The site of Caral, located 16 km from the coast within the Supe Valley, is considered one of the most important of these early Preceramic centers on the coast, and is also currently classified as the capitol of the Norte-Chico culture. Caral dates back to 2800 BCE, and at the time of its initial carbon dating in 2006 was referred to as “the oldest city in the New World” (Shady 2006). The center includes six different monumental platform mounds measuring between 10 and 18 m high, three sunken circular plazas, a large centralized plaza, a number of smaller mounds, architecture which was arranged symmetrically, as well as an associated domestic area, making up a total complex area of 110 hectares. Eighteen similar sites dating to the same time period can also be found in the Supe Valley, though none are as large as Caral. Because of its size and architecture, Caral is considered by some archaeologists to be the “capital” city of what is now known as the “Caral-Supe Civilization.” This “civilization” includes the other Preceramic sites in the Norte-Chico region, as they exhibit a similar pattern which included large platform mounds and associated sunken circular courts, or plazas.

Caral’s largest mound, now referred to as the “Main Pyramid (Piramide Mayor),” was extremely complex. Measuring 18 meters high, the pyramid had a 10 meter wide stairway that connected a sunken plaza to the top of the mound. There, a large hearth within an atrium was excavated. Another large mound was associated with a sunken plaza, now classified as an “amphitheater” due to the number of associated musical instruments found during excavation (32 pelican and condor bone flutes and 37 trumpet-like instruments made of deer and llama bones.). This sunken plaza was associated with a large rampway leading up to the entrance, and surrounded by semi-circular, short walls, which have been interpreted as possible seating around the plaza. While this mound is smaller than the Main Pyramid, its sunken plaza is much larger. This may indicate that this plaza specifically was utilized for performative, or ritual dancing and music.

Caral’s inland location made it especially productive for farming cotton and other gourds, beans, and chilies. Cotton was extremely important to coastal societies. It was used for their fishing nets, textiles, clothing, containers, and shicra bags. These shicra bags were utilized to carry small bundles of rocks, which were brought in to construct the temples and pyramids at the site, acting almost as sand bags. The productive farming in the region allowed the people of Caral to trade with sites directly on the coast, like Aspero, for salt, mollusks, sardines and anchovies. Caral’s location was also situated for exotic trade with the highlands, making the center productive enough to outgrow Aspero in size and influence. The relationship between Caral and Aspero has led researchers to develop the “Cotton for Fish” model to explain the connections between inland and coastal sites. The theory states that cotton and agricultural crops were grown inland at and around sites like Caral. The cotton at least, was traded to people living on the coastal fisher sites, so these communities could make their nets for fishing traded back to the inland communities to supplement their otherwise plant-based diets (Haas et al. 2005).

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Above and below: Views of the pyramidal structures of Caral. Kimberly Munro

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Shicra bags found on location at Caral. Håkan Svensson Xauxa, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license, Wikimedia Commons

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Earlier Sites

As research continues in the Norte Chico region, new sites with earlier dates have been added to the archaeological dataset. The site of Bandurria is one of these centers. Located along the coast in the Huaura valley and constructed in a similar pattern and style as Caral, the site dates back to 3200 BCE, earlier than Caral (Chu 2008). Bandurria includes two sunken circular plazas, stairways and other terraced/pyramidal mounds. Additionally, the site of Huaricanga in the Fortaleza valley has now been determined to have even earlier dates — around 3500 BCE — making it the earliest in the Norte Chico region. Due to the number of such early dated sites in Norte Chico, several archaeologists have concluded that the beginnings of Andean “civilization” must have started in this region (Haas and Creamer 2006; Piscitelli 2014).

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Above and below: View of the Late Temple at Bandurria archaeological site. It includes the truncated pyramid and the circular sunken plaza. Guillermo Arévalo Aucahuasi, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported, Wikimedia Commons

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While the Norte-Chico area was home to the largest concentration of Late Preceramic monumental centers during this time, architectural and complex developments in the Casma Valley, located just a two-hour drive north along the Pan-American highway, cannot be overlooked. The Casma River Valley has been heavily researched and excavated, due to a number of early centers, mostly associated with the following Initial Period (1800-900 BCE), and significant architectural developments following the Preceramic Period. While Casma’s apex appears to have occurred during the Initial Period, several monumental antecedent centers have been noted for the Preceramic Period. One of the earliest sites to date with complex monumental architecture is known as Sechín Bajo. Located 12 km inland from the Pacific coast and composed of three constructed mounds, corporate construction at the center, which dates as early as 3600 BCE, consists of a mix of stone and adobe elements. These early dates were associated with a sunken circular plaza and a two-meter-tall frieze and was excavated by archaeologist Peter Fuchs (2008.)

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The Late Preceramic for Casma is also known from the centers of Las Haldas, and Huaynuna. Las Haldas, another monumental center, is located 20 km south of the Casma Valley and has been intensely studied. First reported by Engel as a Preceramic site in 1958, research has been conducted by two separate Tokyo Expeditions, Rosa Fung, Terence Grieder, Edward Lanning, and Thomas and Shelia Pozorski. The site itself was initially reported by Engel to include six terraces, constructed in “the shape of a jaguar” (Matsuzawa and Shimada 1978: 653), and the terracing at the center has been referred to as a “temple complex.” Located only 100 m from the Pacific coast, Las Haldas is composed of midden deposits and a large mound surrounded by a series of smaller mounds (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987: 16). Throughout the different excavations, three separate Preceramic midden areas were also exposed.

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Aerial view of Las Haldas. Proyecto Arqueológico Las Aldas, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, Wikimedia Commons

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Finally, the site of Huaynuna, also located on the Casma coast, includes a large midden, smaller domestic structures, and a “substantially terraced hillside structure” that was interpreted as a small temple complex. Interestingly, the Pozorskis have found evidence for two distinct ritual traditions at this Late Preceramic site. The first included utilizing the temple complex for public/communal rituals, and the second involved a small ventilated hearth structure similar in size and composition to the private ritual constructions associated with the highland Kotosh-Mito (discussed later in this article) tradition (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987, 1990: 17). Huaynuna has been dated to between 2250-1510 BCE (Pozorski and Pozorski 1990: 20). Huaynuna differs from the other Late Preceramic centers mentioned above due to its smaller size and lack of monumental architecture, indicating it was most likely a small but mostly permanent seaside village, as opposed to a monumental ceremonial center.

The Rise of Early Andean State Societies: The Highland Story

While the coast saw the introduction of large pyramid mound constructions associated with sunken circular plazas (e.g., Norte Chico area, Casma Valley, Salinas de Chao), the highlands were home to a very different architectural tradition. In the central highlands, emphasis was placed on complexes that included clusters of small privatized rooms with single entranceways (Burger 1992: 51). Known architecturally as the Mito or Kostosh tradition (henceforth referred to as Kotosh-Mito), this phenomenon focused on small, closed temple structures, each with a central hearth, low level benches, and niches located along the walls, potentially for the placement of offerings (Bonnier 1987; Burger and Salazar Burger 1980, 1985). Kotosh-Mito structures have been found throughout the Department of Ancash region—mainly in the highlands, at the sites of Kotosh, Shillacoto, Huaricoto, La Galgada, Piruru, el Silencio, Chavín de Huántar and Hualcayan (Bonnier 1997; Bria 2017; Burger and Burger 1985; Contreras 2010; Grieder et al. 1988; Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi et al. 1972; Montoya 2007; Quilter 1991).

The Kotosh-Mito tradition was originally named after the type site of Kotosh, the first site of its kind to be excavated, located in the Huánuco Valley in the central highlands. Kotosh consists of multiple temple mounds, which were first dug in the 1960s by the Japanese expedition in Peru (Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi and Terada, 1972).

These initial excavations revealed numerous shrine-like rooms, which included interior wall niches and mud relief friezes decorating the temple walls. Additionally, these rooms were built with sunken floors with central hearth features. Each room has been interpreted as an individual temple chamber, differing from the large scale plazas found along the coast at this time. The highland religion, based on architectural evidence, suggests smaller scale ritual activity. Interestingly, before a room was abandoned it was ritually sealed off through a process known as “temple entombment” (Matsuzawa 1972). Temple entombment involved the taking of sterile soil and rocks to seal off the structure, closing it off completely with a clay capping before constructing another temple over the original chamber.

Two of the chambers at Kotosh are unique from other rooms associated with the Kotosh-Mito tradition. One of these is a large temple structure referred to as “The Temple of the Niches,” (Templo de los Nichitos) due to the large number of niches that were constructed in the chamber walls. The Temple of the Niches measured 8.5 x 9.5 m in size and included 23 wall niches, a split-level floor, and burnt offerings found within the central fire feature. Directly below this chamber is the best preserved room at the site, known as “The Temple of the Crossed Hands,” (Templo de la Manos Cruzados). Named as such due to the clay frieze representing two crossed hands, this room is square in shape and measured 9.5×9.3 m in size. The intact walls stood 2 meters tall, and like the other Kotosh-Mito structures, there is a central hearth and split-level floor, as well as over 30 niches. The clay frieze exposed in this room displays two pairs of crossed hands. The hands are symmetrically placed within the room, however there is a difference in size, one larger than the other, suggesting a dual element of masculine/feminine within the Kotosh-Mito ideology. 

Excavations at Kotosh further revealed that some rooms were re-utilized, repaired, and altered several times before being ritually closed off. The process of ritual entombment often left a honeycombing of chamber rooms within a site, and the mounds often grew gradually over time, as rooms were sealed off and new platforms constructed.

Dates at Kotosh and the nearby site of Shillacoto place their occupational use well within the Preceramic and Initial Period (2000-1000 BCE.). While the sites of Kotosh and Shillacoto were some of the first of their kind to be excavated, they were not the earliest of these centers to be constructed. To date, one of the earliest known Kotosh-Mito complexes is the site of Huaricoto, located in the Callejon de Huaylas, outside of the town of Carhuaz.

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A view inside the Temple of the Crossed Hands. Note the crossed hands frieze at lower left.

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Model of the temple complex at Kotosh, as displayed in the museum.

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Huaricoto was occupied well into the Early Horizon (900-200 BCE), however, the earliest date comes from a carbon sample taken from a central hearth in one of the rooms, dated to 2430 cal BCE. Excavations at Huaricoto revealed at least 13 different structures with a similar pattern to those constructions at Kotosh and Shillacoto, including split level floors and central fire features.

While Huaricoto may have the oldest dates for Late Preceramic highland chambers, for Kotosh-Mito researchers, La Galgada may be one of the most intriguing centers, not only for its early dates and long occupation, but also for the quantity and preservation of the different temple chambers found throughout the site. Located on the Tablachaca branch of the upper Santa River Valley at 1,100 masl in the Department of Ancash, La Galgada is known for its dual mounds, Mito style temples, and a sunken circular plaza (a unique addition not present at the other Kotosh-Mito highland sites). The circular plaza links coastal architectural canons with highland components. Excavated by Terence Grieder, the site’s location along major coastal highland trade-routes may account for its shared styles, as evidenced by a number of exotic trade items recovered from the site (Grieder et al. 1988). La Galgada is to date an exceptional example in its abundance of Mito architecture. The rooms at La Galgada were rectangular with rounded corners and included wall niches, split level floors, central fire features, and single entrances (Grieder el al. 1988). Dates for La Galgada range from 3000 to 1700 BCE, however, the base of the mound and presumably earliest constructions were never reached, indicating there may be earlier structures deep within the complex. The largest mound, known as the north mound, measured 15 m in height at its peak and revealed a unique burial tradition not documented at any other Kotosh-Mito centers. As each temple structure was sealed off, it was re-utilized as a burial space, sometimes housing multiple individuals at a time. Access into many of these rooms were kept open for multiple generations, and a shaft or gallery was constructed after the room was sealed in order to keep access open to the individuals buried within. New burials were continuously added until the room would finally be sealed off, and new chambers were built above these structures.

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Above and below: Views of La Galgada. In the picture below, if you look closely, you will see the author (in red) perched amidst the remains of the mound. This shows the massive scale of the structure. Kimberly Munro

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In total, there are 7 sites in and around the highlands of Ancash and Huanuco that are associated with Kotosh-Mito architecture: Kotosh, La Galgada, Huaricoto, El Silencio, Piruru, Hualcayan, and the Cosma Complex. Dates for these complexes range from the Late Preceramic and into the Initial Period. Comparatively, the quantity and megalithic features of coastal sites far outweighs the sample size recorded to date for the highlands. A number of archaeologists have interpreted this as evidence for civilization originating along the central coast, mostly in the Norte-Chico region (mainly due to the rich marine resources associated with the coastal sites, which could support large populations, cities, and more complex life-ways). The early dates and repeated occupation at Guitarrero Cave, however, paired with new research in the highlands, may indicate that highland developments were equally complex and contemporaneous with the earliest monumental constructions along the coast.

The next article in this series will focus specifically on one such recently documented center — the Cosma Complex. Cosma is unique in its location, situated outside of the traditional Kotosh-Mito cultural zone. Featuring a mixing of highland and coastal elements, Cosma’s appearance may add a new classification of sites, bridging a gap in our knowledge of Late Preceramic development and interaction networks in the Andes. As readers will see in the next series installment, the early dates from Cosma may also suggest a reworking of our understanding of state development in the Andes — that it most likely did not originate exclusively in a central locale, either on the coast or the highlands, respectively. Interactions between the two regions were most likely continuous and more fluid than researchers originally may have posited.

Cover Image, Top Left: View of the site of Caral. JDBENTHIEN, Pixabay

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In the future, article author Dr. Kimberly Munro will be leading groups to see many of the sites discussed in this article, plus many more. If you are interested in participating in this activity, please send an email expressing your interest to populararchaeology@gmail.com. As this project is developed, you will be informed of the details and provided the opportunity to register your place with the group. You can also follow Dr. Munro’s archaeology updates on Instagram @the.field.professor. Pictured here, Dr. Munro is on location at La Galgada.

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Before Stonehenge: Monument Builders of Arabia

Arianna Zakrzewski is an intern and writer for Popular Archaeology. She is also a graduate from Rhode Island College with a Bachelor’s degree in Anthropology. She has had an interest in archaeology since elementary school, specifically Egyptology and the Classics. In recent years, she has also gained an interest in historical archaeology, and has spent time in the field working in St. Mary’s City, Maryland, participating in excavation and archival research. Most recently, she completed her MA in Museum Studies from Johns Hopkins University. She is currently focused on collections management and making archaeological discoveries accessible and exciting to the public.

Most archaeologists would say that the Neolithic, a time period between 10,000–4,500 BCE, was best characterized by the beginnings of agriculture and fixed human settlements. These people were not known for their massive architectural achievements and monuments. But a recent excavation led by a team of archaeologists from the University of Western Australia has shed new light on ancient monumental structures dating back over 7,000 years ago, located in present-day Saudi Arabia.

Known as “mustatils,” named after the Arabic word for rectangle, these structures have been the subject of very little research, despite the fact that they are not a recent discovery.

“We started excavating in 2019 as it was the natural progression of our work in the region,” explains Dr. Melissa Kennedy, one of six researchers working on this excavation. “Once we had found out how these structures were formed it was important to be able to date them.”

The team documented hundreds of mustatils aerially, explored almost 40 on the ground, and excavated one, making this the largest study ever conducted on these structures. According to the project’s director Dr. Hugh Thomas, in an interview for Antiquity, over 1,000 mustatils were documented during this project, covering over 200,000 km2 in northwest Arabia.

Dr. Kennedy notes, “Our project started off as purely aerial photography and after viewing our photos of these structures we began to realize that these features were extraordinarily well preserved and that we needed to visit them on the ground. That is when we really began to realize how complex these structures were. Having the aerial photography component of our project is unique, as this allows us to get a different perspective on the archaeological remains we are documenting.”

“We use a variety of techniques; remote sensing, using publicly available satellite imagery, aerial photography, ground survey, and traditional excavation,” she explains. “We also used a lot of digital technologies, such as orthophotography, which is a highly accurate photo mosaic created from hundreds of aerial photographs, and drones. The main challenge with this site is that the structure was made of a type of stone that was highly degraded. It made work in the head of the structure very difficult and very hard to define the chamber.”

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Map showing location of study area in Saudi Arabia. AAKSAU

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Mustatil distribution across northwestern Arabia. AAKSAU

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This research has more than doubled the total known number of mustatils in Saudi Arabia and established that these structures were far more architecturally complex than previously supposed. Cattle horns and skull parts were uncovered at the site as apparent offerings, confirming assumptions that the structures were built for rituals. Cattle was a vital part of the lives of early humans in the region. Evidence of ‘cattle cults’ have been found in southern Arabia around 900 years later, making it reasonable to conclude that these more ancient mustatils may have been an early example of these cults.

The number and consistency of mustatils in northwest Arabia suggests to researchers that these beliefs were widespread across the region. Given their size and number, they were likely large groups of people coming together and organizing to erect these ritual sites, creating the oldest monumental landscape of this scale ever identified, predating the pyramids of Egypt and Stonehenge in Britain.

“We hope to gain a broader insight into the cultic landscape of northwest Arabia in the late Neolithic,” says Dr. Kennedy. “Particularly, why were these large cultic structures built, what were the beliefs of these people and why did this tradition die out?”

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A group of three mustatils. AAKSAU and Royal Commission for AIUIa

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Mustatils from the Harrat Kaybar, Saudi Arabia. AAKSAU and Royal Commission for AIUIAa

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Features of a mustatil: (A) Internal niche located in the head of mustatil; (B) a blocked entranceway in the base of a mustatil; (C-D) associated features of a mustatil: cells and orthostats; (E) stone pillar identified on the Harrat Kaybar lava field. AAKSAU and Royal Commission for AIUIa

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While the findings of the excavation shed light on the ritual traditions and community organization of this region, they also offer more information on the wildlife at the time. Dr. Kennedy explains, “The animal horns are extraordinarily well preserved; they are very important as they give us an insight into the type of cattle being herded in the region in a way that the bones do not.”

“From our perspective, the most significant finds from our work have been from the mustatil and the collective burial we excavated that featured the earliest domestic dog in Arabia,” notes Dr. Kennedy. “For the mustatil, articulating the different facets of these structures has been very important. With the collective burial, we identified multiple phases of use and significant animal offerings. This is some of the earliest evidence for this in northwest Arabia.”

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Artifacts recovered during excavation and ground survey: (A) cattle horn positioned in front of a betyl; (B-C) recovered cattle horns; (D) collected Neolithic micro core; (E) Neolithic bifacial foliate. AAKSAU and Royal Commission for AIUIa

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Excavations at this mustatil site have concluded, but the team hopes to begin at another mustatil site in the near future to compare their results.

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*Thomas, H., Kennedy, M., Dalton, M., McMahon, J., Boyer, D., & Repper, R. (2021). The mustatils: Cult and monumentality in Neolithic north-western Arabia. Antiquity, 95(381), 605-626. doi:10.15184/aqy.2021.51  https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2021.51

All images: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

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Advertisement

A Symbolic Image of the Cosmos: The Hittite Rock Sanctuary at Yazılıkaya

Eberhard Zangger (born 1958 in Kamen, Germany) is a Swiss geoarchaeologist, corporate communications consultant and publicist. Eberhard Zangger studied geology and paleontology at the University of Kiel and obtained a PhD from Stanford University in 1988. After this he was a senior research associate in the Department of Earth Sciences at the University of Cambridge (1988–91). He is currently president of the board of trustees of the international non-profit foundation Luwian Studies.

In May 2016, Luwian Studies went public with a website in German, English and Turkish. As part of its research, the foundation has systematically catalogued extensive settlement sites of the Middle and Late Bronze Age in Western Asia Minor. These sites are presented in a public database on the website. The foundation provides financial support for archaeological excavations and surveys, as well as for linguistic studies dedicated to the cultures of the Middle and Late Bronze Age in western Asia Minor.

For almost 200 years, archaeologists, art historians, and philologists have tried in vain to find a plausible explanation for the unique and well-hidden rock sanctuary of Yazılıkaya, adjacent to the former Hittite capital Ḫattuša in central Turkey. Both the ruins of the city and the sanctuary with its many reliefs carved into the natural stone have been listed as UNESCO World Heritage Sites since 1986. They are the impressive remnants of a once powerful kingdom that ruled over Central Anatolia from around 1650 to 1190 BC, and whose kings were at times on a par with the mighty pharaohs of New Kingdom Egypt.

In June 2021, for the first time, an international team comprised of archaeologists, astronomers, and ancient historians have advanced a plausible explanation for the meaning of each of the more than 90 artistically carved reliefs of mythical figures and anthropomorphic deities, documented in detail in the Journal of Skyscape Archaeology. In short, they posit that the rock sanctuary symbolizes the cosmos as the Hittites imagined it. They suggest that the reliefs illustrate the three main elements of cosmic order: the earth, the sky, and the underworld. They show how these levels, and thus all portions of the cosmos, were populated by deities. In the Ancient Near Eastern belief system, the cosmic order was stabilized through constant renewal, with celestial regularities setting the pace. Renewal occurs when after a dark and cold night the sun rises to bring a bright and warm day; when from a dark moon a full moon gradually waxes; and when the withering away of vegetation and the inhospitable winter months are succeeded by blooming plant cover of spring and summer. Yazılıkaya reflects these cosmic cycles so systematically that the sanctuary can still be used as an accurate calendar.

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The ancient remains of Hattuša. The foundations of Temple 3 (foreground left), Temple 2 (right), and the king’s palace at Büyükkale (background) catch the first rays of the rising sun on the day of the winter solstice
2018 in the upper city of Hattuša (© Luwian Studies #1015).

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The main scene in Yazılıkaya’s Chamber A is where the processions of deities coming from
the left and from the right meet on the local meridian (© Luwian Studies #1216).

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Twelve identical male gods in Chamber B carrying sickle-shaped swords (© Luwian Studies
#1233).

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Schematic drawing of the reliefs of deities on the western wall and main panel in Yazılıkaya’s
Chamber A (© Luwian Studies #1404).

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The four elements of the Hittite cosmos as symbolically depicted in the rock sanctuary of Yazılıkaya: underworld, earth, sky, and celestial circumpolar zone (© Luwian Studies #1418).

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Egyptian Connotations

Some components of the sanctuary can be traced back to Sumerian and Old Babylonian traditions. The procession of the deities on the western wall, for instance, shows a clear hierarchical order in which the higher-ranking gods are identified with their names – some of which are Babylonian – written in Luwian hieroglyphics. This is a rare example of this script being used to express another language, namely Hurrian. Appropriations from neighboring cultures are obvious: the Luwian (Western Anatolian) writing system, the Hurrian language, and the Babylonian deities mixed in with those from the Old Anatolian tradition.

However, thus far, little attention has been paid to borrowings from Egypt, which are also frequent. The entire Luwian hieroglyphic system arose long after the Egyptian script and contains some signs from the Egyptian repertoire. The symbol of the winged sun disk, for example, is the epitome of Egyptian iconography. One relief in Yazılıkaya shows how the Hittite great king is embraced by his protective deity Šarruma – a scene known from two Hittite seals but that also reflects a longstanding Egyptian tradition. In Yazılıkaya, the days of the lunar months are depicted as individual deities in a way that reflects earlier and later Egyptian temple decorations.

What is completely new in the recently presented model is the interpretation of the main panel as a reference to the northern circumpolar region of the night sky. Constellations in this part of the sky dome never disappear below the horizon, and were thus considered undying. According to several ancient belief systems, the world axis (axis mundi) holding the cosmos together is fixed to the northern sky. In Egypt, people believed that the deceased king’s ba (or soul) traveled to this part of the cosmos after the king had first accompanied the sun god Ra on his twelve-hour journey through the underworld. Much like the walls of Egyptian temples, the reliefs in Yazılıkaya were apparently originally painted in bright colors. An Egyptian-style winged sun disk appears over the head of the Sun god of the heavens; and in a large relief of this deity in an artificially constructed chamber in Ḫattuša, the god is holding a sign that corresponds to the Egyptian key of life (ankh). The lower half of an Egyptian-style pyramid forms a large architectural complex in the highest part of Ḫattuša. This complex even contains a straight vaulted tunnel that is strictly oriented to the north and inclined upward, reinforcing the connection to the northern sky as well as the association with the axis mundi. The meridian obviously assumed a prominent meaning in Hittite cosmovision.

How are these allusions to Egyptian iconography explained? The Yazılıkaya sanctuary in its current form dates to around 1230 BC, though it had predecessors. The natural adytum was sealed off from the surroundings by temple buildings, and these reveal at least three different construction phases. At the time the present sanctuary was built, in the second half of the thirteenth century BC, the royal houses of Egypt and Hatti enjoyed exceptionally close relations. After the Battle of Kadesh (1274 BC) a peace treaty was signed (in 1259 BC) bringing the two royal houses closer together. The relations were so intimate that Pharaoh Ramses II requested from the great king of Hatti, Hattušili III, and his wife, queen Puduḫepa (the most famous, and also the last known, Hittite queen), one of their daughters to become his bride. The Hittite princess Sauškanu was then sent off to the Nile, with her mother accompanying her all the way to the Egyptian border. In December 1246 BC, the princess married the pharaoh, and she was renamed Maathorneferure (“One who sees Horus, the invisible splendor of Ra”).

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Astronomical ceiling of tomb KV17 of Pharaoh Seti I, reflecting the northern night sky (©
Luwian Studies #5024).

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Star trails above Yerkapı emphasize the strict northern orientation of the architecture (©
Bernd Pröschold/Luwian Studies #1041).

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Puduḫepa’s Signature

A few years after the wedding, the princess received her brother Hišmišarruma as a formal visitor in the Egyptian capital Per-Ramesses, in the eastern Nile Delta. The Hittite prince decided to remain through the winter in the region. Yazılıkaya obtained its current form only a few years after this visit. The references to Egyptian iconography could thus well be based on impressions (and perhaps even records) gathered during a period of close family ties between the royal courts. Back in Ḫattuša, Hišmišarruma would have reported in detail about his impressions of the Egyptian court. His brother Tašmišarruma was in line to succeed the king – and Yazılıkaya indeed contains two prominent reliefs of him, dating to the time when he ruled under the name Tudḫaliya (IV). After he had taken the throne, the new king was further advised on questions of religion by his mother Puduḫepa. The sanctuary in its present form thus bears Puduḫepa’s handwriting. Puduḫepa was born at the beginning of the thirteenth century BC in the city of Lawazantiya in Kizzuwatna as the daughter of the chief priest of the city’s patron deity, Ištar; and so Puduḫepa grew into the role of a priestess of the same goddess. About a year after the Battle of Kadesh, the Hittite general Hattušili met Puduḫepa, who was then perhaps only fifteen years old, and took her as his wife. Hattušili eventually usurped the Hittite throne from his nephew Muršili III, and so Puduḫepa became queen. As a priestess, she worked on the organization and rationalization of the Hittite religion. The last phase of these syncretizations was immortalized in Yazılıkaya.

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Ancient relief carving showing Queen Puduhepa on the right. Krähenstein, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license, Wikimedia Commons

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Letter of Friendship written in Akkadian by Naptera, the wife of Ramses II, the king of Egypt, to Puduhepa, the wife of Hattusili III, the King of Hittites, between the years of 1275-1250 BCE. Isabeau, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, Wikimedia Commons

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The Hittite Demise

Around 1190 BC, the sanctuary was abandoned along with the capital. The influence and power of the great Hittite kings had declined over the course of a few generations, primarily owing to disputes within the royal family. The neighboring states of the Hittite kingdom took advantage of the weakness of the central power and from all four sides pushed the border ever further toward the capital. With their constant raids, the Kaška had always dominated the northern border, thereby preventing Hittite access to the Black Sea. Assyrian forces stormed forward to the east, conquering extensive areas including the valuable copper mines of Išuwa. Tarḫuntašša in the south had been a loyal vassal for generations, but even that state appears to have fallen away from the central government and then may have challenged it. In the west, everything depended on whether the small states based there would decide to join forces (against the great king). It was precisely during this fragile time that the so-called Sea Peoples suddenly attacked the coast of Cyprus, an island that the Hittite great king had annexed not long before. Then Ugarit in northern Syria, the last loyal vassal of the Hittite royal house, fell victim to the raids of the Sea Peoples, and Hittite forces found themselves involved in both sea and land battles. Soon after, the ruling class abandoned the capital, taking most movable objects with them or hiding them. The Hittites left most rooms swept clean. As a result, archaeological excavations brought few significant artifacts to light – apart from the extensive archives.

Rediscovery

We know nothing about the fate of the sanctuary between 1190 BC and AD 1834, when, at last, the French archaeologist Charles Texier explored the area in search of forgotten historical cities. Local farmers led him to the hidden shrine, and then he spent time there making sketches to illustrate his discovery. Upon his return to Paris, Texier’s account caused quite a stir among the bourgeoisie, partly because his drawings of the reliefs were grossly exaggerated. Yet that would not have been necessary, because there is no question that Yazılıkaya is a very special place. In the wake of Texier’s report, a number of scholars visited the area in the nineteenth century. They returned with more drawings exhibiting increasing accuracy, including some of the earliest photos.

It would be futile to ruminate on the initial attempts at interpreting the meaning and function of the shrine, which are far-fetched from today’s perspective. It is much more interesting to review the individual aspects that were recognized at an early stage and which have now been confirmed by the latest research. One of the first European visitors to the shrine observed that “those figures furthest removed from the center were perhaps being intended for inferior persons” (Hamilton 1842, 384). The two bull-men in the center of the western procession “appear to carry a barque” (von Ritter 1858, 386), which undoubtedly symbolically indicates a solar eclipse (Barth 1859, 136). Today we know that the symbol resembles the “boat of light” and that it marks the only day of the month on which a lunar eclipse may occur. Some iconographic elements, including the winged sun disk, seem to be derived from Egypt (von Ritter 1858, 392). “The chief figures are represented larger than the rest which is in accordance with Assyrian and Egyptian custom” (van Lennep 1870, 119). The hieroglyphic symbols correspond to those found in Hama and ought to be attributed to the Hittites: “And [they] must be assigned a much higher antiquity than has hitherto been supposed,” namely 1200 BC (Tozer 1881, 77–78). Many of the figures are provided with hieroglyphics in the form of ellipses with a vertical central line, marking them as deities (Belck 1901, 477). Therefore, the two largest figures must be the main deities, while the relief opposite them shows the Hittite ruler (Belck 1901, 478). Large boulders in front of the chambers belong to the foundations of temple buildings (Belck 1901, 480). John Garstang (1929, 105, Plate 24) suggested counting the figures on the west wall from center to left, which would be appropriate from today’s perspective. Garstang (1929, 97) said of the main deity: “We have here an illustration of the familiar convention, seen also in Egyptian drawing.” Kurt Bittel, excavator of Ḫattuša and Yazılıkaya from 1931 to 1977, interpreted the Hittite spring sanctuary of Eflatunpınar near Lake Beyşehir in central Anatolia as a representation of the cosmos (Bittel 1941, 63), but did not apply this notion to Yazılıkaya. The male deities at the left end of the procession on the west wall of Chamber A can be associated with the deities for the months (Cornelius 1973, 260, 345n34), and a comprehensive cosmological interpretation for Yazılıkaya was put forward by the astronomer E. C. Krupp (1997a; 1997b; 2000; 2005), who also took part in the latest inquiry. References to a deliberate astronomical orientation of the temples in front of the sanctuary can be found from 2000 onward (Belmonte 2000, 89). Prehistorian Jürgen Seeher was the first to mention that the large relief of Tudḫaliya in Chamber A only receives sunlight during the days around the summer solstice (Seeher 2011a, 85; 2011b, 157).

The most recent discoveries that the deities in Chamber A could be used to operate and display a lunisolar calendar (Zangger and Gautschy 2019) and that the sanctuary as a whole symbolized the cosmos with its levels and celestial regularities (Zangger et al. 2021) developed seamlessly from a long line of previous research. Rather than being considered as marking the end of a quest that spanned almost two centuries, they should be used as a tool to a better understanding of the Hittite religion – one that includes celestial aspects.

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Main panel in Chamber A (Reliefs 42–46) showing the chief deities Teššub and Ḫebat (©
Luwian Studies#1217).

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Proposal for the cosmological model depicted in Yazılıkaya, including all reliefs of deities and emphasizing the groups they form and how these are related to each other to symbolize recurring celestial cycles (© Luwian Studies; #1419).

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Scientific publication (Open Access)

Zangger, Eberhard, E. C. Krupp, Serkan Demirel and Rita Gautschy (2021): “Celestial Aspects of Hittite Religion, Part 2: Cosmic Symbolism at Yazılıkaya.” Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 7 (1).

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Rome’s Wonders, Above & Below: An Interview with Prof. Frank Korn

What follows is an interview with Professor Frank Korn. Now retired from Seton Hall University’s Classics Department, he has written for a variety of publications and has authored books, such as Hidden Rome, Below Rome, and A Catholic’s Guide to Rome, and more. He has traveled to Rome frequently during his lifetime, both professionally and for leisure.

 

Q.  In Hidden Rome, you wrote about the Ara Pacis, one of the greatest monuments of ancient Rome, missing for centuries, found during the Fascist era.  Can you tell us about this?

A. Of all his accomplishments, the emperor Augustus was most proud of bringing peace at last to a land torn by war throughout its then 700 years of existence.  This was the start of what future historians would call Pax Romana, an era of peace and stability that would span almost two centuries.  And so the Senate soon raised an altar, calling  it the Ara Pacis, The Altar of Peace, to honor their esteemed leader.

In his memoirs, Augustus tells us of the monument.  This shrine must have fallen victim to one of the many sacks of Rome by the barbarian hordes after the fall of the empire.  All traces of it    even its location    was lost throughout the Middle Ages.  In 1859, during renovation on a Renaissance edifice    the Palazzo Fiano – workmen discovered numerous slabs of carved marble which many scholars identified as fragments of the Ara Pacis.  In 1937, by order of Mussolini, the site was thoroughly excavated bringing to light extensive portions of the peace shrine.  These were ultimately reassembled on a platform erected near the Tiber where we can view and admire the monument in our time.

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Q.  The Tomb of Caesar Augustus is massive.  Can you tell us about its history and mystery?

A. As far back as a quarter century before the Christian era, Augustus commissioned construction of a massive mausoleum to serve as the final resting place for himself, his family, and his successors.  Marcellus, his beloved nephew, was the first to be entombed there.  He died of malaria in 23 BCE at the age of 19.  Had he lived, he would have been his uncle’s successor.  Augustus’ son-in-law and great friend Marcus Agrippa was laid to rest there a decade later. 

The historian Strabo gives us this description of the tomb:  “A huge rotunda rising on a gigantic square base, both of pure white marble richly decorated and landscaped with cypresses…”  The cypress was adopted from the Etruscans as a symbol of mourning.  Flanking the entrance were two towering obelisks brought to the imperial capital from Egypt on order of Augustus.

Even in ruins, which we see today in the Campus Martius, the tomb of Augustus is impressive and imposing.

Q. Years ago, I recall staying in a convent hotel across from the Circus Maximus and walking around what’s left of the racing area.  You wrote that the Circus Maximus sat 385,000 spectators and that Romans had “Hippomania.”  What does that mean and what was this rowdy place?

A. Hippos in ancient Greek means horse; mania means frenzy, enthusiasm, mad passion.  “Hippomania” is a neologism for the ancient Romans’ zest for horse racing.  In the sixth century before Christ, Tarquinius the King took advantage of the oblong valley between the Palatine and Aventine hills to build a race track for horses.  He ordered wooden grandstands to be constructed on the slope of each hill, and a dividing island    also of wood    to be  laid out through the center of the valley.  The starting gate was placed at the southern end of the 620-meter-long oval race track.  Thus was born the prototype for all horse-racing stadia ever since.  By the time of Caesar Augustus the arena had been transformed into stone, travertine to be precise.  The dividing island, or spina, was made into a showpiece of sculpture and architecture, centered by a lofty obelisk brought from Egypt.  The grandstands could by now seat 385,000 roaring spectators.

Under Augustus there were over 300 racing days a year, with a daily card of twelve races.  There were four stables or horse farms that sponsored the events.  These stables were known as the Reds, the Greens, the Whites, and the Blues, from the colors of the garments worn by their respective riders.

Heavy betting was rampant.  There were numerous race courses    called Circuses    in and around the city.  This was the main and largest one.  Hence the name:  Circus Maximus.

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The Circus Maximus as it appears today. Pixabay, Public Domain

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Q. Even today, the ruins of the Baths of Caracalla are massive.  Can you tell us about this “elaborate country club complex”?

A. Each July and August across more than five decades in the last century    until massive budget cuts in the 1990’s  – the Rome Opera Company would stage Verdi’s Aida and other spectacular music dramas within the brooding ruins of the third century Baths of Caracalla.

Eighteen centuries earlier the sounds here were much different.  The cavernous halls of the tepidarium (warm room), the calidarium (hot room) and the frigidarium (the cold room) rang with the cacophony produced by the whistling, hooting, jeering, laughing, and ribald singing of hundreds of bathers bent on having a good time.

But there was much more to this bathing establishment which served as a kind of ancient country club    a place to meet friends, stroll the landscaped grounds and chat, play ball, work out, get a massage, have drinks, enjoy dice games in the conference rooms, and so forth.  Imperial Rome’s jet-set crowd would pull up to the entrance in closed litters.  The “have-nots” arrived on foot, believing that any inconvenience or discomfort was well worth while just to escape, for a few hours, the dreariness of inner city tenements.  A local ordinance scheduled different times for men and women in order to prevent mixed bathing.  Every now and then there were violations of the law, resulting in scandals that became the talk of the town.

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The Baths of Caracalla. Scapin, Pixabay

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Q.  You quote Percy and Shelley, who had great joy wandering around the Bath’s ruins.  The Romantics loved ruins.  Do you and your wife Camille get a special feeling being around ruins?  What’s the aesthetic, the message?

A. Camille has been my treasured companion on most of my one hundred and seven trips to Rome across the last fifty two years.  Some of these trips were for full semesters, some for a fortnight, some for an in between length.  Like Shelley, et. al., we love visiting the relics of “the glory that was Rome”.  In the ruins of the Augusteum, the mausoleum of Caesar Augustus, we can’t help but reflect for moments on end that there once rested here the ashes of that restless, gifted man who “found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of marble”.  Down in the great Forum, amid the fallen columns and ubiquitous weeds, we never grow blasé about trodding the original paving stones of the Via Sacra that felt so often the sandal-shod feet of the consuls and senators, and the ordinary cives Romani.

Q. Trajan’s column depicts the machinery of war and conquest.  What are the particulars about this column?  It would scare any potential enemy, wouldn’t it?

A. The Column of Trajan, at one end of the forum named for that much accomplished ruler and city planner, was raised amid great panoply in the year 113.  The bands of bas reliefs circling up the full height of the slender monument    125 feet  – represent Trajan’s triumphs over the Dacians beyond the Danube.  Tiny windows illuminating the spiral staircase inside are almost concealed among the carved figures of soldiers, weapons, and p.o.w’s.

The column was originally topped with a statue of the emperor, facing the Forum, the Colosseum, the grandeur of Rome.  The effigy stood there majestically through the ages until Pope Sixtus V (1585-90) replaced it with a likeness of St. Peter, facing the Vatican in the opposite direction.  With the apostle’s back turned on the ancient splendor, Sixtus has Peter declaring:  “Roma pagana est mortua.  Viva Roma Christiana!”

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The Trajan Column as seen in Rome today. Djedj, Pixabay

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Trajan Column, detail. Scapin, Pixabay

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Q. You wrote that the Romans brought twenty-two obelisks from Egypt and that thirteen are still pointing at the sky.  Did the Romans have Egyptomania?

A. While I would not go so far as to call it “Egyptomania,” the Romans seemed to be curious about the culture and custom of the province they called “Aegyptus”, and by the exotic beauty of its women.  They, the Romans that is, could relate to the Egyptians also because both peoples were polytheistic and saw religion as a civic duty.  Both, at times, deified their rulers.  Furthermore, Egypt is mostly in Africa, that mysterious continent, except for the Sinai peninsula which is in Asia.

Pliny the Elder, in the first century of our era, was fond of saying “Ex Africa, semper aliquid novi    Out of Africa always comes something new  – probably alluding to a passage from the writings of Aristotle who was likely referring to the numerous forms of wild life, principally in Libya.  Could Pliny, now that it was a Roman province, have also had Egypt in mind?  One wonders.  Another indicator of Romans being somewhat intrigued by that land and its people is a curious monument in Piazza della Minerva.  Here where once stood a temple to that goddess of war, the sculptor/architect Bernini in 1667 placed a statue of an elephant surmounted by an obelisk with a Latin inscription claiming that it would take the strength of that enormous beast to sustain the wisdom of the Egyptians.

Q.  Before my first trip to Rome, you recommended Santa Prisca, on of the few house-churches mentioned in the New Testament.  Today it’s a small, lovely church on the Aventine Hill, and one of its treasures lies under the church:  the Mithra ruins.  Can you tell us about all this?

A. Late in his reign, the emperor Claudius ordered the expulsion of all Jews from Rome.  Among the exiled multitude was a pious couple, Aquila and his wife Prisca, who sought asylum in Corinth where they crossed paths with the apostle Paul.  Under his influence the couple converted to Christianity.  When Claudius’ edict was at last rescinded, they returned to their home on the Aventine Hill, and allowed their residence to be used as a place of Christian worship, one of the two dozen or so domus ecclesiae, i.e. house-churches, in the city of Rome.

We know this from a line in Paul’s letter to the Romans (16:3-5) which reads:  “Give my greetings to Prisca and Aquila and to the church that meets in their house.”  When Constantine ended the persecutions in 313, the Christian community erected a new church building on what was left of the original house and called it the Church of Santa Prisca. (Whenever I am back in Rome, the priests there invite me to do the readings at Mass.)

In 1933, during excavations to find the rooms of the original structure, archaeologists discovered that there had once been a Mithraeam on the site in pre-Christian times.

Q. Also, can you tell us about San Clemente and what’s below?

A.  Christian pilgrims to Rome, hoping to be swept back across a million yesterdays to apostolic times ought to make their first stop at the church of San Clemente, just four blocks down on the Via San Giovanni in Laterano from the Colosseum.

San Clemente tangibly peels away the centuries, for it is actually three churches superimposed one upon the other with massive stonework and piles of masonry from three distinct Roman epochs.  On this site, Christians have gathered for worship across two millennia.

When Peter was serving as bishop of Rome there dwelt here a pious priest named Clement who allowed his residence to be used as a house-church.  In the year 88 Clement was elected to the throne of St. Peter, becoming the fourth pope of the infant church.  In the late fourth century the faithful filled in the ground floor of Clement’s home with rubble and mortar to provide a bedrock foundation for the basilica they would soon raise there.  The basilica was given the name San Clemente.  Throughout the Middle Ages, it remained one of the most prominent of the city’s Christian shrines. In 1084 it fell victim to the Norman sack of Rome.

In 1108 Pope Paschal II constructed a new basilica on the remains of the fourth century structure.  Today it is possible to visit all three levels.

As at Santa Prisca’s, a Mithraeum was uncovered here, too.  In the center is a block of marble with a relief showing the god Mithras sacrificing a bull.

Q. Can you tell us about this Mithra religion?  Also, why did it come to Rome?  And can you tell us about the Isis religion in Rome?

A. Before the gospels reached the banks of the Tiber, a middle eastern cult known as Mithraism had taken root in the Capital.  This centered about the worship of Mithras, an Indo-Iranian divinity associated with light and the sun.  The earliest devotees claimed that since evil spirits ever lie in wait for hapless man, Mithras had come into the world as man’s friend and savior.  Unlike the mainline Roman cults, Mithraism preached the immortality of the soul and urged a perpetual quest for personal sanctification, in an ongoing preparation for a spiritual life of bliss in eternity.  It also called for new values and a fresh approach to terrestrial existence.  Instead of gravitas, the typical grim view of life, there was to be a quiet joy.  Mithraists were also expected to practice asceticism, self-control, and a fierce resistance to all impurity and decadence.

Mithraism, at least in the Roman world, found its most ardent followers in the military.  Roman legions propagated the cult throughout the empire.

With the spread of Christianity in the late fourth century, the eastern religion of Mithraism began to be suppressed.  In 377 the prefect of Rome, Gracchus, delivered the coup de grace with his orders to destroy all mithraea.

Q.  Can you tell us about the Quirinal Hill and Esquiline Hill?

A.  Il Quirinale, the Quirinal, is one of the original seven hills of Rome, all enclosed by the ancient Servian Wall.  It takes its name from a temple to the Sabine god Quirinus which was later adopted as a Roman deity.  The temple crowned the summit, where since the fourth century rises the patriarchal Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore, so called because of all the Eternal City’s nearly seventy churches honoring Mary — this is the major one.

The ancient temple was, in the eighth century BCE, renamed the Temple of Romulus Qujirinus following the apotheosis of Romulus, mythical founder of the city.  To this shrine there was assigned a special priest  –-  the Flamen Quirinalis — among whose duties was to preside over the sacred rites to the divinity each February 17, the feast day called Quirinalia.

In the neighborhood of the temple, in the late Republic and throughout the Imperial era, could be found many fine estates of the Roman elite.

The Esquiline Hill’s etymology has many versions.  One I find fairly plausible is “ex colere” (to live outside) suggesting that much of the hill stood outside the circuit of the Servian Wall, at least early on.  This hill was an amalgamation of the beautiful and the ugly.  In the upper reaches were some fine residential areas lined with trees, especially umbrella pines.  Down lower on the slopes was the dreaded Suburra, a slum of great squalor with a high crime rate.  The satirist Juvenal wrote that no man should walk in this area of the city after dark without having first made out his will.

Q. You write about the area in Rome called Largo Argentina.  Did the Fascists order that area excavated? What did they find?

A.  Largo, like the word piazza means a city square.  One such place in Rome is called Largo Argentina.  Unlike the Eternal City’s celebrated piazzas with their splashing fountains, sidewalk cafes, strolling musicians, and a baroque church or two, Largo Argentina offers only crawling traffic and urban din.  One redeeming factor is the Teatro Argentina with its peach facade and this inscription to the appropriate Muses:

ALLE ARTI DI MELPOMENE D’EUTERPE E DI TERPSICORE

But the main attraction of the square is the sunken area in the center, some twenty five feet below the current street level, featuring the special remains of four temples from the early Republic.  Discovered as recently as 1930, these shrines are so ancient that archaeologists soon realized that they had been submerged beneath the stratification of Rome so long ago that even Caesar Augustus likely had never seen them.  The deities to which these temples were dedicated are as yet unidentified.

When Mussolini learned of this discovery he ordered further extensive digging at once.  Thus the classical world owes Il Duce somewhat of a debt of gratitude.

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Q.  In your writing on Pagan Rome, you included the dinner party, which Petronius wrote about.  So, it was a lot of excess food and wine, but also it had a somber theme about the transitoriness of life.  Can you tell us about these feasts?  Is the evidence all literary or is there some archaeological evidence?

A.  In that long ago era of no radio, no television, no I-pads, nor I-pods, an invitation to a dinner party was one of just a few things to look forward to for a Roman evening.  And that treat was only for the well-to-do.

In his witty novel, Cena Trimalchionis, the first century writer provides a glimpse of the lavishness of the food and the opulence of the setting at such gatherings.  The principal part of the meal followed an hors d’oeuvres hour and was concluded with a session of drinking and levity, which the more dissolute among the guests prolonged until dawn.  In the course of the clamorous get-togethers there would customarily be music, singing, dancing, and various parlor games.  This was the authentic time for winding down from the stresses and annoyances of the day.

Every host was eager to make a show of his financial status via plush room decorations, expensive dinnerware, and exquisite objets d’art.  We learn all this mostly from ancient writings and particularly from archaeology.  During the early excavations  at Pompeii, in the so-called House of Menander, a stunningly beautiful set of pure silver dinnerware    118  pieces –  was unearthed.  In other Pompeiian homes we see paintings depicting formal suppers and an occasional well-preserved triclinium, dining room with a sloping couch ranged on three sides of a square table, the other side open for the servants to bring course after course after course.  The paintings and the layout of the room, and the word triclinum show that the Romans did not sit, but rather reclined at the table.

One more little curious note:  as the guests arrived they would find at the entrance to the dining room a slave calling out “Pede dextro, quaeso”, Right foot please!  An old superstition held that by putting one’s left foot first over the threshold was to jinx the whole evening from the very start.

Q. Can you tell us about some of your favorite arches, gates, aqueducts and anything else you’d like to add?

A.  As for triumphal arches in Rome, our favorite is the Arch of Titus which honors his conquest of Jerusalem and provides the ceremonial entrance into the Forum.  In a remarkable state of preservation, the arch features many beautifully carved bas reliefs.  One shows the triumphal parade with soldiers bearing some of the spoils of victory among which is an enormous Menorah, the seven-stemmed candelabrum taken from the great Jewish temple.  What a compelling testimonial to the old maxim:  Ars longa, vita brevis.  The sculptor, whoever he was, has been dust for two millennia, while his splendid carvings live on.

Still clearly engraved on the tympanum are the words:  “Senatus Populusque Romanus.  Divo Tito Divi Vespasiani F.” — The Senate and the Roman People to the Divine Titus, Son of the Divine Vespasian.  Upon their deaths both emperors    father and son, were deified.

Our favorite gate is the Porta Latina, just inside of which is the fourth century church with the poetic name of:  St. John at the Latin Gate.

Of the ancient water-works we prefer the Claudian Aqueduct (4th century BCE) under whose arches our three sons    as little boys    used to play hide and seek with their Roman pals, out in the counrtyside.

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The Arch of Titus. Scapin, Pixabay

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Iconic scene of the triumphal march of soldiers carrying the great Menorah captured from Jerusalem, a bas relief carved upon the Arch of Titus. Pixabay

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Q.  Can you tell us about the most important roads, such as the Via Appia or Appian Way?

A.  An old saying claims:  “All roads lead to Rome.”  Today’s civis Romanus put it this way:  “Tutte le strade portano a Roma.”  This can be taken not only figuratively but also literally.  All the great highways that the gifted Roman road builders constructed lead from a multitude of points in the far reaches of Italy inexorably to the capital.

The oldest of these, the Via Appia, opened to traffic in 312 BCE by the consul Appius Claudiuis, and named for him was the great south road, linking Rome with the Naples area.  Terminating in a suburb called Capua, the road proved so convenient it was extended all the way to Brundisium on the Adriatic Coast.  The people called it Regina Viarum, the Queen of Roads.  Once trafficked by iron-wheeled chariots and horse-drawn delivery wagons, the original paving stones remaining in some stretches are now caressed by the rubber tires of the modern automobile.  Other routes in the ancient highway network bear names like:  Via Latina, Via Ostiense, Via Salaria, Via Aurelia, Via Cassia, Via Flaminia and so on.

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The Appia Antica, Rome. Euroforum, Pixabay

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Q.  The catacombs –  it’s a fascinating journey on ancient roadway just to reach them. What are they and who’s buried there?

A.  The catacombs are those subterranean cemeteries of the early Christians and Jews in Rome.  In fact, it was the city’s Jewish colony which first conceived of the idea of tunneling the subsoil outside the walls to provide burial grounds for their loved ones.  There were eventually dug    across the first four centuries of our era — some seventy such Christian sites and a much smaller number of Jewish ones.

Because of a law forbidding burial of ashes and bodies within the ancient city fortifications, all of these cemeteries lie beyond them, along the roads leading out of Rome.  Three of the largest  –-  the Catacomb of St. Callistus, that of St. Sebastian, and the one called St. Domitilla — are located along or near Via Appia as are the Jewish cemeteries, both under vineyards, the Vigna Randanini and the Vigna Camarra.

A catacomb (so called from the Greek Kata (down) and Kumbas (in the hollows), is a labyrinth of tunnels    some ten to twelve feet in height and about three feet in width    with niches of varying dimension one above the other, carved out of the walls.  In these recesses, called loculi, were placed the bodies, usually wrapped in linen according to an ancient Jewish custom.  The loculus would then be sealed with bricks or a slab of marble  – depending on the financial status of the bereaved family.

The bricks would soon be covered over with a layer of plaster into which would be etched    or on which would be painted    the name, the age, the date of  entombment, perhaps the occupation or some other details of the deceased.

These epitaphs tell us much about life back then about the family bond, about religious beliefs, about the hope of an after-life, about the average life span, about the sad high rate of infant and child mortality,  about the invocation of saints    particularly Peter and Paul    and especially of martyrs.  Many of the inscriptions are in Greek, for that was the liturgical language of both Christians and Jews in old Rome. 

After a burial, the grieving family would often hold a refrigerium (cold meal) in honor of their lost loved one.  This was the forerunner of the modern custom of a repast.  Some families were affluent enough to afford not merely a niche but a small room (cubiculum) for their burials and often allowed the less fortunate mourners to use the room for their refrigerium.

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What lies beneath — A view within the ancient Roman catacombs. George Syrios, Pixabay

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Q.  What movie, in your estimation, depicts Rome’s ruins and grandeur best?

A.  Most of the Hollywood productions set in Rome that I have seen feature the usual popular tourist sites, e.g. the Colosseum, the Spanish Steps, Trevi Fountain, Piazza Navona, Villa Borghese, the Via Veneto, et cetera.  I don’t recall any showing the Roman Forum, the Circus Maximus, the Baths of Diocletian and those of Caracalla, or the funeral monuments along the Appian Way, or Largo Argentina, etc.

While I have not seen the much acclaimed film, “The Gladiator,” I am told that it does an excellent job of showing the grandeur that once was Rome.

Q.  What is a must-read essay or book from ancient Rome that has a profound message for those who love history and archaeology?

A.  Of these there are several that I can enthusiastically recommend, such as the satires of Juvenal, the Annuales by Tacitus, the Commentaries on the Gallic Wars by Julius Caesar, among numerous others.

For a glimpse of the political and social goings-on of the late Republic, I eagerly suggest the six volumes of Cicero’s correspondence with the movers and shakers of the day and with his alter-ego, Atticus.  For an eyeful of family life, leisure interests, luxurious country villas, attachment to one’s home town, etc., the letters of Pliny the Younger make delightful reading, as does his eye-witness epistolary account of the burial of the decadent city of Pompeii by the eruption of Vesuvius. I’ve always found it fun to study history by opening someone else’s mail.

As for the importance of studying history I would refer you to Cicero’s quote:  “He who does not know what took place before he was born, remains forever a child.” 

As for the value of archaeology, of laboriously digging up the past, I like what one archaeologist told me:  “I dig to find out who I am”.

Cover Image, Top Left: The Roman Forum. StevoLeBlanc, Pixabay

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About Frank Horn

Frank is retired from Seton Hall University where he was an Assistant Professor of Classical Studies. He is the author of nine books, such as Hidden Rome and A Catholic’s Guide to Rome. He was a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome, and he won the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching.

Richard and his family happened to meet Frank (the interviewer) and Camille Korn at Pinho’s Bakery in Roselle, NJ. They soon realized the connections they had going back two generations. When she attended Benedictine Academy, Bonnie Marranca (Richard’s sister) wrote Frank a fan letter having to do with Rome and the study of Latin. Frank had written articles in local papers that informed and inspired countless readers.

Frank and Camille have been to Italy about sixty times and have also taken groups there. Frank’s conversation and writing, based on his travels and his life-long study of the classics, capture the magic and beauty of Rome.   

About the interviewer

Richard recently conducted interviews of Egyptologists Salima Ikram and Kara Cooney, published in Popular Archaeology. In the last year, he has authored stories published in Coneflower Café and The Raven’s Perch; poetry in The Paterson Literary Review; and his book, Speaking of the Dead, has recently been accepted for publication by Blydyn Square Books in NJ.

He has taught English and the humanities for over a quarter-century, culminating in a Fulbright to teach at LMU in Munich. He also has been awarded six NEH summer seminars. He and his wife Renah and child Hera also make travel and educational videos under the heading Childe Hera’s World. Their hobbies are yoga, hiking and travel.    _______________________________

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Book Review: Aegean Linear Script(s): Rethinking the Relationship between Linear A and Linear B

It may be time to start thinking of TWO as actually ONE.

Since their discovery, scholars have split the best-known early ancient Aegean scripts into two separate and well-attested writing systems — Linear A and Linear B. First discovered by British archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans while excavating the ancient Minoan city of Knossos on Crete at the turn of the century (1900), these scripts were manifested mostly on clay tablets and seals that survived the ages, thought by scholars to be due to baking from accidental fires. Between 1951 and 1953, Michael Ventris and John Chadwick successfully deciphered the ancient Linear B script. While Linear A was found primarily at ancient palace sites on Crete, Linear B was found mostly within palace archives at the excavated sites of Knossos, Cydonia, Pylos, Thebes and Mycenae. Linear B is considered the earliest form of Greek script. Linear A, which preceded Linear B, remains undeciphered, used mostly by the Minoans, whose language is still unknown, to document transactions as part of the administration of their palace business.

Though the respective scripts are still conventionally thought to be separate, to this day scholars continue to debate the nature of the relationship between the two and their origins, the scripts exhibiting clear similarities in both structure and paleography.

Academic Tour De Force

Enter here Dr. Ester Salgarella, who embarked on an exhaustive, in-depth study of Linear A as the basis and focus of her doctoral dissertation while pursuing her PhD at St. John’s College, University of Cambridge.

“There are no classes on LA [Linear A] at the University, so only at the graduate level could I work freely on what I liked most,” wrote Salgarella in her recently published interview with Popular Archaeology Magazine*. “I had always been intrigued by the partial knowledge we had of the LA to Linear B transmission process, and it puzzled me. When I proposed this topic for my PhD to my supervisor, I must say I was expecting a rejection. When the ‘yes’ came, I was beyond delighted! This meant I had to acquire knowledge of LA by myself, and full days, weeks and months were dedicated to that single purpose, thanks to the magnificent holdings of the Cambridge University Libraries and the ‘Mycenaean Epigraphy Room’ private collection in the Faculty of Classics.”

The result of her efforts has been nothing less than remarkable, leading in part not only to the awarding of her PhD but also the post-doctoral publication of her related book, Aegean Linear Script(s): Rethinking the Relationship between Linear A and Linear B, published by Cambridge University Press. Her efforts also led to her creation and ongoing development of a unique, searchable and free paleographical database for Linear A known as SigLA, in collaboration with computer scientist Dr Simon Castellan at INRIA, University of Rennes (France).

The book itself may stand among the world’s best academic works on the subject, arguably inducting Salgarella onto the short-list of the world’s experts on Linear A. In 380 pages parsed among 5 intricately detailed and graphically rich sections, Salgarella takes the reader on an in-depth passage to a deeper understanding of the elusive script and how it relates to the later Linear B script. “I set off to examine the peculiarities of the transmission process to assess the degree of relatedness,” between Linear A and Linear B, comments Salgarella about the purpose of her book.* She achieves her objective while acknowledging at the same time that, as is common in all academic pursuits, the content is subject to healthy debate.

Setting the stage to help the reader understand where she is going with her narrative, Salgarella reviews in detail the current state of knowledge about the script, including an analysis of the evidence, structure and paleography of both Linear A and Linear B. With this foundation, she then introduces and expounds upon the interpretive models she formulates as her method of analyzing the respective structural and paleographical characteristics of the script systems. 

Not a Replacement, But a Continuum

Most significantly, Salgarella’s research and analysis as detailed in her book points, in her view, to some game-changing conclusions about fundamentally rethinking our understanding of the two scripts. For the reader, these takeaways are spelled out in the final section of her book:

First and foremost, she argues that the long understood ‘replacement’ of Linear A with Linear B did not actually occur as traditionally reflected in the literature. “The joint result of the combined structural and paleographical analysis reveals that the two scripts (as well as systems) appear closer than previously assumed on both structural and graphic grounds,” Salgarella stated in a recent interview with Popular Archaeology. “The script is continued in its graphic form with only slight modifications; the system itself was continued.”* In other words, the transmission process between Linear A and Linear B was more fluid than conventionally described. Indeed, as she argues in the conclusive remarks in her book, Linear A and Linear B should actually be thought of as one script, not two. Additionally, Salgarella argues, “my paleographical analysis suggests that LB was ‘created’ under the graphic influences of LA writing practices in use at North and North-East coastal sites,”* where contact and influence from mainland Greece was likely most acute. 

Finally, for the historian and those familiar with the literature touching on the Mycenaean ‘conquest’ of Crete during the Late Bronze Age, Salgarella suggests an important implication from her research that may likely draw further debate: that this ancient island civilization never really saw such a clear violent takeover.  “These results may make us rethink our very interpretation of the so-called ‘Mycenaean takeover of Crete’ still found in the literature,” she stated in the recent interview. “There was indeed language change in the transition between LA and LB, and their respective administrative systems, but this is not enough to claim a ‘takeover’ of the island.”* It is clear that a Greek-speaking group/community at some point controlled the highest levels of administration, however this does not necessarily mean there was an ‘invasion’.”

So did the Mycenaeans, as we understand them from ancient mainland Greece, really overtake the island society on Crete as conventionally thought? The debate goes on, but the script, according to Salgarella, does not clearly support that scenario.

An Educational Journey 

It should be noted that Aegean Linear Script(s) is not easy grist for those of us who are uninitiated in the fields of linguistics, paleography, ancient scripts, and the study of Linear A and Linear B in particular. For this reason, for the general reader, it might be advisable to keep a dictionary close at hand while fathoming the terminology in the text. It is nonetheless, in this writer’s opinion, a work of unquestionable and exceptional academic prowess. If the reader can exercise sufficient self-discipline to find oneself arriving at the final section detailing the author’s overall conclusions, it is a richly eye-opening educational experience, and a must-read for those interested in acquiring a much deeper understanding of Aegean linear scripts.

Cover Image, Top Left: Minoan inscriptions in Linear A script. Phaistos, 1850-1450 BC. Archaeological Museum of Heraklion. Zde, Creative Commons Attribution ShareAlike 4.0 International license. Wikimedia Commons

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Aegean Linear Script(s): Rethinking the Relationship between Linear A and Linear B, can be purchased from Cambridge University Press.

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*Deciphering the Minoans, Popular Archaeology, April 15, 2021  

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Leonardo Da Vinci: New family tree spans 21 generations, 690 years, finds 14 living male descendants

HUMAN EVOLUTION—The surprising results of a decade-long investigation by Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato provide a strong basis for advancing a project researching Leonardo da Vinci’s DNA.

Their extensive study, published by the journal “Human Evolution” (Pontecorboli Editore, Florence), documents with new certainty the continuous male line, from father to son, of the Da Vinci family (later Vinci), from progenitor Michele (born 1331) to grandson Leonardo (6th generation, born 1452) through to today—21 generations in all, including five family branches—and identifies 14 living descendants.

The work fills gaps and corrects errors in previous genealogical research into Leonardo’s family, while offering new discoveries and family tree updates.

This text deepens and enormously expands the discovery announced in Vinci, Italy, in 2016 by the same Vezzosi and Sabato of numerous living but indirect descendants including only two males in direct line, up to the 19th generation, from a single branch of the Vinci family.

It also provides for the first time the documentary data and information sources over seven centuries to the present day registry office, with work on additional family branches ongoing.

Leonardo himself had at least 22 half-brothers but no children; a new unpublished document shows that “Paolo di Leonardo da Vinci da Firenze” was a case of homonymy. The five family branches are traced from Leonardo’s father, ser Piero (5th generation), and half-brother Domenico (6th). Since the 15th generation, data have been collected on over 225 individuals. The study, with the collaboration of the living descendants, contributes to the work of the Leonardo Da Vinci Heritage Association.

This extraordinary, authoritative 690-year genealogical investigation is fundamental to affiliated scientific work Vezzosi and Sabato have underway with the international Leonardo da Vinci DNA project, supported by The Richard Lounsbery Foundation. The project involves the J. Craig Venter Institute of La Jolla, California and several other high-profile universities and research centers, including the Department of Biology of the University of Florence, directed by David Caramelli.

The Y chromosome, passed on to male descendants, is known to remain almost unchanged through 25 generations. Comparing the Y chromosome of today’s male relatives with that of their ancestors in ancient and modern burial sites would both verify the uninterrupted family line and certify Leonardo’s own Y chromosome marker.

Questions potentially probed once Leonardo’s DNA is confirmed include reasons behind his genius, information on his parents’ geographical origins, his physical prowess, premature aging, left-handedness, diet, health and any hereditary diseases, and his extraordinary vision, synaesthesia and other sensory perceptions.

Comparison of biological data could also potentially help verify the authenticity of artwork and materials handled by Leonardo, thereby pioneering links between biology and art with broad implications for the world’s art market in terms of artistic attribution and materials.

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Researchers Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato have documented 21 generations of Leonardo Da Vinci’s family covering 690 years and identified 14 living male family descendants. Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato

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Researchers Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato. Alessandro Vezzosi and Agnese Sabato

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Article Source: HUMAN EVOLUTION news release.

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About the authors

Alessandro Vezzosi

Leonardist and art historian. He is originally from Vinci, where he founded the Leonardo Da Vinci Ideal Museum in 1993, with the Archives of fingerprints and Leonardisms, and with the project for “Leonardo’s Garden”. He is the author and curator of countless exhibitions, publications, conferences and lectures on Leonardo, as well as on Michelangelo and Raphael, the Garden of Pratolino, “and places of memory, contemporary art and design, from the United States to Japan.

His books have been translated into 19 languages ??(from Leonardo da Vinci: The Mind of the Renaissance, New York, Harry N. Abrams, 1997 to Leonardo Da Vinci: The Complete Paintings in Detail, New York, Prestel, 2019).

He began in 1973 the research on the locations and spaces and descendants of Leonardo, for what has been configured since 2000 as a search for Leonardo’s DNA. museoideale@gmail.com

Agnese Sabato

Agnese Chairs the Leonardo Da Vinci Heritage Association. She graduated in Modern History from the University of Florence. She collaborates in the organization of exhibitions, conferences, educational activities and institutional initiatives of the Leonardo Da Vinci Ideal Museum (including the “Fingerprint Archive”), and in books and study notebooks. She has published contributions on the history of slaves in Florence and on the myth and image of Leonardo. She has been working since 1993 researching the genealogy and living descendants of the Da Vinci, in collaborations with the Leonardo Da Vinci DNA Project since 2015. leonardodavinciheritage@gmail.com

Leonardo Da Vinci Heritage Association

The Association aims to protect and enhanceLeonardo’s cultural heritage and the spaces and locations related to his life and work. Born as an idea in 2017, the non-profit (Third Sector) Leonardo Da Vinci Heritage Association was established formally in January 2019 to spread in Italy and abroad the knowledge of Leonardo’s life – through research, publishing and exhibition activities; strengthen research, dissemination, documentation and information activities on his life story, with particular reference to the genealogy of his family; safeguard the privacy of his descendants; to promote studies, research and scientific examinations relating to the DNA of Leonardo and his relatives; safeguard his moral and ethical heritage, while respecting and protecting his cultural heritage.

The project is curating creation of the “GeniaDaVinci” database, which will collect the thousands of documents collected for this study and the family tree in progress, to make them accessible to scholars and the general public.

A volume of the new paper in Italian will be published soon with full iconography.

Leonardo Da Vinci DNA Project

Founded by anthropologists Brunetto Chiarelli and Henry de Lumley in 2014, goals of the project include obtaining and sequencing DNA of Leonardo to understand better his extraordinary talents, notably his visual acuity, through genetic associations. Three-dimensional images of Leonardo could possibly be created if sufficient genome sequence data becomes available.

Completed pilot studies confirm the ability to identify useful biological material from centuries old works of art and other kinds of relics and samples. The project also investigates the microbial flora located on and within artworks. Using 16S sequencing, the project has demonstrated a novel finding that there are differing bacterial communities when comparing artwork on wood and canvas, and microbes on stone/marble/plaster sculptures. It has also demonstrated that there are specific genera known for having oxidative positive strains present on paintings on wood and paintings on canvas that could potentially be responsible for deterioration and fading. More generally the Project seeks to stimulate fruitful interactions between, on the one hand, geneticists, molecular biologists, and microbiologists, and, on the other hand, historians, art historians, artists, and other experts in cultural heritage.

Funding for this project is provided by The Richard Lounsbery Foundation. Related news release: here.

Human Evolution

Angelo Pontecorboli Editore – Firenze
ISSN 0393-9375 — ISSN ONLINE 1824-310X
A scientific journal founded in 1969 by Prof. Brunetto Chiarelli, University of Florence.
Managing Editor: Angelo Pontecorboli.

Human Evolution publishes scientific articles on the physical, sociological and cultural evolution of Humankind.

There are numerous disciplines involved in the study of human evolution which the magazine tries to address. Particular attention is paid to molecular evolution, genetics and DNA.

Human Evolution is published in English in Florence, Italy in one volume per year divided into four issues. http://www.pontecorboli.com – http://www.pontecorbolipress.com info@pontecorboli.it

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Scientists reconstruct Mediterranean silver trade, from Trojan War to Roman Republic

GOLDSCHMIDT CONFERENCE—Scientists have reconstructed the Eastern Mediterranean silver trade, over a period including the traditional dates of the Trojan War, the founding of Rome, and the destruction of Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem. The team of French, Israeli and Australian scientists and numismatists found geochemical evidence for pre-coinage silver trade continuing throughout the Mediterranean during the Late Bronze and Iron Age periods, with the supply slowing only occasionally. Silver was sourced from the whole north-eastern Mediterranean, and as far away as the Iberian Peninsula.

The team used high-precision isotopic analysis to identify the ore sources of minute lead traces found in silver Hacksilber. Hacksilber is irregularly cut silver bullion including broken pieces of silver ingots and jewelry that served as means of payment in the southern Levant from the beginning of the second millennium until the fourth century BCE. Used in local and international transactions, its value was determined by weighing it on scales against standardized weights. It has been discovered in archaeological excavations in the region usually stored inside ceramic containers and it had to be imported as there was no silver to be mined in the Levant.

Presenting the research at the Goldschmidt geochemistry conference, Dr. Liesel Gentelli said “Even before coinage there was international trade, and Hacksilber was one of the commodities being exchanged for goods”.

The team analyzed Hacksilber from 13 different sites dating from 1300 BCE to 586 BCE in the southern Levant, modern-day Israel and the Palestinian Authority. The samples included finds from ‘En Gedi, Ekron, and Megiddo (also known as Armageddon). They matched their findings with ore samples, and have shown that most of the Hacksilber came from the Southern Aegean and Balkans (Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria). Some was also found to come from as far away as Sardinia and Spain.

Lead researcher Liesel Gentelli (École normale supérieure de Lyon, France) said:

“Previous researchers believed that silver trade had come to an end following the societal collapse at the end of the Late Bronze Age, but our research shows that exchanges between especially the southern Levant and the Aegean world never came to a stop. People around the Eastern Mediterranean remained connected. It’s likely that the silver flowed to the Levant as a result of trade or plunder.

We do see periods of silver scarcity around the time of the Bronze to Iron Age transition, around 1300-1100 BCE. Some hoards from this period show the silver displaying unusually high copper content, which would have been added to make up for the lack of silver.

We can’t match our findings on the silver trade to specific historical events, but our analysis shows the importance of Hacksilber trade from before the Trojan War, which some scholars date to the early 12th century BCE, through the founding of Rome in 753 BCE, and up to the end of the Iron Age in 586 BCE, marked by Nebuchadnezzar’s destruction of Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem. After that, we see the gradual introduction of coinage, first as finds of several archaic coins and later a transition to a monetary economy in the southern Levant circa 450 BCE which made the trade of Hacksilber less relevant. However, this work reveals the ongoing and crucial economic role that Hacksilber played in the Bronze and Iron Ages economies”.

Commenting, Dr Matthew Ponting, Senior Lecturer in Archaeological Materials at the University of Liverpool said:

“This is important new work that confirms our understanding of trade and exchange routes in the Early Iron Age Levant. The fact that all silver found in the region would have had to have been imported presents exciting possibilities to investigate trade routes more generally as well as to learn more about alloy use and preference during this important period of history”.

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A Hacksilber hoard dated to the middle of the eleventh century BCE found by the Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon. We are grateful to L. E. Stager and D. Master, directors of the Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon, and to D. T. Ariel, for allowing us to publish these photographs. Photo © The Israel Museum, by Haim Gitler and © Israel Antiquities Authority, by Clara Amit

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Article Source: GOLDSCHMIDT CONFERENCE news release

Dr Ponting was not involved in this work, this is an independent comment.

The Goldschmidt Conference is the World’s main geochemistry conference. It is hosted alternately by the European Association of Geochemistry (Europe) and the Geochemical Society (USA). The 2021 conference (virtual) takes place from 4-9 July, https://2021.goldschmidt.info/. The 2022 conference takes place in Hawaii.

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