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Why Culture Is Not the Only Tool for Defining Homo sapiens in Relation to Other Hominins

Deborah Barsky is a writing fellow for the Human Bridges, a researcher at the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution, and an associate professor at the Rovira i Virgili University in Tarragona, Spain, with the Open University of Catalonia (UOC). She is the author of Human Prehistory: Exploring the Past to Understand the Future (Cambridge University Press, 2022).

While the circumstances that led to the emergence of anatomically modern humans (AMH) remain a topic of debate, the species-centric idea that modern humans inevitably came to dominate the world because they were culturally and behaviorally superior to other hominins is still largely accepted. The global spread of Homo sapiens was often hypothesized to have taken place as a rapid takeover linked mainly to two factors: technological supremacy and unmatched complex symbolic communication. These factors combined to define the concept of “modern behavior” that was initially allocated exclusively to H. sapiens.

Up until the 1990s, and even into the early 21st century, many assumed that the demographic success experienced by H. sapiens was consequential to these two distinctive attributes. As a result, humans “behaving in a modern way” experienced unprecedented demographic success, spreading out of their African homeland and “colonizing” Europe and Asia. Following this, interpopulation contacts multiplied, operating as a stimulus for a cumulative culture that climaxed in the impressive technological and artistic feats, which defined the European Upper Paleolithic. Establishing a link between increased population density and greater innovation offered an explanation for how H. sapiens replaced the Neandertals in Eurasia and achieved superiority to become the last survivor of the genus Homo.

The exodus of modern humans from Africa was often depicted by a map of the Old World showing an arrow pointing northward out of the African continent and then splitting into two smaller arrows: one directed toward the west, into Europe, and the other toward the east, into Asia. As the story goes, AMHs continued their progression thanks to their advanced technological and cerebral capacities (and their presumed thirst for exploration), eventually reaching the Americas by way of land bridges exposed toward the end of the last major glacial event, sometime after 20,000 years ago. Curiosity and innovation were put forward as the faculties that would eventually allow them to master seafaring, and to occupy even the most isolated territories of Oceania.

It was proposed that early modern humans took the most likely land route out of Africa through the Levantine corridor, eventually encountering and “replacing” the Neandertal peoples that had been thriving in these lands over many millennia. There has been much debate about the dating of this event and whether it took place in multiple phases (or waves) or as a single episode. The timing of the incursion of H. sapiens into Western Europe was estimated at around 40,000 years ago; a period roughly concurrent with the disappearance of the Neandertal peoples.

This scenario also matched the chrono-cultural sequence for the European Upper Paleolithic as that was defined since the late 19th century from eponymous French archeological sites, namely: Aurignacian (from Aurignac), Gravettian (from La Gravette), Solutrean (from Solutré), and Magdalenian (from la Madeleine). Taking advantage of the stratigraphic sequences provided by these key sites that contained rich artifact records, prehistorians chronicled and defined the typological features that still serve to distinguish each of the Upper Paleolithic cultures. Progressively acknowledged as a reality attributed to modern humans, this evolutionary sequencing was extrapolated over much of Eurasia, where it fits more or less snugly with the archeological realities of each region.

Each of these cultural complexes denotes a geographically and chronologically constrained cultural unit that is formally defined by a specific set of artifacts (tools, structures, art, etc.). In turn, these remnants provide us with information about the behaviors and lifestyles of the peoples that made and used them. The Aurignacian cultural complex that appeared approximately 40,000 years ago (presumably in Eastern Europe) heralded the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic period that ended with the disappearance of the last Magdalenian peoples some 30,000 years later—at the beginning of the interglacial phase marking the onset of the (actual) Holocene epoch.

The conditions under which the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic took place in Eurasia remains a topic of hot debate. Some argue that the chronological situation and features of Châtelperronian toolkits identified in parts of France and Spain and the Uluzzian culture in Italy, should be considered intermediate between the Middle and Upper Paleolithic, while for others, it remains unclear whether Neandertals or modern humans were the authors of these assemblages. This is not unusual, since the thresholds separating the most significant phases marking cultural change in the nearly 3 million-year-long Paleolithic record are mostly invisible in the archeological register, where time has masked the subtleties of their nature, making them seem to appear abruptly.

The idea of a “Human Revolution” was introduced mainly from sites in South Africa, where a rich body of evidence revealed that the set of modern behaviors associated with H. sapiens was significantly older than the European Upper Paleolithic record. Coincident with the reign of the Neandertals in Eurasia and close to the period of the emergence of H. sapiens in Africa proposed subsequently, these remarkable finds comprise evidence indicating advanced technological proficiency and symbolic behaviors, including finely fashioned stone points, specialized bone tools, as well as art, ochre, and shell beads. With some of the finds dating from more than 150,000 to around 70,000 years ago, these Middle Stone Age (MSA) discoveries were thought to provide the basis for the prevalence of our species on the world stage.

Today, new discoveries are rewriting the story of our ancestors. According to a 2017 Nature article, finds from the Jebel Irhoud site in Morocco, which are more than 300,000 years old, have pushed back the date for the emergence of our species by more than 100,000 years. Meanwhile, discoveries in Israel (Misliya) and Greece (Apidima) now suggest that members of the H. sapiens clade reached Eurasia far earlier than previously believed.

One major consequence of this “early arrival,” for example, is a far longer cohabitation period between AMHs and Neandertals than previously suspected. But there is more. Over a period spanning less than a quarter of a century, at least six new species of Homo dating to a timeframe that now overlaps with our own species, have been added to the human family tree. That H. sapiens had physical contact with some of them, like the Denisovans and the Neandertals present in Eurasia, has now been confirmed thanks to advances made in genetic studies.

Moreover, a wide body of evidence now shows that Neandertal peoples were cognitively advanced and possessed highly developed technological know-how and symbolic behaviors—once believed to be attributes exclusive to modern humans. The evidence ranges from art to corporal decoration, with advanced hunting capacities, also suggesting that Neandertals had an aptitude for complex language. In combination, these findings are important factors that are forcing us to rethink the cultural development processes for the Middle and the Upper Paleolithic.

Neandertal toolkits are ascribed to the Mousterian cultural complex (from the Le Moustier site, France), characterized by stone flakes knapped from cores that were often managed using specific techniques referred to as Levallois. This eponymous denomination (from Levallois-Perret, France) refers to a complex series of gestures used to knap a piece of stone (usually flint) to produce flakes with predetermined shapes and sizes. Contrastingly, modern human toolkits are generally classified as being “blade-based” because they consist of long, thin flakes knapped from carefully prepared cores to produce blades that provide greater raw material economy and efficiency. Throughout the Upper Paleolithic and into the Mesolithic, these blade industries included very small tools (microlithic) that were often combined with other materials to form composite tools.

This scheme, however, reflects the dominance of the Western European vision of prehistoric cultural evolution and does not always fit well with the archeological reality. For instance, a recent study shows that innovation in stone cutting-edge productivity was not a rapid and sweeping revolution that helped modern humans spread over Eurasia, but rather it occurred later, progressing in tandem with blade size reduction. Another case in point are the blade-based Middle Paleolithic toolkits of the Amudian culture, recognized to have been made by Neandertals, and also Levallois products associated with the newly coined Nesher Ramla Homo, in the Levant. Moreover, flakes produced using Levallois core preparation techniques ascribed to the Acheulian techno-complex have been documented in the North African Lower Paleolithic.

So what kinds of tools were the early H. sapiens from Jebel Irhoud making 300,000 years ago? Or the modern humans found at Apidima in Greece, nearly 200,000 years ago? What about the other hominins ranging over Eurasia prior to and during the arrival of H. sapiens?

In fact, these archaic humans are associated with a range of technologies and behaviors that suggest a far more complex cultural framework than previously assumed. This annuls the hypothesis that modern humans replaced the Neandertals (and other hominin forms) thanks to the technological superiority of their blade-based industries and calls for a revision of how we perceive the role of culture in defining our own species in relation to other hominins.

These exciting finds have not only enlarged the human family but have also revealed complex patterns of migration and social interchange practiced by our ancestors. Just as these exchanges involved interbreeding and assimilation, culture was also shared and transferred among different hominin groups, effacing the usefulness of restrictive cultural labeling for defining H. sapiens and our cousin species.

These revisions to the archeological record tell us that the similarities and differences we observe in prehistoric cultures are not necessarily a yardstick for measuring the superiority of one human group over another.

Cover Photo, Top Left: Skulls showing different stages of human evolution compared with the one of modern human (Homo sapiens. Nik.vuk. CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

This article was produced by Human Bridges.

Ancient centers of western Anatolia exemplify the movement of people and culture during the Late Bronze and Iron Age, says scholar.

Recently, scholars have focused on changes and transitions among ancient civilizations and population centers of western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean with increasing interest, particularly during the transitional periods from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period. Place names such as Wilusa (Troy), Millawanda (Miletus), Hattusa (of the Hittites), Apasa (Ephesus), Sardis, and population groups like the Luwians, Lydians, Lycians, Carians, and the Mycenaeans, all played prominent roles in events and activities of Bronze Age and Iron Age western and coastal Anatolia, and its interface with the rest of the Aegean world during those time periods. 

Archaeologist and scholar Dr Jana Mokrisova, research associate at the University of  Cambridge, working with the Migration and the Making of the Ancient Greek World project under the direction of Prof. Naoíse Mac Sweeney (University of Vienna), is helping to shed light on various aspects of ancient mobility in the eastern Mediterranean and more specifically, western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean, from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period.

In a recently published podcast, Mokrisova addresses important questions about this comparatively less known subject and its significance in understanding the ancient history and development of this part of the eastern Mediterranean world.  

Ester Salgarella, of the podcast series Aegean Connections, interviews Mokrisova on the subject. The podcast interview is available for free at this website.

Cover Image, Top Left: Map of the cities and regions of Bronze Age Anatolia. Al-qamar, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Who were the Neanderthals, really?

Of all the extinct hominins that came before us, we know most about the Neanderthals. The archaeological and fossil evidence has simply been more prolific for them—that is, outside of Homo sapiens, our own species.

Most significantly, the past decade has seen a surge in new information, affording clues about who the Neanderthals really were, based on insights and discoveries made through archaeological excavation and investigation, new fossil discoveries, improved methods in dating, and new developments in the study of ancient proteins and ancient DNA. We now know more about the Neanderthal brain and cognition; social and family structure; growth and development; sexuality; disease, inbreeding and introgression; blood groups; symbolic behavior; the use of resources and subsistence; and death and caring. The new research is beginning to paint a portrait of the Neanderthal as a being more like us than scientists have previously thought. Of particular note are the strides that have been made in understanding Neanderthals in the areas of the brain and cognition, symbolic behavior, social structure, and use of resources and subsistence as salient factors that contributed to their enduring persistence for over 500,000 years, and in some ways also their subsequent demise around the time of Home sapiens’ entrance on the scene of prehistory.

The Neanderthal Brain and Cognition

Recent studies have provided clues that Neanderthals and Homo sapiens were both comparatively different yet similar in cognitive ability. Earlier morphological studies have shown that Neanderthal brains were at least as large, if not a bit larger, than those of Homo sapiens. However, new research has indicated some important differences in brain structure and anatomy. For example, a study by Kochiyama et al. (2018) that produced a 3D reconstruction of the Neanderthal brain indicated that Neanderthals had smaller cerebellar hemispheres than Homo sapiens. This suggested that Neanderthals were less sophisticated with language communication, were less flexible in their thinking, and possessed a more limited memory capacity. In another study by Pinson and colleagues published in 2022, they found that Homo sapiens produced more neurons and greater neuron connectivity than Neanderthals. On the other hand, research has suggested that Neanderthals and Home sapiens had similar auditory capacities.

The jury is still very much out when it comes to drawing definite overall conclusions about the similarities and differences between Neanderthal and Homo sapiens cognition, but work goes on and their is little doubt that much more will be learned as further study progresses.

Symbolic Behavior

Historically, scholars have attributed symbolic thinking exclusively to Homo sapiens, the ‘last hominin standing’ on the prehistoric hominin timeline. It goes without saying that the evidence supporting this has been prolific. But scientists have now uncovered new clues to a Neanderthal capacity to express themselves abstractly, or symbolically. Cave painting attributed to Neanderthals, such as hand stencils, lines and dots, have been found in a small number of Spanish caves, including La Pasiega, Maltravieso and Ardales. Digital (finger) tracings in soft sediment dated to 57,000 years ago found in the La Roche-Cotard cave in France are suggested to have been made by Neanderthals, given the time period. A 51,000-year-old engraved giant deer phalanx was found at a site (Einhornhohle) in Germany. Cross-hatching on the interior of Gorham’s Cave in Spain has ben suggested to be the work of the Neanderthal occupants. What appear to be purposefully and systematically collected large herbivore crania (especially those with horns) were found at the Cueve Des-Cubierta cave site in Spain. All of these are remarkable and curious finds, though not without intense scholarly debate.

More about these discoveries, including their use of resources and subsistence; family structure and social groups; their DNA legacy; and death and caring, can be found in the full story published in the spring 2024 issue of Popular Archaeology.

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Getting to Know Them: The Neanderthal Heritage

Of all the extinct hominins that came before us, we know most about the Neanderthals, the closest and most recent human species besides our own. The archaeological and fossil evidence has simply been more prolific for them, outside of Homo sapiens, our own species. The following article combines re-edited content of two previously published major feature articles bearing on Neanderthals, along with a review of the latest findings and research. It sheds new light on our understanding of who they were, how they lived, and how and why they went extinct. This story will begin, paradoxically, with their final days at the southern edge of present-day Europe…. 

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The Last Neanderthals

Gibraltar, a small country jutting out into the Mediterranean from the southern fringe of Spain, is perhaps best known by many around the world as a tourist destination. From atop its iconic Rock (popularly known as the Rock of Gibraltar) — the imposing natural edifice of Jurassic limestone that serves as its signature symbol — one can see as far as the coast of Morocco across the Strait, and neighboring Spain on the other side of the Bay. The population of this tiny English-speaking British possession, though robust for its geography, boasts little more than 32,000 people. Looking back in time, its population was even less, but spanned a rich history of settlements that included ancient Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Romans. And prehistory…….

In recent years Gibraltar became a prominent chapter in the developing story of humanity’s close prehistoric cousin-ancestors — the Neanderthals —  because some archaeological finds recovered from a series of sea caves known as the Gorham’s Cave Complex (consisting of the Gorham’s, Vanguard, Bennet and Hyaena caves), along Gibraltar’s rugged southeast coast, have yielded artifacts that suggest that a group of Neanderthals persisted beyond the generally accepted end-time for Neanderthals (about 39,000 — 40,000 years ago). The dating from the cave sediments indicated a Neanderthal presence perhaps as late as 30,000 – 20,000 BPE, based on a sequence of no less than 22 AMS dates. This would make these Neanderthals the last known surviving group in a world that by that time was dominated by Homo sapiens. Their artifactual remains included numerous objects like spear-points, knives, and scraping devices with characteristics identified as Mousterian, an industry that has been typically associated with Neanderthals.

It was a remarkable finding.

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Gibraltar and its famous “rock” as it exists today.

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A view out toward the sea from within Gorham’s Cave. John Cummings, Wikimedia Commons. Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported Below: A view of Gorham’s Cave from the sea. Gibmetal, Wikimedia Commons

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A typical Mousterian point.

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Above and below: Gibraltar 1 Neanderthal Skull. Jononmac46, Wikimedia Commons, and AquilaGib, Wikimedia Commons

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The Gorham’s Cave Neanderthals

When first inhabited by humans tens of thousands of years ago, the Gorham’s Cave Complex was approximately 5 kilometers from the shore. Sea level changes over the ensuing millennia, however, have seen the shoreline advance to only a few meters of the cave openings, where the shore remains to this day. Even so, despite the greater distance from the sea in prehistoric times, the inhabitants must have benefited from the sea’s proximity and the aquatic resources it afforded, in addition to the inland sources nearby. Archaeological evidence from Vanguard Cave, for example, has shown that the inhabitants selected, collected, transported and consumed mussels or mollusks and limpets in the cave and the use of hearths for burning to open the shells. Further evidence indicated they were transporting, processing and consuming seal, monk seal, ibex, red deer, bream, dolphins, sea urchins, and bluefin tuna. Archaeologists have thus determined that these inhabitants had a varied diet, capitalizing on the food resources available from both the aquatic and inland environments.

Although not beyond dispute, an especially intriguing discovery relates to the finding of what appears to be an intentionally scratched floor in Gorham’s Cave in 2012. As a series of deeply-etched lines in a criss-cross pattern on the surface of a ledge about 330 ft from the cave entrance, they appeared to be eight lines that seem intentionally arranged in two groups of three long lines, intersected by two shorter lines. At least 39,000 years old and found below undisturbed sediment where numerous Mousterian stone tools were recovered, many archaeologists suggest that the lines were representative of symbolic behavior, a trait that has not been associated with Neanderthals without debate and controversy.

These finds, among others, have suggested a level of sophistication that most archaeologists have traditionally attributed to Homo sapiens, and that have not typically been found in contexts where Neanderthals have been known to exist in other parts of Eurasia.

So were they in fact Neanderthals, and not Homo sapiens?  Although the famous Gibraltar 1 skull was found on the north face of the Rock of Gibraltar at Forbes Quarry in 1848, no equivalent fossil finds have yet emerged from the Gorham Caves Complex. Nonetheless, the Mousterian artifact assemblages found in association with the same levels containing processed animal remains in the caves suggest that they were Neanderthals, and until new information and fossil finds emerge, this suggestion persists with some measure of validity.

Notwithstanding their late persistence on the Paleolithic scene, however, this group of Neanderthals did finally meet their end. Clive Finlayson of the Gibraltar Museum and colleagues drew the following conclusions as noted in a 2008 study published in Quaternary International :

Jime ́ nez-Espejo et al. (2007) have shown that the most inhospitable conditions of the previous 250 ka BP affected the region surrounding Gibraltar between 22.5 and 25.5 ka cal BP (dates were calibrated to allow direct comparison with marine core sequences) and have linked this with unstable conditions, extremely cold, arid and highly variable related to Heinrich event 2 (HE2) that led to the final disappearance of the Neanderthals. This study was based on new data from marine cores as well as an extensive literature concerning marine palaeoenviromental reconstructions (e.g., Cacho et al., 2002; Martrat et al., 2004; Moreno et al., 2005). We suggest that this event, particularly severe and short-lived around 24ka cal BP, would have been sufficient to kill off any surviving Neanderthals.*

Thus, according to Finlayson and colleagues, it was the changing climate that saw the end of the Neanderthals at the Gorham’s Cave Complex — and perhaps other locations in the extreme southern part of the Iberian Peninsula — where the last known surviving Neanderthals may have made their last stand before disappearing into oblivion.

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A Neanderthal engraving? AquilaGib (Stewart Finlayson, Gibraltar Museum)

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Pushing Up the Timeline on the Neanderthal Presence

While Gorham’s cave provides perhaps the best known example of the suggested presence of Neanderthals on the European subcontinent later than 40,000 years ago, new discoveries and research are pointing to additional locations where they persisted after the advent of Homo sapiens on the Paleolithic scene. Notably, a number of sites on the Iberian peninsula have yielded some surprising but not altogether undisputed finds attesting to this contention. For example, at the Gruta Nova da Columbeira, just north of Lisbon, Portugal, archaeologists recovered more than 8,500 artifacts in the early 1960’s, then later, a separate team unearthed Neanderthal teeth remains dated from 26,400 to 28,900 B.P. At Lagar Velho, a rock shelter in Portugal’s Lapedo valley, a mostly complete skeleton of a Neanderthal/Homo sapiens hybrid child determined to be 4 years old at death was found associated with pierced shell and red ochre. It was dated to about ca. 24,500 year B.P.  At the cave of La Carihuela in Piñar, Granada, Spain, scientists uncovered Neanderthal bone remains that date possibly to about 25,000-23,000 years ago; and in Malaga province, Spain, the cave of Zafarraya yielded a Neanderthal femur arguably dated to about 29,000 years old. The cave is known for a Neanderthal occupation at about 33,000 years ago, and perhaps as late as 27,000 years ago, as well as evidence of a Neanderthal ecosystem determined to be about 30,000 years old. 

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Remains of mollusks and barnacles from the Bajondillo cave, in Torremolinos, Spain. They were consumed by Neanderthals about 150,000 years ago. Miguel Cortés-Sánchez et al., Wikimedia Commons

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Recent Revelations from New Research

Aside from Gorham’s cave and other recently reported sites and discoveries bearing on Neanderthal persistence through time, the past decade has seen a surge in new information from other sites, affording clues about who the Neanderthals really were, based on insights and discoveries made through archaeological excavation and investigation, new fossil discoveries, improved methods in dating, and new developments in the study of ancient proteins and ancient DNA. April Nowell, a Paleolithic archaeologist and Professor of Anthropology at the University of Victoria, Canada, has summarized many of the recent developments in the 2023 issuance of Annual Review of Anthropology in her popularly referenced article, Rethinking Neandertals. The article reviews the current state of knowledge and research as it applies to brain and cognition; social and family structure; growth and development; sexuality; disease, inbreeding and introgression; blood groups; symbolic behavior; and use of resources and subsistence. This research is beginning to paint a portrait of the Neanderthal as a being more like us than we previously thought, including the tendency to live in small family groups, bury their dead and care for each other, along with the already mentioned evidence for interbreeding (supporting the contention that they were not only like us but also liked us). Of particular note are the strides that have been made in understanding Neanderthals in the areas of the brain and cognition, symbolic behavior, and use of resources and subsistence as salient factors that contributed to their enduring persistence for over 500,000 years, and yet their subsequent demise around the time of Home sapiens’ entrance on the scene of prehistory….

The Neanderthal Brain and Cognition

Recent studies have provided clues that Neanderthals and Homo sapiens were both comparatively different yet similar in cognitive ability. Earlier morphological studies have shown that Neanderthal brains were at least as large, if not a bit larger, than those of Homo sapiens. However, new research has indicated some important differences in brain structure and anatomy. For example, a study by Kochiyama et al. (2018) that produced a 3D reconstruction of the Neanderthal brain indicated that Neanderthals had smaller cerebellar hemispheres than Homo sapiens. This suggested that Neanderthals were less sophisticated with language communication, were less flexible in their thinking, and possessed a more limited memory capacity. In another study by Pinson and colleagues published in 2022, they found that Homo sapiens produced more neurons and greater neuron connectivity than Neanderthals. On the other hand, research has suggested that Neanderthals and Home sapiens had similar auditory capacities.

The jury is still very much out when it comes to drawing definite overall conclusions about the similarities and differences between Neanderthal and Homo sapiens cognition, but work goes on and their is little doubt that much more will be learned as further study progresses.

Symbolic Behavior

Historically, scholars have attributed symbolic thinking exclusively to Homo sapiens, the ‘last hominin standing’ on the prehistoric hominin timeline. It goes without saying that the evidence supporting this has been prolific. But scientists have now uncovered new clues to a Neanderthal capacity to express themselves abstractly, or symbolically. Cave painting attributed to Neanderthals, such as hand stencils, lines and dots, have been found in a small number of Spanish caves, including La Pasiega, Maltravieso and Ardales. Digital (finger) tracings in soft sediment dated to 57,000 years ago were found in the La Roche-Cotard cave in France are suggested to have been made by Neanderthals, given the time period. A 51,000-year-old engraved giant deer phalanx was found at a site (Einhornhohle) in Germany. Cross-hatching on the interior of Gorham’s Cave (see above) has ben suggested to be the work of the Neanderthal occupants. What appear to be purposefully and systematically collected large herbivore crania (especially those with horns) were found at the Cueve Des-Cubierta cave site in Spain. All of these are remarkable and curious finds, though not without intense scholarly debate.

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Were Neanderthals the first artists?

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Somewhat less disputable is the increasing evidence of Neanderthal bodily adornment, another cultural behavior traditionally ascribed exclusively to Homo sapiens in prehistory and observable in known hunter-gatherer societies historically and even today. Recent examples of suggested Neanderthal ‘body culturing’ include: the remains of a necklace made from eight white-tailed eagle talons discovered at the site of Krapina in Croatia; the discovery of talons of large diurnal raptors at various Neanderthal sites, the study of which suggested the possibility that they were used for bodily adornment; feather remains of birds found at various Paleoarctic Neanderthal sites suggest that they may have been used to wear for some cultural reason; and painted and perforated marine bivalves found at other Neanderthal sites could give clues of use as personal ornaments. Materials or substances that could be used for painting found at one or more Neanderthal cave sites have suggested the possibility that they may have been used for painting on the body.

Subsistence Practices and Resource Use

Neanderthals have conventionally been depicted as brute prehistoric humans whose lives were dominated or characterized by big game hunting. While megafauna and the activities Neanderthals employed around the activity of pursuing and killing them were, based on the evidence, a major part of their living, recent discoveries and studies have significantly expanded from this view. As it turns out, they were actually more sophisticated and diverse than scientists have previously thought. For example, some studies have indicated that Neanderthals employed ambush hunting as a means of acquiring food, a strategy thought previously to have been exclusively characteristic of Homo sapiens. Likewise, another study showed that Neanderthals hunted and butchered adult male elephants at the site of Neumark-Nord in Germany. This study implied that this operation required larger group cooperation and a more sedentary lifestyle than previously thought for Neanderthals. Moreover, some new research suggests they hunted birds, as well as small prey, in some cases even to obtain their pelts, possibly for making clothing and other uses.

A variety of plant use is no longer exclusive to Homo sapiens. The oldest known creation and use of cordage is now attributed to Neanderthals. At the Abri du Mars rock shelter in France, archaeologists discovered a fabric (twisted) of fiber securely adhering to a Levallois flake, a type of lithic associated with Neanderthals and dated to between 41,000 and 52,000 years ago. The authors of the resulting research study note that twisted fibers were the basis of inventions such as rope, nets, bags, and other objects of vital daily use. Additional discoveries and studies have also indicated that Neanderthals manufactured adhesives from plants, used a variety of different plants for what appeared to be medicinal purposes, and consumed a variety of different plants as part of their diet.

Neanderthals are already long known to have created adhesives from substances such as birch bark and resins for making their hunting tools. But most recently, some artifacts originally recovered from the site of Le Moustier, a Middle Paleolithic site typically associated with Neanderthals, were analyzed and suggested to be the earliest evidence in Europe for the use of ochre – a clay pigment containing iron oxide that was often used by Homo sapiens – to produce a “gripping” adhesive used for using a variety of tools.

Landscape modification may also have been among their skill sets, as archaeologists unearthed evidence at the 125,000-year-old site of Neumark Nord in Germany that they may have purposefully cleared space of trees and vegetation to create a more open living space.  At another site, the Riparo Bombrini site in northwestern Italy, scientists analyzed artifacts and features discovered in Protoaurignacian and Mousterian levels of the site and concluded that both Neanderthal and Homo sapiens group occupants of the site organized and utilized the space in very similar ways. Said Amélie Vallerand, a doctoral student at the University of Montreal who led the research: “Like Homo sapiens, Neanderthals organized their living space in a structured way, according to the different tasks that took place there and to their needs….” (As stated in a published article by the University of Montreal). There were also some important differences, however: Neanderthal occupations, for example, showed lower intensity use in comparison to the Homo sapiens

Family Life and Death

Nothing about the Neanderthals hits closer to home than what scientists have uncovered related to: 

families and community….

More data is emerging that supports the notion that Neanderthals were not substantially different than us when it comes to being together as families. To cite just one recent discovery, for example: at the Chagyrskaya Cave in Siberia archaeologists have unearthed as many as 80 bone fragments, including teeth, along with animal bones and several hundred thousand stone tool objects. DNA was recovered from bones that were collectively identifiable as eight adults and five children. Analysis revealed a father with a teenage daughter, as well as a boy and adult woman who were related less directly (the woman perhaps a grandmother, cousin or aunt). These individuals, based on further investigation, seemed to have lived within the cave at the same time. Additional analysis suggested that the individuals who lived in this cave were part of a small community, with females migrating between communities. And 80,000-year-old hominin footprints from a single brief occupation event discovered at the site of Le Rozel in France, as documented through a study published in September, 2019 in the PNAS, supports the suggestion of a small Neanderthal social group. The group consisted of individuals ranging in age from early childhood to adult, with most of them children. Were some of these individuals part of a family, or multiple families? The research cannot conclude such, but in any case, this was clearly a small community. 

and death and caring….

Regarding the issue of death, the most recent example of discovery occurred at the Neanderthal site of La Ferrassie in France, where scientists discovered the skeleton of a 2-year old child who was, based on examination of the context, suggested to have been intentionally buried. The instance adds to a number of other discoveries that have pointed to the possible Neanderthal practice of personally regarding their deceased by burying them, just as Homo sapiens do.

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Much has been written about this, and although the attributed practice remains a topic of debate among scholars, there is more than one site that many scientists suggest supports the contention. No site has been more prominent than Shanidar cave as an example illustrating the practice….

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The Case for Shanidar  

Well more than 50 years had passed since archaeologists last walked and worked within the massive Shanidar cave on the northern fringe of Iraq, when anthropologist Ralph Solecki led a team from Columbia University to the site.  With help from local Kurdish workers, his team excavated and, along with hundreds of stone tools and animal bones, uncovered the skeletal remains of at least eight Neanderthals, two of them infants, and debatable evidence that one of the adult Neanderthals may have been deposited or buried with flowers. Based on dating at that time, their ages spanned a range between about 65,000 and 35,000 years BCE. For one location, it was a truly remarkable haul and made for sensational news for its time.

But that was then. Since those excavations closed in 1961, the cave has remained largely silent. Publications and scholarly debate about the famous finds have defined their story. One of the skeletons recovered during those excavations (‘Shanidar 3’) is at this writing curated and displayed at the Smithsonian Institution, and another, consisting of the leg and foot bones of what was identified as a tenth Neanderthal, was actually discovered in 2006 while Melinda Zeder, currently Curator Emeritus of Old World Archaeology and Archaeozoology at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of Natural History, was sorting a collection of bones documented to have come from the site. The others (Shanidar 1, 2, and 4–8) are thought to have remained in Iraq but possibly lost during the 2003 invasion. Casts of these bones, however, are currently curated at the Smithsonian.

It wasn’t until 2011 when Professor Graeme Barker of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Cambridge was invited to initiate a new season of excavations with a new team. The efforts were suspended in 2014 because of an ISIS threat, but then resumed in 2015. The team’s objective was to acquire new deposit/sediment data that could be analyzed using updated techniques and methodologies. “We thought with luck we’d be able to find the locations where they had found Neanderthals in the 1950s, to see if we could date the surrounding sediments,” said Barker.* But during the process of digging and examining the sediments at the location where Solecki’s team had dug more than 50 years ago, something new and very exciting began to emerge.

More bones.

With this, Emma Pomeroy, a biological anthropologist and osteologist with the University of Cambridge, was called upon to join efforts at the site.

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View of the entrance to Shanidar Cave. Graeme Barker

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Looking out from Shanidar Cave, down to the valley of the Upper Zab river and the
mountains beyond — the rugged landscape of North – East Iraqi Kurdistan. Wider view of the
location of Shanidar, in the foothills of the Baradost Mountains of North – East Iraq. Kurdistan. Graeme Barker

 

Shanidar Z

Although time and new deposits have somewhat altered the cave interior with the passage of five decades, the view out from the cave has changed little over time. Its high, cliff-face entrance opens over a dramatic landscape below, lush with green foliage and punctuated by flowering plants during the spring. Ibex can be seen scaling the surrounding cliffs during the day, with howling wolves often breaking the silence at night. Though the working temperatures are pleasant in the spring during the year’s early field season, it can climb to an uncomfortable 42 + degrees Celsius in September. On this stage, the new team headed by Barker began to dig, dividing their digging activities into two field seasons a year, one in the spring and the other in early fall. With Pomeroy now on hand to help with identifying and analyzing the bones, they continued to dig and clean the wall of the old Solecki trench.

Soon, a rib emerged from the wall, then a lumbar vertebra, and then the bones of curled fingers of a clenched right hand. Following that, during 2018-19, they uncovered what appeared to be a complete skull, though massively crushed or flattened by thousands of years of sediment that had accumulated since its first deposit. “It was hugely exciting,” said Pomeroy. “We hadn’t been able to tell the skull was there when we first saw the remains in the trench wall, and it took some time to excavate all the layers above so that we could reveal the remains in plan. The edge of the right eye socket was the first part to be exposed, and immediately I knew it was part of the skull, meaning there was much more to this individual than we had originally seen from what was sticking out of the trench wall.”

With new vigor enhanced by excitement, they continued to dig. But as would be expected in a cave left untouched for decades, it was not easy. “The original trench was very deep (14m at its deepest), and had stepped sides and huge rocks sitting on the edge at the surface and through some of the strata,” recounted Pomeroy. “Over the years, the sections (walls) of the trenches had become less stable as the trench was left open and filled up slowly [with sediment]. Plus the area has seismic activity. One huge rock on the edge of the trench in Solecki’s time — probably larger than a typical car — had become dislodged into the trench in the intervening years. So safety was a concern.” Luckily, expert field archaeologists from Canterbury Archaeological Trust with knowledge about section excavation safety were employed.  “For activities like wet-sieving, we had to carry all the sediment we removed down the side of the hill and had a flotation tank made locally, which works excellently under the supervision of Dr Evan Hill from Queens’ University Belfast. But it did mean carrying all the sediment we excavated down the hill every day.”

Excavation eventually revealed more upper body bones, the upper torso almost to the waist. All in all, the preliminary analysis indicated some tantalizing observations.

“What we have found is the articulated skeleton of the upper body of an older adult Neanderthal,” described Pomeroy. That relative age could be estimated based on analysis of the teeth, indicating a “middle-to-older aged adult”. “The skeleton was reclining on its back, with the left arm tucked under the head, and the right arm bent and sticking out to the side. We don’t yet know if the individual was male or female. This skeleton is directly adjacent to where Ralph Solecki’s famous Shanidar 4 ‘flower burial was found, and indeed it seems that the lower part of the body of the [newly found] Neanderthal was removed when Shanidar 4’s skeleton was recovered in a block of sediment by Solecki’s team in 1960, since they didn’t realize this new individual was there. At the time, they also didn’t realize the extent of the remains they had cut through, and they never had the opportunity to return to the site and re-investigate what they left behind.”

The date of this new find?

Early analysis suggests at least 70,000 years B.P.

By itself, this new articulated Neanderthal skeleton (designated ‘Shanidar Z’ by archaeologists) was remarkable enough. But in the context of the other finds recovered from the cave decades ago, it may promise even greater significance. What is its import? To answer this question, scientists had to consider the history of the other finds and the data and interpretation of the discoveries from Solecki’s previous excavations.

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Ribs and spine of the Neanderthal emerging from the sediment in Shanidar Cave. Graeme Barker

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The bones of the Neanderthal’s left hand emerging from the sediment in Shanidar Cave. Graeme Barker

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The bones of the Neanderthal’s left arm and ribs in situ in Shanidar Cave. Graeme Barker

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The spinal column of the Neanderthal immediately after removal in a small block of the surrounding sediment. The bones are extremely delicate and embedded in layers of silt – the matrix. They are transported to Cambridge where they are scanned, conserved and micro-excavated to slowly remove the bones from the matrix. Graeme Barker

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The Neanderthal skull, flattened by thousands of years of sediment and rock fall, in situ in Shanidar Cave, Iraqi Kurdistan. Graeme Barker

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Illustration of the possible burial position of the new Neanderthal remains from Shanidar Cave; the stone behind the head is shown in grey. Emma Pomeroy

 

The Shanidar Neanderthals

The Shanidar Cave has given us arguably some of the most tantalizing and telling insights into the Neanderthal species. Who were these people? How much were they like us? The analysis of the finds, and especially the forensic analysis and interpretation of the Neanderthal skeletal remains, has opened an intriguing window and helped scientists answer these questions. In addition to Shanidar Z, the relatively complete remains of four other adjacently located Neanderthal individuals have served to highlight the emerging story of the ancient group of people who occupied the cave:

Shanidar 1

Shanidar 1, a male Neanderthal determined to be between 30 and 45 years old at death, proved to be a kind of forensic gold mine for scientists, as the examination of the skeletal remains strongly suggested a man who, in life, suffered from multiple traumatic injuries and conditions that would have resulted in an inability to survive without the help of others.

A physical strike or impact on the left side of his head created a fracture which would have left him partially or totally blind in one eye. Significant changes to his incisors and capitulum indicated he was suffering from a degenerative disease. He likely suffered from hearing loss, given that his ear canals were blocked by exostoses, a bony growth that also effected other parts of his skeleton. His right arm had become withered in life, having been fractured in several places, in addition to the fracture of his C5 vertebrae, causing further damage to the functionality of the arm. There was loss of his lower arm and hand, which shows supporting evidence of possible amputation. Some scientists suggest that this could demonstrate one of the earliest known surgeries. Though the amputated arm had clearly healed, it is thought that amputation led to paralysis of his right side, which in turn led to deformities in the lower legs and feet. As if this were not enough, he suffered from two broken legs, resulting in a gate characterized by a limp when he walked.

Healing of his injuries and the perpetuation of his conditions for a substantial period of time before his death have raised questions among scientists as to how he could have continued to survive under these conditions in what was likely a physically challenging environment with low technology — the Neanderthal world of those times.  Shanidar 1, or “Nandy”, as scientists have nick-named him, must have had help from at least one other person, and possibly a small community or group of Neanderthals, say the researchers. This suggests some sense of community and/or compassion, or recognition of this individual as very important to the group, which would be an indicator of social and cultural principles or values. These are all characteristics that have traditionally been attributed only to Homo sapiens, or modern humans.

Shanidar 2

Found lying on his right side, Shanidar 2 was a approximately 30-year-old Neanderthal male. Apparently healthier in life than Shanidar 1, he nonetheless suffered from mild arthritis. He met his death from a cave ceiling collapse, as heavy stones from the collapse were situated above his crushed bones. Many of his bones are missing, and given the evidence of carnivore teeth marks on his remains, scientists have concluded that animal scavenging was responsible for the missing remains. Curiously, archaeologists discovered what appeared to be an organized concurrently dated collection, or pile, of stones and chert stone points situated atop the skeletal deposit, suggesting a possible associated ritual activity. Evidence also indicated the presence of a concurrently dated large fire near the deposit location. Did something else happen in this spot after the fatal cave ceiling collapse? Scientists will likely never know for certain. But the combination of findings in one place does raise questions that may find answers in future research.

Shanidar 3

Found within the same ‘grave’ location as Shanidar 1 and 2, Shanidar 3 is a mostly complete 40- to 50-year-old male Neanderthal skeleton. This find has raised some intriguing questions about Neanderthal behavior and activity. Forensic examination of the remains indicates the presence of a wound on the left 9th rib, suggesting he may have died from ensuing complications developing from a stab wound by a sharp object. Moreover, evidence of bone growth around the wound suggests he likely lived at least several more weeks after the wound incident, while the object was still embedded in the rib. Wound angle analysis indicates that it is consistent with either purposeful or accidental stabbing by another individual, and that it was not due to self-infliction. Additional  research has suggested that the wound caused by the sharp, perpetrating object matches what would typically have been caused by a long-range projectile.

Could this have been a case of inter-personal violence? 

Perhaps. But if so, it would be the first example to date for such Neanderthal behavior — or, alternatively, a case in point for the hypothesis of inter-species conflict with contemporaneous early modern humans.

In either case, Shanidar 3 may have been at a competitive disadvantage vis-a-vis his attacker — forensic analysis also showed he suffered from a degenerative joint disorder in his foot because of a fracture or sprain, resulting in painful, limited movement.** 

Shanidar 4

At the same ‘grave’ location within the cave, archaeologists uncovered the articulated skeleton of what was determined to be an adult male aged 30—45 years. He was found lying on his left side in a partial fetal position. Designated Shanidar 4, this skeleton is perhaps best known from the Solecki excavation as the “flower burial”. Solecki and his colleagues recovered soil samples taken from around the body, which were subsequently analyzed to reconstruct the paleoclimate and vegetation at the site at the time of the original deposit of the remains. In the process, they also found clumps of pollen in the soil that suggested the possibility that flowers may have been placed around the body when it was initially deposited. Did these Neanderthals place flowers at the location in special ritual consideration of a person among their group who was buried here? Moreover, the study of the flower types indicated the presence of yarrow, cornflower, bachelor’s button, St Barnaby’s thistle, ragwort, grape hyacinth, all of which can be used as natural diuretics, stimulants, and astringents and anti-inflammatories to treat illness or physical conditions. Did these Neanderthals also have knowledge of, and used, these plants for their medicinal properties?

Other research, however, has cast some doubt on the “flower burial” hypothesis. The thinking relates to the possibility that the pollen was introduced by animal action. Evidence for burrows of a gerbil-like rodent known as the Persian jird were found near the ‘burial’. The jird typically stores seeds and flowers in their burrows and, along with the apparent lack of evidence for similar flower treatment with the other Neanderthal depositions, this counter-argument cannot be ignored.

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Members of Ralph Solecki’s team, Dr T. Dale Stewart (right) and Jacques Bordaz (left) at Shanidar Cave in 1960, working on removing the remains of Shanidar 4 (the ‘flower burial’) en bloc. This block of sediment was later found to also contain the partial remains of 3 more individuals. Credit: Ralph Solecki, with kind permission

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Members of Ralph Solecki’s excavation team carrying the block containing Shanidar 4 (the flower burial), 6, 8 and 9 down from the cave to be transported to the Baghdad Museum for further study. Credit: Ralph Solecki, with kind permission

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Reconstructed skull of Shanidar 1 Neanderthal. James Gordon, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic

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Artist’s reconstruction of the face/head of a Shanidar Neanderthal. As displayed in the Penn Museum in Philadelphia.

 

The Promise of Shanidar Z

Barker, Pomeroy, and their colleagues have been clear about the significance of Shanidar Z to the story that Shanidar Cave is telling us about Neanderthals. They emphasize two considerations:

The first revolves around the completeness and positioning of the skeleton.

“One thing that came out of the excavations in September 2019 was that the ribcage was almost completely intact,” Pomeroy says. Such an articulated assemblage of bones for a Neanderthal is rare.

“The discovery of this individual is particularly exciting because it formed part of an unparalleled cluster of at least 4 Neanderthal individuals found within a small space (Shanidar 4, 6, 8 and 9) that were recovered by Solecki’s team in 1960,” she continues. “Because the bones Solecki’s team found were so fragile and had to be removed in a block of sediment and were transported all the way to Baghdad by road [causing damage en route] before they could be fully excavated, much of the information about the position of the individuals in that block, the spatial relationships to one another, the positions of their bodies, and whether they were deposited at the same time, could not be recovered.”

But the discovery of Shanidar Z opens up a new opportunity for investigation, according to Pomeroy. “The new find offers a fresh chance to understand this unusual cluster of Neanderthal individuals and explore whether multiple individuals were deposited in the same place at the same time or whether they returned to the exact same spot on different occasions to deposit their dead.”

The second consideration relates to the depositional context in which Shanidar Z rested.

“There are long standing debates about how Neanderthals treated their dead and we will be able to significantly contribute to our knowledge of such behavior by looking at the microscopic structure of the sediments to find evidence for whether the depression in which the individual was found was natural or intentionally dug,” explains Pomeroy; “whether the body was quickly covered in soil or left exposed for a period of time; and whether plants (leaves, flowers, pollen) were included with the body. All this will give us valuable new information about how Neanderthals treated their dead, and clues as to what their attitudes to the dead may have been.”

Thus far, according to Barker, Pomeroy and colleagues, the evidence seems to support an intentionally dug depression, perhaps as an enhancement of an already existing natural channel or depression in the cave. After deposit of the bones, the depression “was filled relatively quickly with a distinct sediment from that in the layers underneath”. This points to an intentional burial.

“We also have evidence that ancient plant remains are contained within the sediments around the bones,” Pomeroy added. This presents the opportunity to evaluate the possibility that leaves and/or flowers were placed with the body when buried — and a chance to also re-evaluate the hypothesis that Shanidar 4, the so-called “flower burial” found directly adjacent to Shanidar Z, was buried with flowers as Solecki had originally suggested.

Finding Answers

Professor Graeme Barker onsite inside Shanidar Cave, with the emerging Neanderthal behind him. He’s holding a soil block to be analyzed microscopically in Cambridge. Credit: Shanidar excavation team

Researchers believe that the Shanidar Cave findings can play a salient role in fleshing out a portrait of the Neanderthal species that will prove to depart significantly from the traditional view of Neanderthals as a more primitive, unintelligent, brutish sister species — that they were perhaps actually “caring, compassionate individuals capable of more abstract and symbolic thought, but also engaging in violence at times” — in short, much more like us ‘modern humans’ than scientists have previously thought.

But the Shanidar finds and their interpretation have also raised more questions and the tempo of scholarly debate. And even if the remains and their context could be definitively determined to be intentional burials, were they, Pomeroy asks, “purely practical, to avoid attracting scavengers and reduce the smell for the cave’s inhabitants, or did they have a symbolic and ritual component more similar to our own species?”

As the work continues at the site and in the labs, Shanidar will clearly have more to reveal. About 20cm below the Shanidar Z remains the excavators encountered more Neanderthal bones. They appeared less complete and not fully articulated like the others, but they have not yet been fully excavated. Could their recovery and analysis further support the suggestion that these Neanderthals may have returned to this same spot repeatedly to deposit their dead, at different times?

Much more work must be done before a more complete story from the Shanidar Cave finds can emerge. Popular Archaeology asked Pomeroy about the plans going forward. Her response summarized the forthcoming tasks ahead and their potential for providing answers. The detail is worth noting as it illustrates the extent and complexity of the task ahead:

Dr Emma Pomeroy onsite inside Shanidar Cave. Credit: Graeme Barker

We still have huge amounts of research to do. This is just the beginning, which is really exciting. There is the conservation, cleaning and reconstruction of all of the bones, including CT scanning and digital reconstruction as well. This alone is a huge amount of work. Analysis of the remains themselves will involve looking at their morphology and comparing that to other Neanderthals, looking for further evidence of age at death and health of this individual [Shanidar Z], plus analyses of the stable isotopes (chemical composition of the teeth and bones) to tell us about diet and where they [these Neanderthals] came from, and of the plaque on the teeth for evidence of diet and health. There is also the potential to extract ancient DNA from the bones, although this might be tricky because ancient DNA does not preserve well in this part of the world. But this could add important information about Neanderthal genetic variation (we have no aDNA from south west Asian Neanderthals, and low genetic diversity is implicated in Neanderthals’ extinction, plus there is the question of interbreeding).

Then we have all the analysis of other materials from the site – the stone tools, animal bones (including the bones of tiny animals to help reconstruct the climate and environment, which PhD student Emily Tilby here in Cambridge is doing); the preparation and analysis of the additional soil micromorphology blocks by Professor Charly French and Dr Lucy Farr here in Cambridge; analysis of the sediment samples for things like pollen by project co-director Professor Chris Hunt at Liverpool John Moores University, microscopic traces of plants, ancient DNA (known as environmental or ‘eDNA’); analysis of the charcoal by Drs Ceren Kabukcu and Eleni Asouti at Liverpool University and snail shells by Dr Evan Hill at Queens’ University Belfast again for more climatic evidence and [to determine] which plants were being used; and further analysis of the data that tell us how old the remains are. In terms of treatment of the dead body, it would be important for example to see whether plant remains are only preserved around the bones, or are common in other parts of the site of a similar age that don’t contain Neanderthal remains, to help us see if they may have been placed intentionally with the body. We also plan to continue excavations at the site, funding permitting, to help deepen our understanding of how Neanderthals and modern humans lived and died there.”

The story of Shanidar Cave continues to unfold. 

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The Genetic Merger

Much has been studied and written about the genomic discoveries made from ancient human skeletal remains. Svante Pääbo, a director and leading scientist at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, and his team are famously known for developing methodologies for isolating and sequencing actual ancient DNA from the remains of extinct  human species. More specifically, his genetic findings have suggested that Neanderthals mated with modern humans and left their genetic imprint in people who live today. It is now thought that approximately 1 — 2 percent of the genetic makeup of many people today contains traces of Neanderthal ancestry. This means, of course, that at least some Neanderthals and Homo sapiens interacted to the extent that they actually interbred. For purposes of this writing, it is significant to note that genomic evidence shows the last interbreeding events between modern humans and Neanderthals likely occurred about four to six generations before the Neanderthals finally disappeared from the archeological record between 20,000 and 40,000 years ago.

Through the study of bone samples from a number of Neanderthal specimens recovered from different archaeological sites across Eurasia, a substantial dataset has now been developed, characterizing the Neanderthal genome as the best known and most complete archaic human genome of any extinct hominin. Genetically, we only know more about one other hominin—modern humans, the last and only surviving hominin on the planet. Pivotal to the Neanderthal research was a landmark study published in Science in May of 2010, where R.E. Green, Svante Pääbo and colleagues at the Max-Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, relate in detail how they generated a draft sequence of the Neanderthal genome composed of more than 4 billion nucleotides from three Neanderthal bone specimens. They compared the Neanderthal genome to the genomes of five present-day humans from different parts of the world, identifying genomic regions that were possibly affected by selection in ancestral modern humans, genes such as those involved in metabolism and cognitive and skeletal development. In the process, they were able to show that Neanderthals shared more genetic variants with present-day humans in Eurasia than with present-day humans in sub-Saharan Africa, suggesting that gene flow from Neanderthals to the ancestors of present-day non-Africans likely occurred before the divergence of Eurasian groups from each other.

As research has progressed, geneticists and other scientists have been able to piece together some interesting suggestions for four evolutionary traits related to this, what is considered one of modern humanity’s closest extinct hominin relatives:

First, sequencing indicated that Neanderthal and modern human populations split from a common ancestor about ca. 550,000 – 765,000 years ago. Second, although Neanderthals are thought to have mostly inhabited what is present-day Eurasia and the Levant, genetic evidence of their presence has also been found as far east as the Okladnikov and Denisova caves in the Altai mountains of Western Siberia, suggesting the existence of distinct groups across a very broad geographic range. Third, even given the broad range, the size of the Neanderthal population seems to have been much smaller than that of the later, emerging modern humans, effectively only one-tenth the size of the latter.  And fourth, more than their modern human cousins, the Neanderthals seem to have engaged in more intra-familial mating patterns, such as inbreeding between half-siblings, uncle and niece, grandfather and granddaughter, or double first cousins. Some scholars hypothesize that this may be in part because of the smaller size of the population groups and their comparatively greater extent of isolation as compared with their modern human counterparts. These factors may have played a role in setting the stage for the eventual Neanderthal extinction vulnerability.

And finally, particularly interesting are the results of a genetic analysis conducted by Pääbo and colleagues on a small fragment of an ancient long bone. It was initially discovered in the now-famous Denisova Cave in Russia by Russian archaeologists in 2012. Protein analysis indicated that it was from a hominin, so it was then sent for DNA testing at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig. Designated ‘Denisova 11’ to distinguish the specimen from the others found at the Cave, the analysis results showed that it belonged to a 13-year-old hybrid individual whose mother was a Neanderthal, and father a Denisovan. This person was a first-generation descendant of a Neanderthal and Denisovan, unique among the fossil finds at Denisova Cave, or any other site, for that matter. Moreover, the father’s genetic history, though he was Denisovan, indicated some Neanderthal ancestry, as well.  “So from this single genome, we are able to detect multiple instances of interactions between Neanderthals and Denisovans”, said Benjamin Vernot from the MPI-EVA, a co-author of the study. The study may hint at the probability that separate ancient hominin species who coexisted within the same environments more than infrequently interbred. Indeed, says Pääbo, in addition to Neanderthals, the Denisovans have left their DNA in some of us to an even greater extent, as their markers have been found to be in greater abundance in certain populations than that of Neanderthals, and their ancient presence, genetically speaking, seems to have been more widespread geographically.

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Denisova Cave. Xenochka, Wikimedia Commons

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The ‘Denisova 11’ long bone fragment. T. Higham, University of Oxford

 

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Climate Change and Neanderthal Extinction

As alluded to above, a prevailing theory suggests that the demise of the Neanderthals was due primarily to Middle and Late Pleistocene cold shifts in the climate across Eurasia has also received renewed support from a recent study conducted by Michael Staubwasser of the University of Cologne and colleagues. In that study, researchers analyzed paleoclimate records produced from the examination of stalagmites in east-central Europe. Focusing on the date range of 44,000 to 40,000 years ago, they found that archaeological layers that lacked artifacts normally associated with Neanderthals corresponded to stadials, or cold periods in the climate. Following the stadials, both the archaeological and genetic record indicates a turnover to Homo sapiens, or modern humans. This supports the suggestion that one of the reasons for the Neanderthal demise was decline in their food sources as compared to that of modern humans, who thrived with a more diversified diet. Although this may be true for Neanderthals that inhabited the more northern regions, it does not seem to match some of the evidence that scientists have been recovering from sites like the Gorham’s Cave Complex, assuming the inhabitants that produced the Mousterian artifacts found at those sites were Neanderthals. In any case, it is possible that the southern Neanderthals of Gibraltar persisted, for a few additional thousands of years, because of their access to and utilization of a broader variety of food sources, which included inland game, aquatic life, and plants.  That is, until 22.5 – 25.5 ka cal BP, when even they seem to have capitulated to Heinrich Event 2.

Neanderthals alive and well?

We may never know for certain what caused Neanderthal extinction. But the upshot of what we know to date from the archaeological, paleoclimate, and genetic findings is that multiple factors may have been to blame. In any case, one could argue that the Neanderthals never really disappeared. “Different people tend to carry different pieces of the Neanderthal genome,” said Pääbo as quoted in an article by Anthony King in Horizon Magazine. “Something like 40–50% of the Neanderthal genome can still be found in people today.”*** Thus, “Neanderthals are not totally extinct. In some of us they live on, a little bit.”**

It may be no exaggeration to say that they left their legacy within us. We are their descendants.

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Sections of this article were produced by combining edited and revised versions of previously published articles at Popular Archaeology: The Last Neanderthals, October 10, 2018; and Return to Shanidar, April 10, 2020.

Cover image, top left: Model of Homo neanderthalensis child in The Natural History Museum, Vienna, Jacob Halun, CC-BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

*Clive Finlayson, et al., Gorham’s Cave, Gibraltar—The persistence of a Neanderthal population, Quaternary International · November 2008, DOI: 10.1016/j.quaint.2007.11.016

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/222706475_Gorham%27s_Cave_Gibraltar-The_persistence_of_a_Neanderthal_population

**Michael Gordon, Decoding Human Prehistory, Popular Archaeology Magazine, March 16, 2015.

***https://phys.org/news/2018-08-genetic-error-humans-evolve-bigger.html

The Red Queen of Palenque

Freelance writer, researcher and photographer, Georges Fery (georgefery.com) addresses topics from history, culture, and beliefs to daily living of ancient and today’s indigenous societies of Mesoamerica and South America. His articles are published online at travelthruhistory.com, ancient-origins.net and popular-archaeology.com, and in the quarterly magazine Ancient American (ancientamerican.com). In the U.K. his articles are found in mexicolore.co.uk.

The author is a fellow of the Institute of Maya Studies instituteofmayastudies.org, Miami, FL and The Royal Geographical Society, London, U.K. (rgs.org). He is a member in good standing with the Maya Exploration Center, Austin, TX (mayaexploration.org) the Archaeological Institute of America, Boston, MA (archaeological.org), NFAA-Non Fiction Authors Association (nonfictionauthrosassociation.com) and the National Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC. (americanindian.si.edu).

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Otium and the Roman Dream

Professor Frank J. Korn has retired from his teaching position on the Classical Studies faculty at Seton Hall University.  He is a Fulbright Scholar at the American Academy in Rome and the author of nine books on various aspects of the Eternal City.  He is listed in Marquis Who’s Who as “a notable classical educator and writer.”  Recipient of the Princeton Prize for Distinguished Teaching, he resides with his wife Camille in Scotch Plains, N.J.  The couple’s three sons –  Frank, Ronald, and John and their families live nearby.  His latest book    Below Rome, the Story of the Catacombs    which he co-authored with his wife, is available on Amazon or from the publisher, St. Johann Press, Haworth, N.J.

One often hears the phrase, the “American Dream.”  It conjures up a sweet life, to wit:  a good job, money in the bank, a big, airy house and neat green lawn, a luxurious car, a happy marriage with beautiful children, all in a charming neighborhood.

For the ancient Roman, the dream was a bit more ambitious, though not altogether unfamiliar to us in our day:  professional success, affluence in abundance, a thriving family, influential friends, and then the best of both worlds: a fine house in a prosperous quarter of the city     say on the Aventine or Esquiline Hilland by all means a cozy, attractive villa out in the countryside, or by the sea, or a lake, for a periodic taste of true leisure—the Romans called this contemplative life in the country Otium.

Here the writer explores and examines some of the famous people, history, luxury, and role of the villa in Roman life.  The handsome remains of numerous such retreats excavated in Pompeii and Herculaneum, for example, afford us a tangible idea of their general architecture and appearance….

A roman villa—what did it look like?

Usually very large, the villa was rectangular in shape, a one-story dwelling with a vestibule open to the street, leading to the main door (ianua) which opened onto the atrium or living room.  This was a sizable square space centerpieced by a shallow pool (impluvium) customarily filled with rain water that fell through a matching opening in the roof (compluvium).  Bedrooms (cubicula) surrounded and gave onto the atrium.  On the far end of this was a tablinum, a larger chamber used as an office.  This exited onto the peristylium, a colonnaded outdoor court where the family loved to pass a good part of the day, strolling around and around the enclosed garden often centered with a statue or sundial or, best of all, a fountain.  More bedrooms and guest rooms faced this refreshingly cool, airy yard.  Also at the far end on the one side was the biblioteca, a reading room,.  Opposite this was the largest room of the house, the triclinium, or dining room.

This home (domus) was surrounded by meticulously landscaped grounds featuring flower beds punctuated by marble sculptures.  There was sometimes an in-the-ground pool for bathing.  All in all, the Roman villa was the proverbial “lap of luxury.”

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The plan of the famous Villa of the Papyri at Herculaneum, integrating most of the elements of a Roman villa. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: the Getty Villa in California is a reconstruction of the Villa of the Papyri, the remains of which are still under excavation in Herculaneum. It is an iconic example of a Roman villa. Above Image: Malasoca, Pixabay

 

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Remi Mathis, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Venus and Eros in Marble Room, at the Gety Villa. Scotwriter21, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Above and below: examples of the impluvium in villas excavated at Pompeii.

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A peristylium at a villa in Pompeii.

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Above and below: remains of interior villa grandeur as excavated at Herculaneum

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Some of the finest examples of wall painting in ancient Rome can be found in the villas. Here, a detail of women from the wall painting at the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. Public Domain, Wikimeda Commons

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Above and below: the Dionysiac Villa (Villa of Augustus), a massive villa still under excavation near the slopes of Mount Vesuvius. It is an example of a later period villa. This one also served as part of a wine-producing enterprise.

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Cicero and His Luxury Spaces

Bust of Cicero, at the Palazzo Nuovo – Capitoline Museums – Rome. José Luiz Bernardes Ribeiro / CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

This peculiarly Roman institution, the villa, began to really come into vogue in the first century B.C., especially in the heyday of such squires as Marcus Tullius Cicero.  Born and raised in the rugged hilltown of Arpinum (now Arpino) some sixty miles south of the capital, this country lad never forgot his rural roots.  The mountainous terrain, the lush vegetation, the soft air of the Italian countryside remained forever in his blood.  Even in the years ahead when he was busy climbing the political ladder all the way to the Consulship, in 63 B.C., Cicero always managed to set aside time for yearly visits to his ancestral home.

His father, wanting to afford the children, the educational advantages and career opportunities of the big city, had moved the family to Rome when Marcus was in his early teens.  Early on, the young man showed a keen interest in the practice of law and eventually clerked under the pre-eminent trial lawyer of the day, Quintus Mucius Scaevola.  Cicero’s rise in the profession was meteoric.  When at age 26 he won the celebrated Sextus Roscius murder case, he became the talk of Roman high society.

With his success in the courts, and subsequent triumph in politics, came an affluence he could never have imagined back in old Arpinum.  He purchased a fashionable home on Rome’s ritzy Palatine Hill.  As his financial resources continued to multiply, he invested in more and more property outside the city, starting with the purchase of a splendid villa (once owned by the powerful dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla), high up in Tusculum in the Alban Hills, about fifteen miles south of Rome.  He named his new acquisition “My Tusculanum.”

Such was his attachment to villa life that he soon acquired another vacation home at Antium on the shore of the eponymous bay.  (Today we know it as Anzio.)  From his sumptuous villa there in April of 59 B.C., with the warm air redolent of the salty sea, Cicero writes to his friend Atticus:  “I have fallen so in love with leisure that I cannot tear myself away from it.  Thus I go fishing or take delight in my books of which I have a happy abundance here.  Sometimes I just sit and count the waves.  (Sedeo et fluctus numero.)”  (Note:  In January of A.D. 1944 the descendants of those same waves would bring to shore the landing craft of the British-American forces seeking to liberate Rome and all of Italy from the Nazi stronghold.)

He next bought a villa at Astura, on the same bay.

Cicero went on, across the next several years, to purchase five more    seven in all  – posh retreats down further along the coast, at Formiae (Formia), halfway between Rome and Neapolis (Naples); at Cumae, Pompeii,and Puteoli (Pozzuoli), all on the curving shore at the Bay of Naples.  He liked to refer to them collectively as “My dear villas, the Gems of Italy.”

Cicero found one drawback, though, with the Bay area, for there was a multitude of Roman senators and other city officials with abodes in this region, people he was trying to get away from on his vacations.  From Cumae in a letter to his close pal he laments:  Habemus hic quasi pusillam Romam.  (We have here an almost miniature Rome.)  He then goes on to mock the uppity rich for their garish and ostentatious shore-homes, and their elaborate dinner parties “at which they all try to outdo one another in extravagance.”  The writer Julia Fiore cleverly called this locale with all its soirees, “The Hamptons of Rome.”

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Above and below: views of the excavated remains of Villa Sora (Torre del Greco), one among many such villas along the coast of the Bay of Naples. It is still under excavation.

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Of all his land holdings he preferred by far his house in Tusculum.  This we learn from his correspondence with his lifelong alter ego, Atticus:  Mire quam illius loci non modo usu, sed etiam coqitatio me delectat.”  (It’s remarkable how the mere thought of this place delights me even when I’m not there.)  The letters also reveal Cicero’s eagerness to adorn the place with precious art works:  “If you see anything that would go well in my Villa Tuscolana please be sure to bring it back for me.”  We see too his interest in putting together a well-stocked private library.  He pleads with the highly cultivated Atticus:  “Don’t promise your book collection to anyone no matter how much they offer for it.  I’m saving up to buy it for my golden years.”

Whenever he had his fill with the pressures and phoniness of the Roman political scene, Cicero would pack himself off to Tusculum for a few days.  Nam nos ex omnibus molestiis et laboribus uno illo in loco conquiescimus.”  (Only there can we find relief from all annoyances and toil.)

There he loved to walk among his vineyards and olive groves, to sit in his courtyard discussing lofty topics with interesting overnight guests, to host small dinner parties, and to take in the magnificent views out over the countryside toward Rome.  There in his marble-paneled and handsomely appointed study he enjoyed reading and answering his mail.  Out in the gardens he delighted in plucking and tasting fresh fruit from the fig trees. On a balmy afternoon he would take the cool shade of an umbrella pine while he indulged his insatiable reading appetite.  enim otium est dulcius otio literato?”.  (For what is sweeter than leisure filled with literature?}

It was to his cherished Villa Tuscolana that Cicero retreated for consolation following the death –  at childbirth    of Tullia, the bright and beautiful thirty year old daughter whom he loved beyond all words.  It was there too where in the twilight of his life he researched and wrote his philosophical treatise, “The Tusculan Disputations.”  In a letter to Atticus during that period he informed his friend how he dealt with his grief:  “I sit here and write from morning till night.”

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Turner, Joseph Mallord William; Cicero at His Villa at Tusculum; National Trust, Ascott; http://www.artuk.org/artworks/cicero-at-his-villa-at-tusculum-216764, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Because of his turbulent political career, his extensive writings: essays, legal briefs, speeches, dissertations, and rich, newsy correspondence, and his elegant lifestyle, Marcus Tullius Cicero comes down to us as surely the most human, the most believable, the most three-dimensional and interesting character of the Classical era.  It is fun to imagine him, toga-clad, strolling down the cypress-lined lanes of his beloved Tusculanum.  How he lavished praise and unabashed sentimentality and heartfelt affection for it in his correspondence    something he was disinclined to do in conversation.  For, as he liked to point out:  Epistula non erubescit.”  (A letter doesn’t blush.)

Horace and His Country Retreats

In 65 B.C., while Cicero was making legal,oratorical, and political headlines in Rome, there was born in Venusia (Venosa), a humble town nestling in the Apennines near the border of Lucania (Basilicata) and Apulia (Puglia), a boy destined to make his mark as a brilliant poet, Horatius Flaccus. The whole world came to know him as Horace.

His doting father, who early on noticed something special in the lad, sent him, at the tender age of seven, to school in Rome.  Through the years, he excelled academically, demonstrating in particular a talent for composing verse.  After his school days he became a ‘starving poet’ (a rather redundant term in most cases).  But some of his work caught the attention and admiration of a much acclaimed poet named Virgil.  Seeing much promise and future greatness for Horace, he became a dear friend who, noblesse oblige, did all he could to foster the career of the extremely likable, small-town young man, even introducing him to Maecenas, a wealthy patron of literature who happened also to be a close advisor to Emperor Augustus.

When one day Maecenas asked how his writing was going, Horace lamented that producing good verse in Rome was nigh impossible, what with the pulsating urban lifestyle, the frenzy, the din, the crowds, the social obligations.  The patron brought this to the attention of the Emperor, who was also interested in promoting all things cultural, and persuaded Augustus to grant the struggling poet a bit of public land in the irenic Sabine Hills, not too far from the capital. Along with a modestly paying clerkship in the government, with few, if any, duties  – a virtual sinecure    it alleviated Horace’s concern about earning a living and afforded him much free time to spend at this country villa/farm to hone his craft.  Horace expressed his gratitude in a delightful verse:  “The choir of poets all cherish the quietude and beauty of the woods and shun the city.”

In one of his odes, Horace gushes over his Sabine retreat.  Gilbert Highet superbly translates the Latin lines thus:

This was one of my prayers, a little space of land

                    With a garden, near the house a spring of living water

  And a small wood besides.  Heaven has fulfilled it

                     Better and richer than my hopes.

Soon Horace found a prominent publishing firm, the Sosii Brothers, eager to mass-produce his many manuscripts.  For all this newfound success, he credited his dear patron, who was like a second father to him.  Elated, Maecenas bought the poet another villa, quite spacious and elegant, on the outskirts of the city of Tibur (Tivoli).  Horace was enthralled with the house and its manicured grounds and quickly dashed off an invitation to his benefactor:

     Tibi non ante verso lene merum cade iam dudum apud me est.  Eripe

      Te morae!    

      (An amphora of untapped wine is waiting for you here at the villa.

       Try to break away and come over soon!)

An older writer, Lucretius, also had acquired a retreat in the hills where he could concentrate more clearly.  But it seems that he didn’t care for extended sojourns there.  He would often remark that, “Restlessness drives a man from Rome to his country villa.  Boredom drives him back.”

Even Horace had this ambivalent emotion:  Romae amem Tibur, ventosus-Tibure Romam.  (At Rome I yearn for Tibur, then as shifting as the wind, at Tibur, for Rome.)

And Cicero too, for all his love for his villas, often said:  “Ah, Rome.  Dear Rome.  Residence anywhere else is merely exile.”

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Above and below: remains of baths at Horace’s villa near Licenza, Italy. Rjdeadly, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Fountain remains at the Horace villa. Rjdeadly, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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An Island Retreat for Emperors

The private villa craze among the upper class Romans spilled over into the next century.  The Emperor Augustus (63 B.C. – A.D. 14) late in life found his own “paradise on earth” on the enchanting island of Capreae (Capri) in the Bay of Naples, three miles out from the promontory of Surrentum (Sorrento), and built a sumptuous villa there on the highest plateau, for getaways from the sultry Roman summers.  His dearest friend and sort of “prime minister” Marcus Agrippa, had some years earlier found vacations on the bay appealing too, and acquired a house on the mainland there, on the slope of Mount Vesuvius with its breathtaking panorama out over that tranquil part of the sea.  (At the time no one yet knew that Vesuvius was a volcano, for its slopes were rich with vegetation and dotted with vineyards, an ideal and idyllic site for stately villas, or so it seemed, until August 24, A.D. 79.)

In their English language volume, The Complete Works of Tacitus, the classicists Alfred Church and William Brodribb cite the historian telling us about Augustus’ successor Tiberius and his enthrallment with Capreae to the point where he abandoned his imperial palace in Rome in A.D. 27 never to return, choosing to rule the vast Empire from the tiny isle for the last ten years of his life:

The solitude of the place was, I believe, its chief attraction.  Its air in winter is soft as it is screened by a mountain which protects against biting winds.  In summer it catches the western breezes, and the sea around it renders it most delightful.  Tiberius filled the island with twelve country houses, each with a grand name and a vast structure of its own.  Intent as he had once been on the cares of State, he wanted now to unwind in total leisure and luxury.

The flagship property of all twelve was his Villa Jovis (an alternate name for Jupiter, king of the Roman deities), the extensive ruins of which are open for guided tours (see images below).

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Above and below: Views of the archaeological remains of the Villa Jovis. Above image credit Derbrauni, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Mister No, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Derbrauni, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Reconstruction drawing of Villa Jovis. Carl Weichardt (1846-1906), Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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According to the author Tacitus, the mentally unstable Emperor Nero also liked to escape the relentless heat of a Roman summer with periodic brief getaways at the opulent bayside villa he had established at Antium, which happened to be his birthplace and childhood residence.  Tacitus puts the lie to the age-old legend that Nero, when informed that Rome was engulfed in flames in July of 64, gleefully watched the conflagration from his palace balcony there and sang of the burning of Troy.  If there was any “fiddling” therefore, it was done not in the Capital but at his shore house thirty eight miles south:  “Nero, at this time was at Antium, and did not return to Rome until the fire had leveled ten of the fourteen precincts, including the Imperial Palace.”

Pliny the Younger and His Waterfront Properties

We turn now to Pliny the Elder (A.D. 23-79) who had a splendid villa at Cape Misenum on the northwestern limit of the same bay.  The property overlooked the harbor where the vaunted Imperial Fleet was moored in times of peace.  In the year 79, Pliny was serving as the admiral of the armada and one of the perks of the admiralty was the villa, with views of Mount Vesuvius, the curvature of the coastline, and the cliffs of Surrentum.  When Vesuviuis erupted that fateful day in the summer of 79, the admiral commanded several of the warships to sail toward the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum on a rescue mission, but the route was unnavigable due to the ferociously heaving waves.

He then changed course and headed toward the city of Stabiae where there was still time to evacuate, with the volcanic ash just beginning to fall there.  Stabiae was known for its plethora of private seashore villas which Pliny had long admired. His heroics there cost him his life    from exhaustion  – but not before he had led most of the populace to safety.  His seventeen-year-old nephew, Pliny the Younger, who had been summering at the cape house, remained there with his mother Plinia and lived to tell all about the devastation in a detailed letter to Tacitus, a close friend of the family.

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The younger Pliny was to go on to fame and fortune in his careers as a government official under his patron, Emperor Trajan and then later as a writer.  With his increasing wealth he purchased a fine villa in the seacoast town of Laurentum, near Ostia.  In a letter to a friend, Clusinius Gallus, he gives us some idea of his place:

I derive so much delight from my Laurentine villa fronting right on the sea. Since it is only fifteen miles from the center of Rome I can put in a day’s work and still get out here by early evening, stay overnight, and be back in Rome the next morning.nThe size of the house is just right for my purposes and not very expensive to maintain.

There’s a charming peristyle with a colonnade that has a tile roof, so it’s nice even in inclement weather. The triclinium is comfortable with its view of the waves. There’s an apse that serves as a sun parlor, a master bedroom and some smaller ones, a heated bath, a smaller dining room where you can hear the surf breaking on the shore. The only thing lacking is running water, but the wells and springs make up for that.

Pliny goes on like this enthusiastically, and seemingly ad infinitum.

A few years later, he invested in some waterfront properties on Lacus Larius (Lake Como), near his birthplace and boyhood hometown of Comum (today the town of Como) up in northern Italy. In a bit of hyperbole, he boasts that he can “go fishing from my bedroom and from my very bed if I so choose.”  The whole great lakes region of Italy, incidentally, was, and is, a popular venue for private villas.  The romantic poet Catullus had a splendid one on Sirmione, a slender miniature peninsula that juts out into Lake Garda (Lacus Benacus in antiquity).  In one of his verses he exults:  Salve, O venusta Sirmio atque ero gaude Gaudente…..”  (Hail, oh enchanting Sirmione, which I just enjoy enjoying….)

In another letter to yet another friend, Pliny again waxes encomiastically about another villa he had acquired in Tuscia (Tuscany):  

The countryside is simply gorgeous.Just imagine an enormous amphitheater which only Mother Nature can produce.A sprawling meadow fragrant with flowers, all ringed with mountains which have on their summits forests of umbrella pines and cypresses, where the wild life is abundant and diverse… and on and on.

In his description of his properties he often places great emphasis on their gardens and on his determination to making them spectacularly beautiful because “we owe it to the passerby.”

So passionate about his country and lakefront retreats is he, that Pliny is only too happy to dispense advice to others who might be interested in such.  In a letter to his pal Baebius Hispanus he explains what their mutual friend Suetonius Tranquillus    who is looking to buy a villa    should keep in mind: 

Be sure to tell him to negotiate a reasonable price, an affordable price, or he will live to regret it; easy access to Rome, i.e. close, but not too close, to a main road; a modest-sized house that will not demand a whole lot of time and upkeep; no more land than that which will be enough to afford him peace and solitude, just enough to let him personally, when he strolls the property, know each one of his vines and every fruit tree (….omnesque viteculas suas nosse et arbusculas).

Hadrian and the Villa Adriana

Lastly, there is the grandest of all Roman private villas, the Villa Hadriana, nineteen miles southeast of the capital, just below the town of Tivoli (ancient Tibur).  Out here in this enchanting countryside of woods and streams, of plunging slopes featuring olive trees and pine groves, the cerebral, enigmatic emperor fashioned the vacation home of his dreams.

Walled-in for security reasons at the insistence of the Praetorian Guard (antiquity’s version of our Secret Service), the vast estate (120 hectares, i.e. about 300 acres) was intended to provide Hadrian    and his successors    with a rural retreat from the maddening pressures of capital politics.  He had also hoped to spend his old age there in cultivated retirement, devoted to painting and writing. (One thinks of the post-White House Eisenhower engaged in both passions at his farm in Gettysburg, and Churchill too at Chequers, his beloved country home.}  But sadly a painful, debilitating fatal illness was to keep Hadrian from both Tibur and old age.

By avocation an architect, Hadrian ultimately traveled the length and breadth of the Roman Empire, visiting every province and beautifying cities with stately buildings.  He also made sketches of the most attractive edifices he came upon in his odysseys and sought to replicate them in his villa.  From 118 to 130, masons, stonecutters, carpenters, plumbers, landscapers, laborers, and slaves toiled feverishly to turn Hadrian’s ambitious plans into actualities.  When they had completed their tasks, theaters, baths, gymnasia, temples, palaces, and guest houses    built of brick but veneered in marble and richly adorned on the inside    rose amid fine shrubbery, flower beds, shady lanes, groves, fountains, and artificial lakes, all resulting in a microcosm of the classical world of the Mediterranean.  Spacious banquet halls with colorful murals could accommodate great state receptions.  Smaller dining rooms served for more intimate get-togethers of the emperor’s inner circle.

The scholarly ruler also designed a private study for himself.  This was a rotunda set on a miniature island encircled by a moat, complete with drawbridges, and by a marble Ionic portico.  In this resplendent enclave, Hadrian could enjoy the peace and privacy requisite for concentrating on affairs of state.

In our time it is delightful on a summer afternoon to walk the grounds of Villa Adriana (as it is called in Italian) and try to envision the elegance of life in this imperial Camp David.  On days when the dreaded Sirocco wind sweeps in from Africa with its cauldron-like heat, however, it is wise to defer your visit until early evening when the refreshing breeze, Il Ponentino, blows in off the sea.  At this hour, the lengthening shadows engulf the brooding ruins in a most romantic effect.  It is then that Hadrian’s Villa at once vividly reminds the visitor of both the grandeur and the fall of ancient Rome.  Enough is left to attest to the former architectural and artistic splendor of the place.  But at the same time the villa stands denuded of many of its statues and columns and reliefs, which along with countless other objets d’art have found their way to museums in London, Paris, Berlin, Stockholm, and even Leningrad.  Today the music of the fountains is stilled.  All that is heard is the cry of the birds.  On the rubble of buildings that once echoed the chatter of purple clad senators, tribunes, and other dignitaries, lizards drowsily sun themselves.

Sic transit gloria mundi.

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Above and below: views of the remains of the massive Villa Adriana. Above image FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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FrDr, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Mosaic detail, Villa Adriana. Vassil. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Artist reconstruction depiction of Villa Adriana. Alf.68, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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What then, in short, was the role of a villa in the life of a well-to-do Roman?  To afford a brief respite out in the campagna, or by a lake or the sea or up in the mountains, while offering the pleasure of renewing oneself in solitude conducive to reflection, to reminiscing, daydreaming, relaxing; and at the same time tasting the genuine harmony of nature.  Today’s Italians call this:  La dolce vita di far niente   The sweet life of doing nothing.

Some owners looked at it a different way, finding their retreats to be periods of great productivity, agreeing with Cicero’s comment:  “I am never less at leisure than when at leisure, nor less alone than when alone.”

Cover Image, Top Left: Women from the wall painting detail at the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons  

The Ten Tombs

Few cities and regions of the world can match the significance and draw of Jerusalem with the public and scholars alike. In this ancient city, some of the world’s most defining historical events and figures have played out their stories, influencing generations through the ensuing centuries, especially concerning religious beliefs and practices. It therefore goes without saying that historical and archaeological research and publication related to the salient events and figures of historical Jerusalem and its regional context have taken on intense popular interest, as well as some intense scholarly and ecclesiastical debate. The cultural, emotional and ‘spiritual’ roots run deep.

Dr. James Tabor, one of the world’s foremost academic authorities on the Late Second Temple period (aka the Herodian period) Judaism and early Christianity, has offered a new video series he entitles “Jesus Archaeology”. Free to the public, the series focuses on how ancient texts, historical and archaeological sites, and ancient artifacts shed light on the rise of Christianity and the context in which it occurred. It also explores the period extending from at least 100 years before the time of Jesus through the century in which his crucifixion occurred. Of particular note here is video no. 1, entitled Ten Jerusalem Tombs from the Time of Jesus (See complete video below). Here, Tabor reviews and summarizes, with photographic images and illustrations, ten extraordinary burial cave tomb discoveries in the Old City area that relate to the context and events around the time of the Late Second Temple, the time period where Jesus enters the flow of time as it is now documented in historical and biblical records.

The Ossuary of Caiaphas

As is known to many who have a knowledge of the events as accounted in the Canonical gospels of the New Testament, Joseph, son of Caiaphas, presided as High Priest over the trial of Jesus before his crucifixion. A number of scholars suggest that an ornate ossuary (stone box that carries bones of the deceased), discovered with 11 other ossuaries in a tomb accidentally revealed through construction work south of Jerusalem in 1990, contained the skeletal remains of Joseph. Although the identification of the find has been subject to scholarly dispute, the discovery is one of the most important material objects relating to the times in which Jesus lived. Decorated with very ornate etchings — a practice usually reserved for a high status individual — the ossuary contained collectively the remains of two infants, two teenage boys, an adult woman and a man around 60 years old. Scholars suggest that the remains of the 60-year-old man was probably Joseph, son of Caiaphas, as the ossuary exterior was inscribed “Yehosef bar Qayafa” on the long side and “Yehosef bar Qafa” on the narrow side. 

The tomb and the ossuary of Caiaphas that it contained is one example among 9 other tomb discoveries Tabor discusses in the first installment of his video series. Each discovery excites the imagination in equal measure, providing a fascinating window on the lives and times of First Century Jerusalem, a critical and tumultuous period in religious history.

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The Ossuary of Caiaphas, the High Priest. Note the name inscription on one side. BRBurton, CCO 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Detail view of the Caiaphas ossuary inscription. BRBurton, CCO 1.0 Universal, Wikimedia Commons

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Following is a summary of the tomb discoveries Tabor discusses:

  1. The Ossuary of Yehonatan ben Yeshua (Jonathan son of Yeshua) — This is an ornately inscribed but unprovenanced bone box that came into the possession of Tabor and which awaits publication and return to the collection under management of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
  2. The Ossuary of Caiaphas (summarized above).
  3. The Tomb of Bethphage on the Mount of Olives — A tomb with a circular rolling blocking stone at its entrance. The tomb features early Christian ‘graffiti’ on an internal wall surface. It is suggested by Tabor as a likely candidate for the first (temporary) tomb in which Jesus was laid directly after his crucifixion (not to be confused with the second, more permanent tomb belonging to Joseph of Arimathea as mentioned in the Gospel account).
  4. The Tomb of the Shroud in Hinnom Valley — Located just south of Jerusalem, this tomb was looted when first encountered by Tabor and archaeologist colleague Shimon Gibson. Here, skeletal remains and an intact burial shroud was found within the tomb, a very rare discovery. Also a first, the skeletal remains revealed the deceased suffered from advanced leprosy. The shroud was carbon dated to the 1st century AD.
  5. The Talpiot “Jesus Family” Tomb — First discovered during clearing of the area of Talpiot south of Jerusalem for construction of condominiums in 1980, this tomb contained 10 ossuaries. Six of the ossuaries were inscribed with names identifiable with names known to be associated with Jesus and his family, including the name of Jesus himself.
  6. The Talpiot “Resurrection Tomb” — Discovered just steps away from the “Jesus Family Tomb” and now situated beneath a condominium, this tomb was initially investigated but subsequently re-explored 25 years after its discovery by a team using a robotic arm and camera device. The tomb contained ossuaries with inscribed images and inscriptions relating (by interpretation) to the raising of the dead, or resurrection.
  7. The James Ossuary — This famous ossuary, and the story behind it, featured the inscription, “James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus”.  It was brought to light in 2002 from an antiquities dealer and from the beginning became the center of a debate firestorm. Recent geochemical studies have shown that the ossuary likely originally came from the “Jesus Family Tomb” described above.
  8. The Ossuary of Simon and son Alexandros — One of a number of ossuaries discovered through excavation in 1941 of a tomb by archaeologists in the Kidron Valley near Jerusalem. It featured inscriptions of the names of Simon the Cyrenian (suggested to be the Simon of Cyrenia of the New Testament biblical account), and his son Alexandros.
  9. The Abba Tomb — This tomb was found just north of Jerusalem in 1970. It is where Abba, son of Eliza the Priest, and Mattathia son of Judah were buried. Tabor suggests that this Mattathia (Matthew) was in fact the last Maccabean (Hasmonean) king, Antigonus (aka Mattathia or Mathew). The ossuary associated with Antigonus contained nails used for crucifixion, along with skeletal remains.
  10. The Tomb of Yehochanan — This tomb was found north of Jerusalem not far from the Abba tomb in 1968. It contained the remains of a man who, based on the evidence found in the tomb, was crucified. The evidence uncovered provided new insights on how individuals were crucified during the Late Second Temple period in Jerusalem.
  11. Cave 2001 at Masada — In the 1960’s archaeologists found 25 skeletons of men, women and children who were once living in a cave at the southern tip of the summit of Masada near the Dead Sea during the time of the famous siege of Masada. Suggested to have been among the defenders of Masada during the siege, Tabor theorizes that they were the remains of what was left of the Hasmonean priestly royal family based on DNA analysis.

Tabor hopes to realize future DNA analysis of embedded residues within ossuaries such as those described here to develop family profiles for further study.

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The James ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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Inscription detail, James ossuary. Paradiso, Wikimedia Commons

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Aerial view of Masada. Samirsmier, Pixabay

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For more details about the “Jesus Family Tomb” and the “Resurrection Tomb”, see the article, In Search of the Historical Jesus, previously published in Popular Archaeology Magazine.

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Uncovering Homer & Troy

Much has been written about the ancient city of Troy, in both the academic and mythical sense. What follows is a brief interview with Dr. Paul Cartledge, a renowned British ancient historian and academic, answering with his take on Homer and Troy….

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RM (Richard Marranca):Homer was a bard. Can you tell us what the word “bard” means?

Bust of Homer. British Museum, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

PC: Behind Homer lies an unbroken succession of oral poets or bards stretching back probably to the 13th century BCE at least. ‘Bard’ is how we translate Greek aoidos, which literally means ‘singer’ (masculine). A poiêtês (again, masculine) was literally (just) a ‘maker’, a craftsman, rather than an inspired creator or creative.

 

RM: Could Homer’s Troy be based on some actual place and situation – like competition, a battle, war? And didn’t the Hittites refer to Troy (using a different name) in one of their documents? 

PC: Yes, there are Hittite documents of the 13th century referring to a Wilusa – which sounds like the Greeks’ (W)Ilion. And there are other possible linguistic correspondences in the same Hittite records (excavated from their capital at Boghazkoy in central Anatolia not too far from today’s Ankara – and deciphered): e.g., Ahhijawa has suggested to some ‘Achaea’ (Homer never calls Greeks ‘Hellenes’ but ‘Achaeans’ ‘Danaans’ and ‘Argives’), and an individual called Aleksandu may be an equivalent of Greek Alexandros (another name for Homer’s Paris). So, the Hissarlik site [which is identified as Troy by at least some scholars] could have been within the Hittites’ radar – but there’s no corresponding Greek (Linear B) documentary evidence that it was of the Hellenes…

 

RM: Homer is a real mystery – as is Troy itself. Are the Iliad and the Odyssey by the same author/s?

PC: They are drawn from the same deep well of formulaic epic verse tradition, yes, but only possibly are they by the same master-author/composer, that is, notionally the monumental composer who did a deep dive and came back to the surface with a single theme to unite separately each of the two epics (see above). Experts will tell you that there are differences of not only language but also theological or moral-political outlook between the two, and that may well be so. Experts also themselves differ, not least over the date or dates of the monumental compositions, though most today would I think go for the 8th rather than the 7th (or even 6th) century.

 

RM: How about the search for what was actual or historical?

PC: As to what was or may have been the – actual, historical – causal nexus or context that underlies the ‘Trojan War’ scenario of the Iliad, it’s perfectly possible to imagine some Greeks coming into conflict with some ‘Trojans’ (northwest Anatolians), perhaps over trade, and just about possible to imagine that the theft of a Greek queen/princess might have been a casus belli, but it’s perfectly impossible to imagine any such trade or diplomatic grievance resulting in… Homer’s Trojan War: ten years’ siege, thousands of fighters and ships involved, most with absolutely no stake of any kind in the successful outcome of such a mega-conflict, etc.

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Scene from the Trojan War, as imagined by the painter. Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: Troy, Homer, Heinrich Schliemann – it’s a bit confusing. Can you shed some light on that?

PC: Scholars today argue the toss as between Troy VIh and VIIa for being ‘Homer’s’ city, on the grounds that they’re both about the ‘right’ date (13th century BCE) for the one besieged by Agamemnon & Co. Regardless, not  a trace of evidence has come to light proving, even suggesting, that a Greek siege caused the collapse of either city/level, and there’s general agreement that it was an earthquake or series of them that impacted VIh, anyway. So what Schliemann found – or rather re-found and mostly destroyed – was Homer’s imaginary Troy, not the Trojan War.

 

RM: So, all those (archaeological) layers – the site of Troy itself – has little relation to Troy? Is there any evidence such as fire and skeletons? 

PC: They have every relation to the ‘myth’ of Troy, that is Homer’s imaginary city (cf. the great 2019 British Museum Exhibition ‘Troy – myth and reality’) but little or none to do with — let’s call it ‘the real’ Late Bronze Age site at what in Turkish is now known as Hissarlik! A small cremation cemetery was found outside the walls, associated with the architectural/urban phase archaeologists call VIh (roughly 13th century BCE), but that’s it.

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Archaeological site of Hissarlik (‘Troy’). CherryX, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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RM: Can you speak about some of the early archaeology at Troy with Frank Calvert and Heinrich Schliemann?  

PC: The catalogue of the B.M. exhibition (noted above) has a superb chapter entitled ‘Archaeological Troy’.  There the names of Robert Wood and Charles Maclaren, among many others, are given their due alongside Frank Calvert – as necessary predecessors of Schliemann and his bandits — sorry, team of excavators. Prussian (eastern German) businessman Schliemann set out to prove that Homer was not only an epic poet but in effect a historian, and he did find a site that already the ancient Greeks had identified as Homer’s Troy – they named their new 8th-century settlement nearby Ilion or New Ilion.

 

RM: Did Schliemann do damage to the site?

Heinrich Schliemann, Ed. Schultze Hofphotograph Heidelberg Plöckstrasse 79, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

PC: As to ‘excavation’, well, what Schliemann did beggars the imagination. Driving trenches across and through the tell resulted in incalculable destruction and loss of both artefacts and information. And predictably, Schliemann soon proved himself to be more of a treasure-hunter than archaeologist properly so called, decking out his teenage Greek bride Sophia in what he of course called the jewellery of Helen’.

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RM: And what about that famous mask that he found?

PC: As to the gold so-called ‘mask of Agamemnon’ (found at one of the other major Bronze Age sites he had ‘excavated’, Mycenae in the Peloponnese of mainland Greece), that was several hundred years too old to be the death-mask of any real, historical ‘Agamemnon’, supposing there ever had been any such regal figure.

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The Mask of Agamemnon. Gautier Poupeau, Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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Cover Image, Top Left: Sections of the walls of Hissarlik, or ‘Troy’. Dosseman, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Beyond the Aegean: exploring ancient mobility in western Anatolia

Recently, scholars have focused on changes and transitions among ancient civilizations and population centers of western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean with increasing interest, particularly during the transitional periods from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period. Place names such as Wilusa (Troy), Millawanda (Miletus), Hattusa (of the Hittites), Apasa (Ephesus), Sardis, and population groups like the Luwians, Lydians, Lycians, Carians, and the Mycenaeans, all played prominent roles in events and activities of Bronze Age and Iron Age western and coastal Anatolia, and its interface with the rest of the Aegean world during those time periods. 

Archaeologist and scholar Dr Jana Mokrisova, research associate at the University of  Cambridge, working with the Migration and the Making of the Ancient Greek World project under the direction of Prof. Naoíse Mac Sweeney (University of Vienna), is helping to shed light on various aspects of ancient mobility in the eastern Mediterranean and more specifically, western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean, from the Late Bronze Age to the Classical period.

In a recently published podcast, Beyond the Aegean: exploring ancient mobility in western Anatolia, Mokrisova addresses important questions about this comparatively less known subject and its significance in understanding the ancient history and development of this part of the eastern Mediterranean world.  

The podcast, hosted by Ester Salgarella of Aegean Connections, is available for free at this website.

Cover Image, Top Left: MustangJoe, Pixabay

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Research collaboration dates genetic lineage of Blackfoot Confederacy to late Pleistocene

AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE (AAAS)—A new study* describes a previously unidentified genetic lineage from which the modern-day Blood (Kainai) First Nation/Blackfoot Confederacy descended. Through comparisons of DNA from both Ancestral and modern-day Confederacy members, the work dates this Historic Blackfoot lineage to the late Pleistocene, corroborating established oral and archaeological records. The Blackfoot Confederacy is made of member tribes with ancestral ties to nomadic bison hunters that lived across the Northwestern Plains and Rocky Mountain Front. Oral and archaeological records place them in this region during the end of the last glaciation by at least 10,000 years ago.  Yet, the Blackfoot’s legacy has been contested frequently in land and water rights lawsuits. “The objectives of this study were not only to advance scientific knowledge about Indigenous genomic lineages that can provide insight into the peopling of the Americas but also to provide the Blackfoot with an independent line of evidence for evaluating purported ancestral relationships with other North American groups,” Dorothy First Rider and colleagues write. Here, First Rider et al. analyzed samples from 7 historical Ancestors and 6 living Blackfoot people. They found that ancient and modern DNA had a high proportion of shared alleles, demonstrating genetic continuity over millennia. Further modeling suggests that the Blood/Blackfoot ancient lineage split from other ancestral Indigenous American groups roughly 18,000 years ago. Athabascan and Karitiana then separated from this Historic Blackfoot group 13,000 years ago. Notably, the investigations help answer why Blackfoot language has minimal linguistic overlap with other Algic (or Indigenous North American) languages such as central Algonquian. “Certain elements of Blackfoot are older than proto-Algonquian language and likely were spoken by Indigenous peoples in the aboriginal homelands of the Blackfoot Confederacy,” the authors explain. “This finding changes the traditional anthropological assumption that the Blackfoot language (and, by extension, its speakers) originated in the North American Great Lakes, where Algonquian purportedly evolved.” They add that Historic Blackfoot likely traveled from west to east to end up in the Northwestern Plains.

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Genomic lineages of the Americas that evolved in the Late Pleistocene. Nomenclature follows from (22) with USR1 (2) representing ANC-C, Big Bar (3) representing ANC-D and Historic Blackfoot representing ANC-E. Rider et al., Sci. Adv. 10, eadl6595 (2024)

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Article Source: Science Advances news release

New findings on the world’s oldest wooden hunting weapons

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES—Researchers documented well-preserved wooden tools from a Pleistocene archaeological site in Germany. Little is known about the use of wooden tools by Paleolithic hunter-gatherers due to the poor preservation of wooden artifacts in the archaeological record. Well-preserved wooden tools have been recovered at the 300,000-year-old archaeological site of Schöningen in Germany during excavations starting in 1981. Dirk Leder and colleagues characterized an assemblage of 187 wooden artifacts identified from excavations at Schöningen 13 II-4, known as the Spear Horizon. The wooden artifacts were made from spruce (Picea sp.), larch (Larix sp.), and pine (Pinus sylvestris), primarily using splitting, scraping, and abrasion techniques. The raw materials would not have been available at the former interglacial lakeshore, where the site was located, and must have been transported at least 3–5 kilometers. Based on identification of complete and fragmented spears and throwing sticks, the authors deduced that the assemblage contained an estimated 20–25 hunting weapons. The authors also identified 35 wooden tools likely used in domestic activities, such as processing animal hides. Artifacts identified as working debris suggested that tools were repaired and recycled into new tools at the site. According to the authors, the findings expand understanding of Pleistocene woodworking techniques and provide insight into early human hunting strategies, range expansion, technical and social skills, and cognition. 

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What became famously known as the the ‘Schöningen spears’ were initially excavated between 1994 and 1999 from the above mentioned ‘Spear Horizon’ in the open-cast lignite mine in SchöningenHelmstedt district, Germany. They are considered to be the oldest wood hunting weapons discovered, found in association with animal bones and other stone and bone tools. The spears provided evidence that at least this group of early human ancestors were more sophisticated both technically and socially than previously thought for Middle Pleistocene hominins. 

The age of the spears were originally assessed at between 380,000 and 400,000 years old based on their stratigraphic position at the site, however, later thermoluminescence dating of heated flints in a deposit situated beneath the Spear Horizon showed the spears to be dated between 337,000 and 300,000 years old. Today, the spears are widely regarded as the oldest complete wooden weapons.

Due to the lack of evidence and data on any hominin remains at the site, scientists have not been able to determine the specific hominin, or early human, species responsible for the creation of the implements. Scholars speculate that the most likely candidates would be Homo heidelbergensis or early Neanderthals. The spears provide evidence for the use of wood in making Palaeolithic tools, and their use in hunting by Middle Pleistocene humans.

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The Schöningen excavation site. P. Pfarr NLD, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

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Schöningen spears as presented at the exhibition of the Forschungsmuseum Schöningen. Niedersächsisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege (NLD)

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Spears and throwing sticks discovered from the Spear Horizon. Niedersächsisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege (NLD)

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Working traces on the spear point of Spear V, including annual rings, surface facets, and a flattened knot. Niedersächsisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege (NLD)

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Article Source: Edited from the subject PNAS news release. 

*“The wooden artifacts from Schöningen’s Spear Horizon and their place in human evolution,” by Dirk Leder et al., Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 1-Apr-2024. https://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.2320484121 

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Who were the Neanderthals, really? Read the in-depth, comprehensive premium article that tells the story in the soon-to-be-released new issue of Popular Archaeology. Join today.  

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Ancient DNA reveals the appearance of a 6th century Chinese emperor

CELL PRESS—What did an ancient Chinese emperor from 1,500 years ago look like? A team of researchers reconstructed the face of Chinese Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou using DNA extracted from his remains. The study, published March 28 in the journal Current Biology, suggests the emperor’s death at the age of 36 might be linked to a stroke. It also sheds light on the origin and migration patterns of a nomadic empire that once ruled parts of northeastern Asia.

Emperor Wu was a ruler of the Northern Zhou dynasty in ancient China. Under his reign from AD 560 to AD 578, Emperor Wu built a strong military and unified the northern part of ancient China after defeating the Northern Qi dynasty.

Emperor Wu was ethnically Xianbei, an ancient nomadic group that lived in what is today Mongolia and northern and northeastern China.

“Some scholars said the Xianbei had ‘exotic’ looks, such as thick beard, high nose bridge, and yellow hair,” says Shaoqing Wen, one of the paper’s corresponding authors at Fudan University in Shanghai. “Our analysis shows Emperor Wu had typical East or Northeast Asian facial characteristics,” he adds.

In 1996, archaeologists discovered Emperor Wu’s tomb in northwestern China, where they found his bones, including a nearly complete skull. With the development of ancient DNA research in recent years, Wen and his team managed to recover over 1 million single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) on his DNA, some of which contained information about the color of Emperor Wu’s skin and hair. Combined with Emperor Wu’s skull, the team reconstructed his face in 3D. The result shows Emperor Wu had brown eyes, black hair, and dark to intermediate skin, and his facial features were similar to those of present-day Northern and Eastern Asians.

“Our work brought historical figures to life,” says Pianpian Wei, the paper’s co-corresponding author at Fudan University. “Previously, people had to rely on historical records or murals to picture what ancient people looked like. We are able to reveal the appearance of the Xianbei people directly.”

Emperor Wu died at the age of 36, and his son also died at a young age with no clear reason. Some archaeologists say Emperor Wu died of illness, while others argue the emperor was poisoned by his rivals. By analyzing Emperor Wu’s DNA, researchers found that the emperor was at an increased risk for stroke, which might have contributed to his death. The finding aligns with historical records that described the emperor as having aphasia, drooping eyelids, and an abnormal gait—potential symptoms of a stroke.

The genetic analysis shows the Xianbei people intermarried with ethnically Han Chinese when they migrated southward into northern China. “This is an important piece of information for understanding how ancient people spread in Eurasia and how they integrated with local people,” Wen says.

Next, the team plans to study the people who lived in ancient Chang’an city in northwestern China by studying their ancient DNA. Chang’an was the capital city of many Chinese empires over thousands of years and the eastern terminus of the Silk Road, an important Eurasian trade network from the second century BC until the 15th century. The researchers hope that the DNA analysis can reveal more information about how people migrated and exchanged cultures in ancient China.

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The facial reconstruction of Emperor Wu who was ethnically Xianbei. Pianpian Wei

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Article Source: CELL PRESS news release.

*Current Biology, Du et al. “Ancient genome of the Chinese emperor Wu of Northern Zhou” https://cell.com/current-biology/fulltext/S0960-9822(24)00240-9

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What Bronze Age teeth say about the evolution of the human diet

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS USA—A new paper in Molecular Biology and Evolution, published by Oxford Univeristy Press, uncovers well-preserved microbiomes from two 4,000 year old teeth in a limestone cave in Ireland. These contained bacteria that cause gum disease, as well as the first high quality ancient genome from S. mutans, an oral bacterium that is one of the major causes of tooth decay.

These discoveries allowed the researchers to assess the impact of past dietary changes on the oral microbiome across millennia, including major changes coinciding with the popularization of sugar and industrialization. The teeth, both derived from the same Bronze Age man, also provided a snapshot of oral health in the past, with one tooth showing evidence of microbiome dysbiosis.

Microbial DNA extracted from ancient human teeth can provide information on the evolution of the oral microbiome. How did our ancestors’ mouths differ from our own and why? The excellent preservation of DNA in fossilized dental plaque has made the oral cavity one of the best studied aspects of the ancient human body. However, scientists have retrieved very few full genomes from oral bacteria from prior to the Medieval era. Researchers have limited knowledge about prehistoric bacterial diversity and the relative impact of recent dietary changes compared to ancient ones, such as the spread of farming starting about ten thousand years ago.

S. mutans is the primary cause of dental cavities and very common in oral microbiomes. However, it is exceptionally rare in the ancient genomic record. One reason for its rarity could be its acid-producing nature – this acid causes the tooth to decay but also degrades DNA and prevents plaque from mineralizing. The absence of S. mutans DNA in ancient mouths could also reflect less favorable habitats for the species across most of human history. Archaeologists have observed an uptick in dental cavities in skeletal remains following the adoption of cereal agriculture, but cavities become much more common in the Early Modern period, beginning about 1500 AD.

The sampled teeth were among a large assemblage of skeletal remains excavated from a limestone cave at Killuragh, County Limerick, by the late Peter Woodman of University College Cork. While other teeth in the cave showed advanced dental decay there was no evidence of caries on the sampled teeth. Nevertheless, one tooth root yielded an unprecedented quantity of mutans sequences.

“We were very surprised to see such a large abundance of mutans in this 4,000 year old tooth” said Lara Cassidy, an assistant professor at Trinity College Dublin and senior author of the study. “It is a remarkably rare find and suggests this man was at high risk of developing cavities right before his death.”

The cool, dry, and alkaline conditions of the cave may have contributed to the exceptional preservation of S. mutans DNA, but its high abundance also points to dysbiosis. The researchers found that while S. mutans DNA was plentiful, other streptococcal species were virtually absent from the tooth sample. This implies that the natural balance of the oral biofilm had been upset – mutans had outcompeted the other species leading to a pre-disease state.

The study lends support to the “disappearing microbiome” hypothesis, which proposes the microbiomes of our ancestors were more diverse than our own today. Alongside the S. mutans genome, the authors reconstructed two genomes for T. forsythia – a bacteria involved in gum disease – and found them to be highly divergent from one another, implying much higher levels of strain diversity in prehistoric populations.

“The two sampled teeth contained quite divergent strains of T. forsythia” explained Iseult Jackson, a PhD candidate and first author of the study. “These strains from a single ancient mouth were more genetically different from one another than any pair of modern strains in our dataset, despite these modern samples deriving from Europe, Japan, and the USA. This is interesting because a loss of biodiversity can have negative impacts on the oral environment and human health.”

The reconstructed T. forsythia and S. mutans genomes revealed dramatic changes in the oral microenvironment over the last 750 years. In recent centuries, one lineage of T. forsythia has become dominant in global populations. This is the tell-tale sign of a selective episode – where one strain rises rapidly in frequency due to some genetic advantage. The researchers found that post-industrial T. forsythia genomes have acquired many new genes that help the bacteria colonize the oral environment and cause disease.

S. mutans also showed evidence of recent lineage expansions and changes in gene content, which coincide with the popularization of sugar. However, the investigators found that modern S. mutans populations have remained more diverse than T. forsythia, with deep splits in the mutans evolutionary tree pre-dating the Killuragh genome.  They believe this is driven by differences in the evolutionary mechanisms that shape genome diversity in these species.

S. mutans is very adept at swapping genetic material across strains.” said Cassidy “This allows an advantageous innovation to be spread across mutans lineages, rather than one lineage becoming dominant and replacing all others.”

In effect, both these disease-causing bacteria have changed dramatically from the Bronze Age to today, but it appears that very recent cultural transitions, such as the consumption of sugar, have had an inordinate impact.

The paper, “Ancient genomes from Bronze Age remains reveal deep diversity and recent adaptive episodes for human oral pathobionts,” is available (at midnight on March 27th) at https://academic.oup.com/mbe/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/molbev/msae017.

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Killuragh Cave, County Limerick, Ireland. Sam Moore and Marion Dowd/Molecular Biology and Evolution

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Article Source: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS USA news release

The reason for the proximity between Paleolithic extensive stone quarries and water sources: Elephant hunting by early humans

TEL-AVIV UNIVERSITY—Archaeologists from Tel Aviv University have uncovered the mystery surrounding extensive Paleolithic stone quarrying and tool-making sites: Why did Homo erectus repeatedly revisit the very same locations for hundreds of thousands of years? The answer lies in the migration routes of elephants, which they hunted and dismembered using flint tools crafted at these quarrying sites.

The research was led by Dr. Meir Finkel and Prof. Ran Barkai of Tel Aviv University’s Jacob M. Alkow Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Cultures

The study* was published in the journal Archaeologies.

Prof. Ran Barkai explains: “Ancient humans required three things: water, food and stone. While water and food are necessities for all creatures, humans relied on stone tools to hunt and butcher animals, as they lack the sharp claws or fangs of other predators. The question is, why do we find rock outcrops that were used for the production of flint tools, surrounded by thousands of stone tools, and next to them rock outcrops containing flint that was not used for the production of tools? A study of indigenous groups that lived until recently, with some still alive today, shows that hunter-gatherers attribute great importance to the source of the stone — the quarry itself — imbuing it with potency and sanctity, and hence also spiritual worship. People have been making pilgrimages to such sites for generations upon generations, leaving offerings at the rock outcrop, while adjacent outcrops, equally suitable for stone tool production, remain untouched. We sought to understand why; what is special about these sites?”

For nearly 20 years, Prof. Barkai and his colleagues have been researching flint quarrying and tool-making sites in the Upper Galilee. These sites are characterized by large nodules of flint convenient for crafting and are located within walking distance of the major Paleolithic sites of the Hula Valley — Gesher Benot Ya’akov and Ma’ayan Baruch. These sites boast thousands of quarrying and extraction localities where, until half a million years ago, in the Lower Paleolithic period, prehistoric humans fashioned tools and left offerings, despite the presence of flint in other geological formations in various places. Because elephants were the primary dietary component for these early humans, the Tel Aviv University researchers cross-referenced the database of the sites’ distribution with the database of the elephants’ migration routes, and discovered that the flint quarrying and knapping sites were situated in rock outcrops near the elephants’ migration paths.

“An elephant consumes 400 liters of water a day on average, and that’s why it has fixed movement paths,” says Dr. Finkel. “These are animals that rely on a daily supply of water, and therefore on water sources — the banks of lakes, rivers and streams. In many instances, we discover elephant hunting and processing sites at “necessary crossings” — where a stream or river passes through a steep mountain pass, or when a path along a lakeshore is limited to the space between the shore and a mountain range. At the same time, given the absence of available means of preservation and the presence of predatory animals in the area, the window of opportunity for a group of hunter-gatherers to exhaust their elephant prey was limited. Therefore, it was imperative to prepare suitable cutting tools in large quantities in advance and nearby. For this reason, we find quarrying and knapping sites in the Upper Galilee located a short distance from elephant butchering sites, which are positioned along the elephants’ movement paths.”

Subsequently, the researchers sought to apply an adapted model from the one they developed in Israel to several sites from the Lower Paleolithic period in Asia, Europe and Africa, where such a “triad” exists. These included both sites where the hunted animals were elephants or mammoths, as well as later sites where other animals, such as hippos, camels, and horses, were the prey.

“It appears that the Paleolithic holy trinity holds true universally: Wherever there was water, there were elephants, and wherever there were elephants, humans had to find suitable rock outcrops to quarry stone and make tools in order to hunt and butcher their favorite mega herbivores,” says Prof. Barkai. “It was a tradition: For hundreds of thousands of years the elephants wandered along the same route, while humans produced stone tools nearby. Ultimately, those elephants became extinct, and the world changed forever.”

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Illustration of elephant hunting using spears by Dana Ackerfeld. Dana Ackerfeld

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Article Source: TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY news release.

*Finkel, M., Barkai, R. Quarries as Places of Significance in the Lower Paleolithic Holy Triad of Elephants, Water, and Stone. Arch (2024). https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11759-024-09491-y

Cover Image, Top Left: Mammoth Hunt; Bryant, William Cullen, 1794-1878;Gay, Sydney Howard, 1814-1888; Public Domain, Wikimedia Commons

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The Death Chambers of Herculaneum

No one knows her name.

The hollow cavities that once held her eyes in her last, terrifying, desperate moment of life nearly 2,000 years ago stared back at me in silence. Surrounded by the articulated skeletal remains of family and friends, her bones told a story of a catastrophe that still echoes across time to this day. I was peering into a cave-like construction that once housed fishing equipment — one among 12 of them — neatly arranged as built in a straight-line row along the back perimeter of what is today a flat but stoney surface. It defined the dimensions of what was once an ancient city’s inviting seaside beach. 

Now only a caste replica of the bones she left behind, I knew there was a lost, untold history and personality here that will never be known to today’s living generations.

At least for now, we know how she died, and how quickly.

Through research conducted by a number of researchers, including a team under the leadership of Pierpaolo Petrone of the University Federico II in Naples, scientists have analyzed the skeletal remains of the victims of the volcanic catastrophe of ancient Herculaneum. This research was built upon and confirmed results of previous bioarchaeological and taphonomic studies. Based on the previous studies and their knowledge of how extreme heat can effect the human body, they formulated a horrific and vividly graphic hypothesis for study.

To read more, see the full story at Popular Archaeology Premium.

Cover Image, Top Left: BobFog at Italian Wikipedia, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

Toba supereruption unveils new insights into early human migration

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY—Modern humans dispersed from Africa multiple times, but the event that led to global expansion occurred less than 100,000 years ago. Some researchers hypothesize that dispersals were restricted to “green corridors” formed during humid intervals when food was abundant and human populations expanded in lockstep with their environments. But a new study* in Nature, including ASU researchers Curtis Marean, Christopher Campisano, and Jayde Hirniak, suggests that humans also may have dispersed during arid intervals along “blue highways” created by seasonal rivers. Researchers also found evidence of cooking and stone tools that represent the oldest evidence of archery.

Working in the Horn of Africa, researchers have uncovered evidence showing how early modern humans survived in the wake of the eruption of Toba, one of the largest supervolcanoes in history, some 74,000 years ago. The behavioral flexibility of these people not only helped them live through the supereruption but may have facilitated the later dispersal of modern humans out of Africa and across the rest of the world.

“This study confirms the results from Pinnacle Point in South Africa – the eruption of Toba may have changed the environment in Africa, but people adapted and survived that eruption-caused environmental change,” said Marean, research scientist with the Institute of Human Origins and Foundation Professor with the School of Human Evolution and Social Change.

The team investigated the Shinfa-Metema 1 site in the lowlands of present-day northwestern Ethiopia along the Shinfa River, a tributary of the Blue Nile River.

The supereruption occurred during the middle of the time when the site was occupied and is documented by tiny glass shards whose chemistry matches that of Toba.

Pinpoint timing through cryptotephra

“One of the ground-breaking implications of this study,” said Marean, “is that with the new cryptotephra methods developed for our prior study in South Africa, and now applied here to Ethiopia, we can correlate sites across Africa, and perhaps the world, at a resolution of several weeks of time.” 

Cryptotephra are signature volcanic glass shards that can range from 80–20 microns in size, which is smaller than the diameter of a human hair. To extract these microscopic shards from archaeological sediment requires patience and great attention to detail. 

“Searching for cryptotephra at these archaeological sites is like looking for a needle in a haystack, but not knowing if there is even a needle. However, having the ability to correlate sites 5,000 miles apart, and potentially further, to within weeks instead of thousands of years makes it all worth it,” said Christopher Campisano, research scientist with the Institute of Human Origins and professor with the School of Human Evolution and Social Change.

“This study, once again,” said Campisano, “highlights the importance of the University of Nevada-Las Vegas/Arizona State University team pushing the limits for successfully analyzing extremely low abundance cryptotephra to date and correlate archaeological sites across Africa.” 

The methods for identifying low abundance cryptotephra at Pinnacle Point were first developed at University of Nevada Las Vegas led by the late Gene Smith and Racheal Johnsen and now carried on at Arizona State University’s Sediment and TEphra Preparation (STEP) Lab.

School of Human Evolution and Social Change graduate student Jayde Hirniak led ASU’s effort to create its own cryptotephra lab—the STEP Lab—working with Campisano and building on methods developed at UNLV. Hirniak also collaborated with cryptotephra labs in the United Kingdom that work with sediment samples preserving hundreds or thousands of glass shards. Now Hirniak’s primary expertise is in tephrochronology, which involves the use of volcanic ash to link archaeological and paleoenvironmental records and place them on the same timeline, which was her contribution to this research.

“Our lab at ASU was built to process extremely low abundance cryptotephra horizons (<10 shards per gram) using a highly specialized technique. There are only a few labs in the world with these capabilities,” said Hirniak.

Migrations along “blue highways”

Based on isotope geochemistry of the teeth of fossil mammals and ostrich eggshells, they concluded that the site was occupied by humans during a time with long dry seasons on a par with some of the most seasonally arid habitats in East Africa today. Additional findings suggest that when river flows stopped during dry periods, people adapted by hunting animals that came to the remaining waterholes to drink. As waterholes continued to shrink, it became easier to capture fish without any special equipment, and diets shifted more heavily to fish.

Its climatic effects appear to have produced a longer dry season, causing people in the area to rely even more on fish. The shrinking of the waterholes may also have pushed humans to migrate outward in search of more food.

“As people depleted food in and around a given dry season waterhole, they were likely forced to move to new waterholes,” said John Kappelman, a UT anthropology and earth and planetary sciences professor and lead author of the study. “Seasonal rivers thus functioned as ‘pumps’ that siphoned populations out along the channels from one waterhole to another, potentially driving the most recent out-of-Africa dispersal.

The humans who lived at Shinfa-Metema 1 are unlikely to have been members of the group that left Africa. However, the behavioral flexibility that helped them adapt to challenging climatic conditions such as the Toba supereruption was probably a key trait of Middle Stone Age humans that allowed our species to ultimately disperse from Africa and expand across the globe.

The people living in the Shinfa-Metema 1 site hunted a variety of terrestrial animals, from antelope to monkey, as attested to by cut marks on the bones, and apparently cooked their meals as shown by evidence of controlled fire at the site. The most distinctive stone tools are small, symmetrical triangular points. Analyses show that the points are most likely arrowheads that, at 74,000 years in age, represent the oldest evidence of archery.

ASU’s cryptotephra research was funded by the Hyde Family Foundations, the National Science Foundation, the Institute of Human Origins, and Arizona State University.

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Excavations at a Middle Stone Age archaeological site, Shinfa-Metema 1, in the lowlands of northwest Ethiopia revealed a population of humans at 74,000 years ago that survived the eruption of the Toba supervolcano. From https://topographic-map.com Open Database License (ODbL) v1.0

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A tiny glass shard less than the diameter of human hair was recovered from a Middle Stone Age site in northwest Ethiopia. Its chemistry matches that of the Toba supervolcano located on the other side of the world in Indonesia. The people who lived at this archaeological site survived the supereruption because of their behavioral flexibility. Photograph by Racheal Johnsen.

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Projectile points from a Middle Stone Age archaeological site, Shinfa-Metema 1, in the lowlands of northwest Ethiopia dating from the time of the Toba supereruption at 74,000 years ago provide evidence for bow and arrow use prior to the dispersal of modern humans out of Africa. Photograph by Blue Nile Survey Project.

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Article Source: ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY news release.

The first Neolithic boats in the Mediterranean

PLOS—More than 7,000 years ago, people navigated the Mediterranean Sea using technologically sophisticated boats, according to a study* published March 20, 2024 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Juan F. Gibaja of the Spanish National Research Council, Barcelona and colleagues.

Many of the most important civilizations in Europe originated on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. During the Neolithic, communities clearly traveled and traded across the water, as evidenced by watercraft in the archeological record and the presence of settlements on coasts and islands. In this study, Gibaja and colleagues provide new insights into the history of seafaring technology through analysis of canoes at the Neolithic lakeshore village of La Marmotta, near Rome, Italy.

Excavation at this site has recovered five canoes built from hollowed-out trees (dugout canoes) dating between 5700-5100BC. Analysis of these boats reveals that they are built from four different types of wood, unusual among similar sites, and that they include advanced construction techniques such as transverse reinforcements. One canoe is also associated with three T-shaped wooden objects, each with a series of holes that were likely used to fasten ropes tied to sails or other nautical elements. These features, along with previous reconstruction experiments, indicate these were seaworthy vessels, a conclusion supported by the presence at the site of stone tools linked to nearby islands.

The authors describe these canoes as exceptional examples of prehistoric boats whose construction required a detailed understanding of structural design and wood properties in addition to well-organized specialized labor. Similarities between these canoes and more recent nautical technologies support the idea that many major advances in sailing were made during the early Neolithic. The authors suggest there may be more boats preserved near La Marmotta, a potential avenue for future research.

The authors add: “Direct dating of Neolithic canoes from La Marmotta reveals them to be the oldest in the Mediterranean, offering invaluable insights into Neolithic navigation. This study reveals the amazing technological sophistication of early agricultural and pastoral communities, highlighting their woodworking skills and the construction of complex vessels.”

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Excavation of Canoe 5. Gibaja et al., 2024, PLOS ONE, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Canoe Marmotta 1. On display in the Museo delle Civiltà in Rome. Gibaja et al., 2024, PLOS ONE, CC-BY 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

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Article Source: PLOS news release

*Gibaja JF, Mineo M, Santos FJ, Morell B, Caruso-Fermé L, Remolins G, et al. (2024) The first Neolithic boats in the Mediterranean: The settlement of La Marmotta (Anguillara Sabazia, Lazio, Italy). PLoS ONE 19(3): e0299765. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0299765

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Hominin fossil find in Italy suggests multiple human lineages coexisted during the Middle Pleistocene in Europe

The presence and pattern of peopling of Europe during the Middle Pleistocene (between 770,000 and 126,000 years ago) has long been a subject of debate among scientists. Some scholars suggest coexistence of multiple human lineages during this time in Europe, and others propose a single lineage evolving from Homo heidelbergensis to Homo neanderthalensis. Recently, researchers conducted a morphometric, biomechanical and palaeopathological study of a second right metatarsal SdD2 hominin fossil found at the Sedia del Diavolo site in Italy, and found that the fossil showed features more archaic than those of Neanderthals. From the research, the study authors were also able to suggest a revised assessment of the technology and hunting strategies adopted by Homo in the region between MIS 9 (337,000 to 300,000 years ago) and MIS 8 (301,000 to 245,000 years ago).

“These observations,” state the authors in the published study*, “when interpreted within the context of the available fossil record, may suggest the co-existence of at least two hominin clades in the Italian Peninsula during the beginning of marine isotope stage (MIS) 8”.

Moreover, according to the study authors, the Sedia del Diavolo site provides evidence for the oldest association of a hominin, in this case possibly other than Neanderthal, and Levallois technology, challenging the previously held  paradigm that only Neanderthals were associated with this technology in Europe. Finally, observance of bony stress injuries in the fossil specimen, coupled with the known prevalence of such bone stress injuries in specimens found within Early and Middle Pleistocene fossil assemblages, supports the contention for persistence hunting as a common activity among early members of Homo, the genus through which modern humans have evolved.

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(a) the SdD2 fossil, a second right metatarsal with a bony callus on the distal diaphysis, interpreted as a stress fracture38. From left to right: dorsal, plantar, lateral, and medial views. Reference scale bar 10 mm. (b) the set of landmarks (large spheres) and semilandmarks (small spheres) used for the three-dimensional geometric morphometric analysis of the proximal epiphysis (dark blue), distal epiphysis (light blue) and diaphysis (purple). CC BY-SA 4.0, Riga, A., Profico, A., Mori, T. et al. The Middle Pleistocene human metatarsal from Sedia del Diavolo (Rome, Italy). Sci Rep 14, 6024 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-55045-1

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*Riga, A., Profico, A., Mori, T. et al. The Middle Pleistocene human metatarsal from Sedia del Diavolo (Rome, Italy). Sci Rep 14, 6024 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-55045-1

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Text and images for this article, Riga, A., et al. (see above citation),  CC-BY-SA 4.0 (Creative Commons License)
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The Adventure of Archaeology: Ten Fascinating Stories

Here are the most compelling published stories of Popular Archaeology Magazine. Some have an element of controversy, some discoveries took place decades before, and others entail findings that may lead to further discoveries yet to come. In all cases, they represent the excitement and adventure of archaeology as it opens new and fascinating windows on humanity’s collective past.

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The discovery of the world’s largest trove of ancient writings opened an unparalleled window on a vanished world. Read About It Here

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The story of a forgotten explorer and his intrepid journey to discover great ancient Arabian cities of the Incense Road. Read About It Here

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How an archaeologist-sculptor is bringing bones of the dead back to life. Read About It Here

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Two remarkable sites are shedding light on a critical transitional period in human evolution. Read About It Here

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The startling discovery of million-year-old human footprints on a beach in the United Kingdom had scientists jumping. Read About It Here

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The recent controversial discoveries, and a renowned scholar’s quest to uncover the historical truth about Jesus of Nazareth. Read About It Here

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Excavations of princely tombs are shedding new light on a formative time before the high florescence of the Mycenaean civilization. Read About It Here

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An anthology of articles focusing on the findings that are informing a new paradigm about the early settling of the Americas. Read About It Here

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Archaeologists are unearthing new clues to America’s historic “lost” colony. Read About It Here

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The in-depth story about the controversial discovery of a 130,000-year-old human presence in Southern California. Read About It Here

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Aegean Connections (Episode 2)

Most of us have heard or read about the great Trojan War and the epic journey of Odysseus (otherwise known as Ulysses) through the legendary characters and events as described by Homer in his famous literary works, The Iliad and The Odyssey. Fewer, however, have a more than passing knowledge of the ancient Bronze and Iron Age peoples who many scholars suggest may have formed the historical basis for Homer’s epic mythical stories, such as the Mycenaeans and Minoans. The real story of these civilizations has slowly come to light through the painstaking efforts of archaeologists and scholars, popularized by the media over the years, but documented and studied more meticulously within the halls of academia. Despite the efforts to come to a greater understanding, mysteries still abound and there are more questions than answers.

Dr. Ester Salgarella, who received her Ph.D from Cambridge University and subsequently conducted post-doctoral research at the university, has developed and released a new podcast series, entitled Aegean Connections, that explores all facets of these civilizations, bringing the research out from the confines of the scholarly “ivory tower” and into the listening ear of the general public. She does this by conducting interviews of the very scholars who engage in the study and research, focusing on such topics as undeciphered scripts, the life-ways and origins of these Aegean peoples, and many other topics to “build a bridge between scholars (both well-established and early-career) in Aegean-oriented academic fields and the wider audience….,” according to Salgarella. 

Linear B tablet Clay from Pylos end of 13th century BCE NAM Athens. Mary Harrsch, CC BY-SA 4.0, Wikimedia Commons

The second episode of the series, released on February 6, 2024, interviews Dr. Rachele Pierini, a Senior Researcher and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellow at the Centre for Textile Research, Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen. In this episode, the listener will learn a few fascinating things about this ancient script, used by the ancient Mycenaeans to write the earliest attested form of the Greek language. Rachele will tell us about how Linear B textual evidence is incorporated into her current research related to textile production, sustainability, gender identity and cultural identity, showing how a Bronze Age script can be used as an example of how the past can inform and explain the present.

Anyone can listen to the podcast, which is free to the public.

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Above: Fresco wall painting detail created by an ancient Minoan artist at Akrotiri, depicting a city and the seafaring adventures of this maritime civilization.

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Cover Image, Above: Image by Vektorianna, Pixabay